THI     IN  CAS  OF 
PERU 


SIR  CLEMENTS  R.MARKHAM 


THE  LIBRARY 
OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 

OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 


THE  INCAS  OF  PEEU 


Frontispiece 


BRIDGE   OVER    GORGE    OF    RIO    DE    PAMPAS       See  p.   178 


THE 

INCAS    OF    PEKU 


BY 


SIE  CLEMENTS   MAEKHAM,  K.C.B. 

D.SC.  (Camb.),  F.R.S.,  F.B.G.S.,  F.S.A. 

CORRESPONDING  MEMBER  OF  THE  ROYAL  ACADEMY  OP   HISTORY  AT  MADRID 
AND  OP  THE    GEOGRAPHICAL  SOCIETIES  OP  PERU  AND  BOLIVIA 


WITH    16   ILLUSTRATIONS  AND   A  MAP 


THIRD   IMPRESSION   (SECOND  EDITION^ 


NEW  YOKE 
E.  P.  BUTTON  AND  COMPANY 

XI  WBST  TWBNTY-THIBD  STREET 

1912 

till    rights    reserved] 


PREFACE 

THE  fascinating  story  of  Inca  civilisation  was 
told  to  our  fathers  by  Dr.  Robertson,  whose 
'  History  of  America '  appeared  in  1778,  and  to 
ourselves  by  Mr.  Prescott,  whose  '  Conquest  of 
Peru '  was  published  in  1843.  It  is  assumed  that 
most  educated  people  have  read  the  latter  work. 
But  since  its  publication  a  great  deal  of  subse- 
quently discovered  material  has  quite  altered  our 
view  of  some  things,  and  thrown  entirely  new 
light  upon  others.  Yet  Mr.  Prescott 's  work  can 
never  lose  its  high  position  as  a  carefully  written 
and  very  charming  history. 

It  is  now  more  than  sixty  years  ago  since  the 
present  writer  came  under  the  influence  of  that 
fascination,  when,  as  a  naval  cadet  on  board  H.M.S. 
Collingwood,  the  flagship  in  the  Pacific,  he  first 
gazed  on  the  land  of  the  Incas.  The  noble 
Symondite  line-of-battle  ship  rounded  the  northern 
headland  of  San  Lorenzo  Island,  and  made  her 
stately  way  to  her  anchorage  in  Callao  roads.  I 
was  just  fourteen,  and  under  the  wing  of  Lieu- 
tenant Peel,  aged  nineteen  (afterwards  the  gallant 
Sir  William  Peel),  who  was  officer  of  my  watch 


VUl  PREFACE 

lucidly  the  comparative  value  of  the  authorities 
he  had  used,  adding  that  there  were  probably 
others  of  equal  importance  that  he  had  not  seen. 
Once  he  said  that  no  history  could  be  quite  satis- 
factory unless  the  author  was  personally  ac- 
quainted with  the  localities  he  had  to  describe. 
He  gave  me  valuable  advice,  and  said  that  he 
would  be  much  interested  in  the  results  of  my 
journey.  I  used  to  drive  over  the  country  in  a 
buggy,  and  pull  on  the  quiet  little  Nississisett  river 
with  Amory.  My  stay  of  ten  days  at  Pepperell, 
with  the  great  historian,  is  a  time  which  I  always 
look  back  to  with  feelings  of  pleasure  and  gratitude. 
It  was  a  fitting  introduction  to  my  Peruvian 
researches. 

From  Lima  I  made  several  excursions,  and 
explored  the  coast  from  Lima  to  Nasca.  Crossing 
an  unfrequented  pass  of  the  Andes  from  Yea, 
I  made  several  excursions  from  my  headquarters 
at  Ayacucho,  and  eventually  went  thence  to 
Cuzco.  At  the  city  of  the  Incas  I  remained 
several  weeks,  carefully  examining  the  ruins,  and 
learning  much  from  such  recipients  of  folklore 
as  Dr.  Julian  Ochoa  and  the  Senora  Astete.  From 
Cuzco  I  went  to  the  valley  of  Vilcamayu  occupied 
in  researches,  and  then  over  the  Andes  to  spend 
a  fortnight  with  Dr.  Justiniani,  a  descendant  of 
the  Incas,  at  Laris,  and  to  copy  his  manuscripts. 


PREFACE  is 

My  next  journey  was  to  Paucartambo,  whence 
I  penetrated  far  into  the  wild  montana.  Finally 
I  went  from  Cuzco  to  Arequipa  by  the  lofty  pass 
of  Rumihuasi. 

On  my  return  to  England  I  continued  my 
studies  until,  in  1859  to  1861,  I  was  engaged  on 
the  important  public  service  of  introducing  the 
cultivation  of  the  various  species  of  quinine-yielding 
chinchona  trees  from  South  America  into  British 
India.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  making  the  acquaint- 
ance of  that  splendid  old  warrior,  General  Miller, 
who  referred  me  to  new  mines  of  information 
among  the  '  Papeles  Varios '  of  the  Lima  library. 
During  my  journeys  I  was  able  to  explore  great 
part  of  the  northern  half  of  the  basin  of  Lake 
Titicaca,  and  the  Montana  of  Caravaya.  I  also 
collected  several  Quichua  songs.  Throughout  my 
journeys  in  Peru  I  received  the  heartiest  welcomes 
and  the  most  unbounded  hospitality  and  kindness. 
The  three  Indians  who  went  with  me  into  the 
forests  of  Caravaya  were  obliging,  willing,  and 
faithful.  My  experience  with  them  and  others 
gave  me  a  high  opinion  of  the  Indian  character. 

Since  my  return  from  Peru,  nearly  fifty  years 
ago,  I  have  kept  up  my  knowledge  of  the  literary 
labours  of  the  Peruvians,  in  the  direction  of  Inca 
research,  by  correspondence  with  friends,  and  the 
receipt  of  books  and  pamphlets.  My  most  valued 


X  PREFACE 

correspondents  have  been  Don  E.  Larrabure  y 
Unanue,  Don  Manuel  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  Don 
Jose  Toribio  Polo,  and  Don  Ricardo  Palma.  I 
also  received  much  kind  assistance  from  friends  in 
Spain,  now  departed,  Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos, 
and  especially  from  Don  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la 
Espada.  The  literary  labours  of  these  and  other 
Spanish  and  Peruvian  authors  attain  a  high 
standard.  I  have  since  devoted  my  efforts  to 
a  complete  mastery  of  all  the  original  authorities 
on  Inca  history  and  civilisation.  It  is  not  enough 
to  dip  into  them,  nor  even  to  read  them,  in  order 
to  obtain  such  a  mastery.  The  problems  that 
present  themselves  in  the  study  of  Inca  civili- 
sation are  often  complicated,  they  need  much 
weighing  of  evidence,  and  are  difficult  of  solution. 
My  own  studies  have  extended  over  many  years, 
during  which  time  I  have  translated  and  anno- 
tated the  principal  authorities,  made  indexes,1  and 


i  My  labours  extend  over  fifty  years,  from  1859  to  1909,  and 
consist  of  the  following  publications  : — 

1.  '  The   Earliest    Expeditions   into   the    Vattey  of  tke 

Amazons  '        . .          . .          . .          . .          . .          . .     1859 

2.  '  Chronicle  of  Cieza  de  Leon.'     Part  I 1864 

3.  „  „  „         Part  II  ..          ..     1883 

4.  '  Royal  Commentaries  of  the  Inca   Garcilasso  de  la 

Vega  ' 1869  and  1871 

5.  '  Reports  on  the  Discovery  of  Pern  '   by  Xeres  and 

Aside -t  .«{       ..     1872 

6.  '  Rites  and  Laws  of  the  Incas  '  by  Molina       . .          . .     1872 

7.  '  Antiquities  of  Peru,'  by  the  Indian  Salcamayhua    . .     1872 


PREFACE  xi 

compared  their  various  statements  on  each  point  as 
it  arises.  Without  such  thoroughness,  an  author 
is  scarcely  justified  in  entering  upon  so  difficult 
and  complicated  an  inquiry. 

Having  reached  my  eightieth  birthday,  I  have 
abandoned  the  idea  of  completing  a  detailed 
history  which  I  once  entertained.  But  I  have  felt 
that  a  series  of  essays,  based  upon  my  researches, 
might  at  all  events  be  published  with  advantage, 
as  the  subject  is  one  of  general  interest,  alike 
fascinating  and  historically  important,  and  as  the 
results  of  the  studies  of  a  lifetime  are  likely  to  be 
of  some  value.  In  the  form  in  which  the  essays  are 
presented,  it  is  my  hope  that  they  will  be  interesting 
to  the  general  reader,  while  offering  useful  material 
for  study  to  the  more  serious  historical  student. 

8.  '  Narrative   of   the    Idolatry    and    Superstitions    in 

Huarochiri,'  Avila        . .         . .         . .         . .         . .     1872 

9.  '  Report  of  Polo  de  Ondegardo '  on  Inca  Administration     1872 

10.  '  Natural  History  of  the  Indies,'  by  Acosta  . .         . .     1879 

11.  '  Voyages  of  Pedro  Sarmiento  '  . .         . .         . .         . .     1894 

12.  '  History  of  the  Incas,'  by  Sarmiento  . .         . .         . .     1907 

(The  above  published  by  the  Hakluyt  Society) 
Still  in  MS.,  translations  of  the  works  of  : — 

13.  Montesinos. 

14.  The  Anonymous  Jesuit  (Bias  Valera). 

15.  Balboa. 

16.  Betanzos. 

17.  Santittana. 

18.  Martin  de  Morua. 

Contributions  for  a  Quichua  grammar  and  dictionary    1864 
Translation  of  the  drama  of  Ollantay     . .          . .          . .     1871 

Revised  Quichua  dictionary       . .          . .          . .          . .     1908 


Ill  PREFACE 

I  have  added,  as  appendices,  a  translation  of 
the  Inca  drama  of  Ollantay;  and  a  curious  love 
story  told  to  Morua  by  Amautas,  in  about  1585. 
It  is  one  of  the  very  few  remains  of  ancient  Inca 
folklore. 

The  accompanying  map  is  used  for  the  illustra- 
tion of  this  work  by  permission  of  the  council  of 
the  Royal  Geographical  Society.  The  original 
compilation  and  drawing  has  been  made  on  a  scale 
of  1  :  1,000,000  in  four  sheets;  but  for  the  purpose 
of  publication  the  map  has  been  reduced  to  a  scale 
of  1  :  2,000,000.  The  map  extends  from  8°  to 
18°  S.  and  from  65°  to  74°  W.,  the  area  included 
being  about  418,000  square  miles.  No  regular 
surveys  exist  of  the  region  as  a  whole,  nor  are 
any  likely  to  be  undertaken  for  years  to  come. 
Consequently,  for  the  greater  part  of  it,  the 
mapping  has  depended  upon  route  traverses 
varying  considerably  in  merit,  but  fairly  good 
in  cases  where  astronomical  observations  have 
been  taken. 

The  compilation  and  drawing  has  taken  two 
years,  and  has  necessitated  comparing  and 
determining  the  value  of  a  large  amount  of 
cartographical  material  and  many  observations. 

About  sixty  observed  positions  for  latitude  and 
twenty  for  longitude  have  been  accepted,  and  the 
materials  used  include  thirty-two  recent  maps  and 


PREFACE  xiii 

reports.  The  map  includes  the  original  land 
of  the  Incas,  the  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca,  and 
the  eastern  montana. 

I  have  to  thank  the  Government  of  Peru  and 
the  Lima  Geographical  Society,  as  well  as  many 
others,  for  much  valuable  assistance  in  the  pro- 
vision of  materials.  The  very  difficult  work 
of  compilation  has  been  admirably  done  by 
Mr.  Reeves,  the  accomplished  Map  Curator 
of  the  Royal  Geographical  Society,  and  by 
Mr.  Batchelor,  the  very  able  draughtsman. 


CLEMENTS  R.   MARKHAM. 


21  ECCLBSTON  SQUARE,  S.W, 
July  1910* 


CONTENTS 

:<3HAP.  PAGE 

I.  THE  TELLERS  OF  THE  STORY        ...         1 

II.  THE  MEGALITHIC  AGE .         .         .         .21 

III.  THE  LIST  OF  KINGS  .         .  .40 

IV.  THE  PACCARI-TAMPU  MYTH         ...       48 
V.  RISE  OF  THE  INCAS 58 

VI.    THE  STOLEN  CHILD 68 

VII.    EMPIRE 78 

VIII.    RELIGION  OF  THE  INCAS     ....  96 

IX.    THE  INCA  CALENDAR,  FESTIVALS,  AND  DRESS 

OF  THE  SOVEREIGN  AND  HIS  QUEEN         .  115 

X.    LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE  OF  THE  INCAS    .  137 

XI.    CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE         .        .         .  159 

NOTE  TO  THE  CHAPTER  ON   THE  CONDITION  OF 

THE  PEOPLE     ......  170 

XII.    TTAHUA-NTIN-SUYU 173 

L      CtTNTI-StTYTJ         .....         173 

n.  CHINCHAY-SUYTT  .  .  .  .177 
IIL  COLLA-SUYU  .  .  .  .  .186 
IV.  ANTI-SUYO  .....  192 

XIII.  THE  COAST  VALLEYS  .         .        .         .200 

XIV.  THE  CHIMU         .         .         .         .         .         .207 

XV.    THE  CHINCHA  CONFEDERACY       .         .         .     227 

XVI.    THE  CATACLYSM        • .,,  I  ;. .         .         .         „    240 

XVII.    GARCILASSO  INCA  DE  LA  VEGA       .         .         .     260 

XVIII.    THE  LAST  OF  THE  INCAS  .         .         .285 

APPENDICES 

A.  NOTE  ON  THE  CHAPTER  ON  THE  LIST  OF  KINGS  .  303 

B.  NOTE  ON  THE  NAMES  QUICHUA  AND  AYMARA         .  311 

C.  NOTE  ON  THE  ARCHITECTURE  AND  ARTS  OF  THE  INCAS  318 

D.  THE  INCA  DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY          .        .        .  321 

E.  INCA  FOLKLORE  :     THE  LOVE    STORY   GIVEN    IN 

THE  WORK  OF  MORUA          .....    408 

INDEX  415 


xvi  CONTENTS 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAOH 

BRIDGE  OVER  GORGE  OF  Rio  DE  PAMPAS  .  Frontispiece 
MONOLITHIC  DOORWAY,  TIAHUANACU  .  To  face  page  26 
PART  OF  CARVED  BORDER,  TIAHUANACU 

DOORWAY „      „ 

SACSAHUAMAN  FORTRESS,  Cuzco       .         .  „      ,, 

CHAVIN  STONE         .....  „      ., 

BRIDGE  OVER  THE  APURIMAC            .         .  „      ,,        78 

WALLS  OF  THE  TEMPLE  OF  THE  SUN,  Cuzco  ,,      „      104 

MAIZE  CONOPA „      „       112 

THE  INTI-HUATANA  OF  PISSAC  .  .  In  text  116 
HEAD-DRESS  OF  HIGH  PRIEST  .  .  To  face  page  \ 

GOLD  TUPU  OR  PIN         ....  „      „     rl!9 

GOLD  BREASTPLATE  FROM  Cuzco      .         .  „      „    j 

LARGE  MONOLITH  ON  CITADEL  OF  OLLAN-  \ 

TAY-TAMPU „         „      [ 

UPPER  TERRACE  ON  CITADEL  OF  OLLAN- 


1 


TAY-TAMPU  .         .         .         .         .         .          ;, 

ANTI-SUYU  FOREST  ....          „      „      194 

COLCAMPATA,  CUZCO        ...         .         „      „      286 


MAP  OF  THE  EMPIRE  OF  THE  INCAS  (SOUTH 
PERU  AND  NORTH  BOLIVIA)  .         .         * .  '      At  end 


THE   INCAS   OF    PERU 

CHAPTER  I 

THE  TELLERS   OF  THE   STORY 

BEFORE  entering  upon  a  contemplation  of  the 
Inca  history  and  civilisation,  a  story  of  no  ordinary 
interest,  it  seems  natural  to  wish  for  some  acquaint- 
ance with  those  who  told  the  story.  It  is  not 
intended  to  enter  upon  a  full  critical  examination 
of  their  work.  That  has  been  done  elsewhere.1 
It  will  suffice  to  give  a  more  popular  account  of 
the  tellers  of  the  story. 

Rude  and  destructive  as  most  of  the  Spanish 
conquerors  were,  and  as  all  are  generally  supposed 
to  have  been,  there  were  some  who  sympathised 
with  the  conquered  people,  were  filled  with  admira- 
tion at  their  civilisation  and  the  excellent  results 
of  their  rule,  and  were  capable  of  making  researches 
and  recording  their  impressions.  Nor  were  these 
authors  confined  to  the  learned  professions.  First 
and  foremost  were  the  military  writers.  Some  of 
their  works  are  lost  to  us,  but  the  narratives  of  at 
least  four  have  been  preserved. 

i  See  the  Narrative  and  Critical  History  of  America  (New  York 
and  Boston,  1889),  vol.  ii.  chap.  iv.  p.  259. 


2  CIEZA  DE  LEON 

Among  these  Pedro  de  Cieza  de  Leon  takes 
the  first  and  most  honourable  place.  Imagine 
a  little  boy  of  fourteen  entering  upon  a  soldier's 
life  in  the  undiscovered  wilds  of  South  America, 
and,  without  further  instruction,  becoming  the 
highest  authority  on  Inca  history.  It  seems 
wonderful,  yet  it  was  at  the  early  age  of  fourteen 
that  Cieza  de  Leon  embarked  for  the  new  world. 
He  was  born  in  1519  at  the  town  of  Llerena,  in 
Estremadura,  about  nineteen  leagues  east  of  Badajos, 
at  the  foot  of  the  Sierra  de  San  Miguel,  a  Moorish 
looking  place  surrounded  by  a  wall  with  brick 
towers,  and  five  great  gates.  It  produced  several 
distinguished  men,  including  Juan  de  Pozo,  the 
watchmaker  who  placed  the  giralda  on  the  tower 
of  Seville  Cathedral.  At  Llerena  Pedro  de  Cieza 
passed  his  childhood,  but  his  boyhood  was  scarce 
begun  when  he  embarked  at  Seville ;  serving 
under  Pedro  de  Heredia,  the  founder  and  first 
governor  of  Carthagena,  on  the  Spanish  Main. 
Soon  afterwards,  in  1538,  young  Pedro  de  Cieza 
joined  the  expedition  of  Vadillo  up  the  valley  of 
the  Cauca.  At  an  age  when  most  boys  are  at 
school,  this  lad  had  been  sharing  all  the  hardships 
and  perils  of  seasoned  veterans,  and  even  then 
he  was  gifted  with  powers  of  observation  far 
beyond  his  years. 

The  character  of  our  soldier  chronicler  was 
destined  to  be  formed  in  a  rough  and  savage 
school.  It  is  certainly  most  remarkable  that  so 
fine  a  character  should  have  been  formed  amidst 


CIEZA  DE  LEON  3 

all  the  horrors  of  the  Spanish  American  conquests. 
Humane,    generous,    full    of    noble    sympathies, 
observant  and  methodical ;    he  was  bred  amidst 
scenes  of  cruelty,  pillage,  and  wanton  destruction, 
which  were  calculated  to  produce  a  far  different 
character.    Considering  the  circumstances  in  which 
he  was  placed  from  early  boyhood,  his  book  is 
certainly  a  most  extraordinary,  as  well  as  a  most 
valuable,    result    of    his    military    services    and 
researches.     He  began  to  write  a  journal  when 
serving  under  Robledo  in  the  Cauca  valley  in  1541. 
He  says :  '  As  I  noted  the  many  great  and  strange 
things  that  are  to  be  seen  in  the  new  world  of  the 
Indies  there  came  upon  me  a  strong  desire  to 
write  an  account  of  some  of  them,  as  well  those 
which  I  have  seen  with  my  own  eyes  as  those  I 
heard  of  from  persons  of  good  repute/    In  another 
place  he  says  :  *  Oftentimes  when  the  other  soldiers 
were   sleeping,    I  was   tiring   myself  in   writing. 
Neither  fatigue  nor  the  ruggedness  of  the  country, 
nor   the   mountains   and   rivers,    nor   intolerable 
hunger  and  suffering,  have  ever  been  sufficient  to 
obstruct   my  two    duties,    namely,    writing   and 
following  my  flag  and  my  captain  without  fault/ 
Cieza  de  Leon  made  his  way  by  land  to  Quito, 
and  then  travelled  all  over  Peru  collecting  informa- 
tion.   He  finished  the  first  part  of  his  '  Chronicle ' 
in  September  1550,  when  at  the  age  of  thirty-two. 
It  is  mainly  a  geographical  description  of  the 
country,    with   sailing   directions   for   the   coast, 
and  an  account  of  the  Inca  roads  and  bridges.     In 

b  2 


4  BETANZOS 

the  second  part  he  reviewed  the  system  of  govern- 
ment of  the  Incas,  with  the  events  of  each  reign. 
He  spared  no  pains  to  obtain  the  best  and  most 
authentic  information,  and  in  1550  he  went  to 
Cuzco  to  confer  with  one  of  the  surviving  Incas. 
His  sympathy  with  the  conquered  people,  and 
generous  appreciation  of  their  many  good  qualities, 
give  a  special  charm  to  his  narrative. 

Cieza  de  Leon  stands  first  in  the  first  rank  of 
authorities  on  Inca  civilisation.1 

Another  soldier-author  was  Juan  de  Betanzos. 
We  first  hear  of  his  book  from  Friar  Gregorio  de 
Garcia,  who  wrote  his  *  Origen  de  los  Indios '  in 
1607.  He  announced  that  he  possessed  the  manu- 
script of  Betanzos,  and  he  made  great  use  of  it, 
copying  the  first  two  chapters  wholesale.  The 
incomplete  manuscript  in  the  Escurial,  of  which 
Prescott  had  a  copy,  only  contains  the  eighteen 
first  chapters  and  part  of  another.  It  was  edited 

1  The  first  part  is  quoted  thirty  times,  oftener  than  any  other 
authority,  by  the  Inca  Garcilasso.  He  copies  long  and  important 
passages.  The  first  part  was  published  in  1554. 

Prescott  quotes  Cieza  oftener  than  any  other  authority  except 
Garcilasso  :  Garcilasso  89,  Cieza  45  times. 

The  second  part  has  a  curious  history.  The  MS.  narrative, 
which  Prescott  referred  to  as  '  Sanniento,'  is  in  reality  the  second 
part  of  the  Chronicle  of  Cieza  de  Leon.  It  was  addressed  to  Juan 
Sarmiento,  then  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  Prescott 
assumed  that  he  was  the  author.  The  MS.  was  preserved  in  the 
Escurial,  and  a  copy  was  sent  to  Prescott.  The  text  was  printed 
by  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  in  1873,  and  by  Jimenez  de  la  Espada 
at  Madrid  in  1880.  English  editions  of  the  first  part  in  1864, 
and  the  second  part  in  1883,  were  translated  and  edited  by  Sir 
Clements  Markham  for  the  Hakluyt  Society. 


BETANZOS  5 

and  printed  in  1880  by  Jimenez  de  la  Espada. 
The  complete  manuscript  which  belonged  to  Garcia 
has  not  been  found.  Juan  de  Betanzos  was 
probably  from  Galicia,  and  came  to  Peru  with 
Hernando  Pizarro.  He  became  a  citizen  of  Cuzco, 
and  married  a  daughter  of  the  Inca  Atahualpa. 
Betanzos  took  great  pains  to  learn  the  Quichua 
language,  and  was  employed  to  negotiate  with  the 
Incas  in  Vilcapampa.  He  was  appointed  official 
interpreter  to  the  Audiencia  and  to  successive 
Viceroys.  His  principal  work,  entitled  '  Suma  y  nar- 
racion  de  los  Incas/  was  composed  by  order  of  the 
Viceroy,  Don  Antonio  de  Mendoza,  and  was  finished 
in"  1551,  but  was  not  published  owing  to  the 
Viceroy's  death.  He  also  wrote  a  '  Doctrina/  and 
two  vocabularies  which  are  lost.  The  date  of  the 
death  of  Betanzos  is  unknown,  but  he  certainly 
lived  twenty  years  after  he  wrote  the  '  Suma  y 
narracion/  Betanzos  was  imbued  with  the  spirit 
of  the  natives,  and  he  has  portrayed  native  feeling 
and  character  as  no  other  Spaniard  could  have  done. 
He  gives  an  excellent  and  almost  dramatic  account 
of  the  Chanca  war  with  the  Incas,  and  his  versions 
of  the  early  myths  are  important.  He  ranks  next 
to  Cieza  de  Leon  as  an  authority. 

Sarmiento,  a  militant  sailor,  is  the  highest 
authority  as  regards  the  historical  events  of  the 
Inca  period,  though  his  work  has  only  quite  recently 
been  brought  to  light.  The  beautiful  manuscript, 
illustrated  with  coats  of  arms,  found  its  way  into 
the  library  of  Gronovius,  and  was  bought  for  the 


6  SAEMIENTO 

University  of  Gottingen  in  1785.  It  remained 
in  the  university  library,  unnoticed,  for  120 
years.  But,  in  August  1906,  the  learned  librarian, 
Dr.  Pietschmann,  published  the  text  at  Berlin, 
carefully  edited  and  annotated  and  with  a  valuable 
introduction.1 

Pedro  Sarmiento  de  Gamboa  was  a  seaman  of 
some  distinction,  and  was  a  leader  in  Mandana's 
voyage  to  the  Solomon  Islands.3  He  accompanied 
the  Viceroy  Toledo,  and  was  employed  by  that 
statesman  to  write  a  history  of  the  Incas.  It  is 
without  doubt  the  most  authentic  and  reliable 
we  possess,  as  regards  the  course  of  events.  For 
it  was  compiled  from  the  carefully  attested  evidence 
of  the  Incas  themselves,  who  were  officially  examined 
on  oath,  so  that  Sarmiento  had  the  means  of 
obtaining  accurate  information  which  no  other 
writer  possessed.  The  chapters  were  afterwards 
read  over  to  the  forty-two  Incas  who  gave  evidence, 
in  their  own  language,  and  received  their  final 
corrections.  The  history  was  finished  and  sent  to 
Spain  in  1572. 

Pedro  Pizarro,  who  was  a  cousin  of  the  con- 
queror, went  to  Peru  as  his  page  when  only  fifteen. 
He  eventually  retired  to  Arequipa,  where  he 
wrote  his  '  Kelaciones/  finished  in  1571.  Prescott 

1  It  was  translated  into  English  by  Sir  Clements  Markham  for 
the  Hakluyt  Society  in  1907. 

2  For  an  account  of  the  adventurous  life  of  Sarmiento  see  the 
introduction  to  his  voyages  by  Sir  Clements  Markham  (Hakluyt 
Society,  1895). 


THE  LAWYRES  7 

had  a  copy  of  the  manuscript,  but  it  was  not 
printed  until  quite  recently.1  There  were  other 
writers  among  the  military  men,  notably  Francisco 
de  Chaves,  but  their  work  is  lost  to  us. 

Among  the  lawyers  the  work  of  Zarate  was 
published  in  1555,  differing  a  good  deal  from  the 
manuscript,  and  it  is  not  of  much  value.  The 
writings  of  the  licentiate  Polo  de  Ondegardo  are 
more  important.  He  occupied  the  post  of  Corre- 
gidor  of  Cuzco  in  1560,  and  accompanied  the 
Viceroy  Toledo  on  his  journey  of  inspection  ten 
years  afterwards.  He  made  researches  into  the 
laws  and  administration  of  the  Incas,  but  his 
knowledge  of  the  language  was  limited.  His 
two  'Kelaciones'  were  written  in  1561  and  1570. 
They  have  never  been  printed.  Prescott  had 
copies  of  them.  Another  'Beport'  by  Polo  is  in 
the  National  Library  at  Madrid.  It  describes  the 
division  and  tenure  of  land,  and  some  adminis- 
trative details.  The  'Relacion'  of  Fernando  de 
Santillan  is  of  about  the  same  value,  and  was 
written  at  the  same  period.3  It  is  mainly  devoted 
to  a  discussion  of  the  laws  and  customs  relating 
to  the  collection  of  tribute.  The  licentiate  Juan 
de  Matienza  was  a  contemporary  of  Ondegardo  and 
Santillan,  and  discussed  the  ancient  institutions 
with  the  same  objects.  His  manuscript  is  in  the 
British  Museum.  In  the  following  century  Juan 

1  In  the  Coleccion  de  documenlos  ineditos  para  la  Historia  de 
Espana,  v.  201-388. 

2  Edited  and  printed  by  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  in  1879, 


8  ACOSTA 

de  Solorzano  digested  the  numerous  laws  in  the 
'  Politica  Indiana/  and  the  prolific  legislation  of 
the  Viceroy  Toledo  is  embodied  in  the  '  Ordenanzas 
del  Peru/  published  at  Lima  in  1683.  All  the 
lawyers  who  studied  the  subject  express  their 
admiration  of  the  government  of  the  Incas. 

The  geographers  were  the  local  officials  who  were 
ordered  to  draw  up  topographical  reports  on  their 
several  provinces.  Most  of  these  reports  were 
written  between  1570  and  1590,  and  they  naturally 
vary  very  much  in  value.  The  '  Relaciones  Geo- 
graficas  de  Indias  (Peru) '  were  published  at  Madrid 
in  four  large  volumes,  between  1881  and  1897. 

The  priests  were  the  most  diligent  inquirers 
respecting  the  native  religion,  rites  and  ceremonies. 
The  first  priest  who  came  with  Pizarro  was  the 
Dominican  friar,  Vicente  de  Valverde.  He  wrote 
a  '  Carta  Relacion '  on  the  affairs  of  Peru,  and  some 
letters  to  Charles  V,  containing  original  informa- 
tion, but  he  left  the  country  in  1541,  and  was 
there  too  short  a  time  for  his  writings  to  be  of 
much  value.  The  best  known  clerical  author  on 
Peru  was  the  Jesuit  Josef  de  Acosta,  who  was 
born  at  Medina  del  Campo  in  1540,  and  was  in 
Peru  from  1570  to  1586,  travelling  over  all  parts 
of  the  country.  He  then  went  to  Mexico,  and 
died  at  Salamanca  in  1600.  His  great  work, 
'  Historia  Natural  de  las  Indias/  in  its  complete 
form,  was  first  published  at  Seville  in  1590.  Hak- 
luyt  and  Purchas  gave  extracts  from  it,  and  the 
whole  work  was  translated  into  English  in  1604 


MOLINA— BALBOA  9 

by  Edward  Grimston.  It  was  much  used  by 
subsequent  writers.  The  Inca  Garcilasso  quotes 
it  twenty-seven  times,  and  Prescott  nineteen  times. 
Acosta's  work  will  always  be  valuable,  but  he  was 
superficial  and  an  indifferent  Quichua  scholar. 
He  is  superseded  in  several  branches  of  his  subject 
by  writers  whose  works  have  become  known  in 
recent  years. 

Among  these  the  most  important  is  Cristoval 
de  Molina,  priest  of  the  hospital  for  natives  at 
Cuzco,  who  wrote  a  'Report  on  the  Fables  and 
Rites  of  the  Incas '  addressed  to  the  Bishop  Artaun, 
1570-84.  Molina  had  peculiar  opportunities  for 
dbllecting  accurate  information.  He  was  a  master 
of  the  Quichua  language,  he  examined  native 
chiefs  and  learned  men  who  could  remember  the 
Inca  Empire  in  the  days  of  its  prosperity,  and  his 
position  at  the  hospital  at  Cuzco  gave  him  an 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  native  character. 
Molina  gives  very  interesting  accounts  of  the 
periodical  festivals  and  the  religion,  and  twelve 
prayers  in  the  original  Quichua.  Very  intimately 
connected  with  the  work  of  Molina  is  that  of  Miguel 
Cavello  Balboa,  who  wrote  at  Quito  between 
1576  and  1586.  In  the  opening  address  of  Molina 
to  the  Bishop  he  mentions  a  previous  account 
which  he  had  submitted  on  the  origin,  history, 
and  government  of  the  Incas.  This  account 
appears  to  have  been  procured  and  appropriated 
by  Balboa,  who  tells  us  that  his  history  is  based 
on  the  learned  writings  of  Cristoval  de  Molina. 


10  MORUA-ARRIAGA-AVILA 

Miguel  Cavello  Balboa  was  a  soldier  who  took 
orders  late  in  life  and  went  out  to  Peru  in  1566. 
He  settled  at  Quito  and  devoted  himself  to  the 
preparation  of  his  work  entitled  '  Miscellanea 
Austral/  He  is  the  only  authority  who  gives  any 
tradition  respecting  the  origin  of  the  coast  people  ; 
and  he  supplies  an  excellent  narrative  of  the  war 
between  Huascar  and  Atahualpa,  including  the 
love  episode  of  Quilacu.1 

The  history  of  the  Incas  by  Friar  Martin  de 
Morua  is  still  in  manuscript.  Moraa  had  studied 
the  Quichua  language.  His  work,  finished  in  1590, 
is  full  of  valuable  information.  A  copy  of  the 
manuscript  was  obtained  by  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la 
Rosa  from  the  Loyola  archives  in  1909. 

Some  of  the  Jesuits  were  engaged  in  the  work  of 
extirpating  idolatry.  Their  reports  throw  light  on 
the  legends  and  superstitions  of  the  people  on  and 
near  the  coast.  These  are  contained  in  the  very 
rare  work  of  Arriaga  (1621),  and  in  the  report  of 
Avila  on  the  legends  and  myths  of  Huarochiri. 
The  work  of  another  Jesuit  named  Luis  de  Teruel, 
who  wrote  an  account  of  his  labours  for  the  extir- 
pation of  idolatry,  is  lost,  as  well  as  that  of  Her- 
nando  Avendano,  some  of  whose  sermons  in  Quichua 
have  been  preserved.  Fray  Alonzo  Kamos  Gavilan, 
in  his '  History  of  the  Church  of  Copacabana '  (1620), 
throws  light  on  the  movements  of  the  mitimaes  or' 
colonists  in  the  Collao,  and  gives  some  new  details 
respecting  the  consecrated  virgins,  the  sacrifices, 

i  The  original  Spanish  text  of  Balboa  is  unknown.    We  only 
have  a  French  translation,  by  Ternaux  Compans,  published  in  1840. 


CALANCHA-MONTESINOS  11 

and  the  deities  worshipped  on  the  shores  of  lake 
Titicaca.  The '  Coronica  Moralizada/  by  Antonio  de 
la  Calancha  (1638-53),  is  a  voluminous  record  of 
the  Order  of  St.  Augustine  in  Peru.  There  is  a 
good  deal  that  is  interesting  and  important 
scattered  among  the  stories  of  martyrdoms  and 
miracles  of  the  Augustine  friars.  Calancha  gives 
many  details  respecting  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  Indians,  and  the  topography  of  the  country. 
He  is  the  only  writer  who  has  given  any  .account 
of  the  religion  of  the  Chimu.  He  also  gives  the 
most  accurate  version  of  the  Inca  calendar.  The 
chronicle  of  the  Franciscans  by  Diego  de  Cordova  y 
Salinas,  published  at  Madrid  in  1643,  is  of  less  value. 

Fernando  Montesinos,  born  at  Cuenca,  was  in 
holy  orders  and  a  licentiate  in  canon  law.  He 
appears  to  have  gone  to  Peru  in  1629,  in  the 
train  of  the  Viceroy  Count  of  Chinchon.  After 
filling  some  appointments,  he  gave  himself  up 
entirely  to  historical  researches  and  mining  specu- 
lations, travelling  over  all  parts  of  Peru.  In 
1639  he  came  to  live  at  Lima,  and  he  was  employed 
to  write  an  account  of  the  '  Auto  de  Fe '  in  that 
year.  He  also  published  a  book  on  the  workings 
of  metals.  The  last  date  which  shows  Montesinos 
to  have  been  in  Peru  is  1642.  After  his  return 
to  Spain  he  became  cura  of  a  village  near  Seville, 
and  in  1644  he  submitted  a  memorial  to  the  King 
asking  for  some  dignity  as  a  reward  for  his  services.1 

Montesinos  wrote  '  Ophir  de  Espana,  Memorias 
Historiales  y  Politicas  del  Peru/  The  long  list  of 

i  The  memorial  is  in  the  British  Museum. 


12  BLAS  VALERA 

Kings  of  Peru  given  by  Montesinos  did  not  originate 
with  him,  but  was  due  to  earlier  writers  long 
before  his  time.  He,  however,  collected  some 
interesting  traditions,  but  his  absurd  contention 
that  Peru  was  peopled  by  Armenians  under  the 
leadership  of  Noah's  great-grandson  Ophir  destroys 
all  confidence  in  his  statements. 

The  work  of  Montesinos  was  found  by  Munoz 
in  the  convent  of  San  Jose  at  Seville.  Munoz 
got  possession  of  the  manuscripts,  and  Ternaux 
Compans  obtained  a  copy,  of  which  he  published 
a  French  translation  in  1840.  The  manuscripts 
were  brought  to  Madrid,  and  Jimenez  de  la  Espada 
published  the  second  book,  containing  the  long 
list  of  Peruvian  Kings,  in  1882. 

By  far  the  greatest  of  the  clerical  authors  who 
wrote  on  Inca  civilisation  had  the  advantage  of 
being  a  mestizo.  Bias  Valera  was  the  son  of 
Lius  de  Valera,  a  soldier  of  the  conquest,  by  a 
Peruvian  lady  of  the  court  of  Atahualpa,  and 
was  born  at  Chachapoyas  in  about  1540.  He 
was  brought  up  at  Caxamarca,  and  afterwards  at 
Truxillo,  until  his  twentieth  year.  At  Truxillo 
he  learnt  Latin,  while  Quichua  was  his  native 
tongue.  He  took  orders  at  the  age  of  twenty-eight, 
and  became  a  Jesuit.  In  1571  he  was  sent  to 
Cuzco  as  a  catechist,  and  was  there  for  at  least 
ten  years.  He  then  went  to  Juli  and  La  Paz, 
and  later  was  at  Quito  and  in  the  northern  parts 
of  Peru.  In  about  1594  he  embarked  at  Callao 
for  Cadiz.  He  was  in  that  city  when  it  was  taken 


BLAS  VALERA  13 

by  the  English  under  the  Earl  of  Essex  in  1596. 
But  the  Jesuits  were  allowed  to  depart  with  their 
papers.  Bias  Valera  died  soon  afterwards. 

Bias  Valera  had  qualifications  and  advantages 
possessed  by  no  other  writer.  The  Inca  Garcilasso 
knew  Quichua,  but  he  was  a  child,  and  only  twenty 
when  he  went  to  Spain.  It  was  after  an  interval 
of  forty  years  that  he  thought  of  writing  about 
his  native  country.  Bias  Valera,  like  Garcilasso, 
was  half  a  Peruvian,  and  Quichua  was  his  native 
language.  But  unlike  Garcilasso,  instead  of  going 
to  Spain  when  he  was  twenty,  he  worked  for 
Peru  and  its  people  for  thirty  years,  devoting 
himself  to  a  study  of  the  history,  literature,  and 
ancient  customs  of  his  countrymen,  receiving  their 
records  and  legends  from  the  older  Amautas  and 
Quipucamayocs  who  could  remember  the  Inca 
rule,  and  their  lists  of  kings.  His  perfect  mastery 
of  the  language  enabled  him  to  do  this  with  a 
thoroughness  which  no  Spaniard  could  approach. 

Bias  Valera  brought  his  writings  with  him  to 
Spain,  doubtless  with  a  view  to  publication.  He 
had  written  a  '  Historia  del  Peru  '  in  Latin  which, 
after  his  death,  was  given  to  the  Inca  Garcilasso, 
who  made  very  extensive  use  of  it.1  According  to 
the  bibliographers,  Antonio  and  Leon  Pinelo, 
another  work  by  Bias  Valera  was  '  De  los  Indies 
del  Peru,  sus  costumbres  y  pacificacion.'  It  was 
lost.  But  in  1879  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  found 
a  most  valuable  manuscript  on  the  same  subject 

1  See  bis  life,  which  forms  the  subject  of  another  chapter,  p.  260. 


14  BLAS  VALERA-COBOS 

without  the  name  of  the  author.  He  published 
it  under  the  name  of  the  '  Anonymous  Jesuit/ 
Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Kosa  has  brought  forward 
arguments,  which  appear  to  be  quite  conclusive, 
and  which  are  given  in  another  place,  that  the 
anonymous  Jesuit  was  no  other  than  Bias  Valera. 
Another  work  of  the  learned  mestizo,  also  lost,  was 
entitled  '  Vocabulario  Historico  del  Peru/  It  was 
brought  from  Cadiz  to  the  college  of  La  Paz  in 
1604,  by  the  Procurador  of  the  Jesuits,  named 
Diego  Torres  Vasquez.  It  was  this  work  that 
contained  the  long  lists  of  kings.  This  is  clear 
from  the  statement  of  Father  Anello  Oliva  in  his 
history  of  distinguished  men  of  the  Company  of 
Jesus,1  written  in  1631.  Oliva  had  seen  the '  Vocabu- 
lario Historico  del  Peru/  and  learnt  from  it  the 
great  antiquity  of  the  Peruvian  kingdom.  Monte- 
sinos  no  doubt  copied  his  list  from  the  'Vocabu- 
lario/ which  was  then  at  La  Paz.  The  premature 
death  of  Bias  Valera,  and  the  disposal  of  his  valuable 
manuscripts,  is  the  most  deplorable  loss  that  the 
history  of  Inca  civilisation  has  sustained. 

The  work  of  a  more  recent  author  has  come 
to  light  through  the  diligence  of  Jimenez  de  la 
Espada.  This  is  the  history  of  the  New  World 
by  Father  Bernabe  Cobos,2  in  four  large  volumes. 

1  Histaria  del  Peru  y  Varones  Insignes  en  santidad  de,  la  Compania 
de  Jesus  por  el  Padre  Anello  Oliva  de  la  misma  compania.     Published 
by  Senor  Varela,  at  Lima. 

2  Printed  at  Seville  in  1900  by  the  Sociedad  de  Bibliofilos  Andalnces 
and  edited  by  Don  Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada. 


LIZARRAGA  15 

It  is  a  valuable  addition  to  our  authorities  on 
ancient  Peru,  and  is  more  especially  valuable  for 
its  chapters  containing  full  accounts  of  the  minerals, 
medicinal  plants  and  edible  vegetables,  and  of  the 
fauna  of  Peru. 

A  narrative  has  been  recently  brought  to 
light  by  Don  Carlos  Romero,  in  the  Revista 
Historica,  of  Lima,1  written  by  a  Dominican  monk 
named  Reginaldo  de  Lizarraga,  in  about  1605.  It 
is  entitled  '  Descripcion  de  las  Indias/  and  consists 
of  two  parts,  one  geographical  and  the  other  chiefly 
biographical.  Lizarraga  travelled  all  over  the 
country,  from  Quito  to  the  most  southern  part  of 
Chile.  Finally,  he  became  Bishop  of  Asuncion 
in  Paraguay,  where  he  died  in  about  1612.  The 
geographical  descriptions  of  Lizarraga  are  sketchy 
and  unequal  to  those  of  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  he  is 
very  unsympathetic  when  referring  to  the  Incas, 
or  to  the  unfortunate  Indians.  His  work  is  mainly 
occupied  with  brief  notices  of  prelates  and  viceroys, 
devoting  more  space  to  the  proceedings  of  the 
Viceroy  Toledo.  There  are  only  two  statements 
of  interest  in  his  work.  One  is  that  a  wall  was 
built  on  the  pass  of  Vilcanota,  to  divide  the 
territory  of  the  Incas  from  that  of  the  Collas.  In 
another  he  gives  what  is  clearly  the  correct  story 
about  Mancio  Serra  de  Leguisamo  having  gambled 
away  the  great  image  of  the  sun  in  one  night. 
These  statements  will  be  referred  to  in  their  places. 

I  Rerista  Historica  (Lima,  1907),  torn.  ii.  trimestres  iii.  and  iv. 


16  SALCAMAYHUA 

Bias  Valera  and  the  Inca  Garcilasso  are  the  two 
mestizo  authors.  The  latter  is  so  important  a  person- 
age that  a  separate  essay  is  devoted  to  his  biography. 

Gomara  and  Herrera  were  never  in  the  country, 
and  writers  living  after  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
century  have  no  claim  to  be  looked  upon  as  original 
authorities. 

There  were  two  pure-blooded  Indians  whose 
writings  are  of  very  great  value.  The  first  was 
a  chief  living  near  the  borders  of  Collahua,  south 
of  Cuzco,  calling  himself  Juan  de  Santa  Cruz 
Pachacuti  Yamqui  Salcamayhua,  who  wrote  his 
account  of  the  antiquities  of  Peru  in  about  1620. 
I  found  the  manuscript  in  the  National  Library 
at  Madrid,  and  the  Hakluyt  Society  published 
my  translation  in  1873.  The  Spanish  text  was 
afterwards  edited  and  published  by  Jimenez  de  la 
Espada.  It  gives  the  traditions  of  the  Incas, 
as  they  were  handed  down  by  the  grandchildren 
of  those  who  were  living  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish 
conquest  to  their  grandchildren.  They  are  entitled 
to  a  certain  authority,  and  Salcamayhua  gives 
three  Quichua  prayers  to  the  Supreme  Being 
which  are  of  extraordinary  interest. 

The  work  of  the  second  Indian  author  is  quite 
a  recent  discovery.  It  was  found  by  Dr.  Pietsch- 
mann,  the  librarian  of  the  University  of  Gottingen, 
in  the  Royal  Library  at  Copenhagen  in  1908. 
The  title  is  '  Nueva  Coronica  y  Buen  Gobierno/ 
de  Don  Felipe  Huaman  Poma  de  Ayala ;  a  very 
thick  quarto  of  1179  pages,  with  numerous  clever 


HUAMAN  POMA  DE  AYALA  17 

pen-and-ink  sketches,  almost  one  for  every  page. 
There  is  a  particular  account  of  the  author's 
ancestry,  for  not  only  did  he  descend  from  Yarro- 
vilca,  Lord  of  Huanuco,  but  his  mother  was  a 
daughter  of  the  great  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui. 
His  father  saved  the  life  of  a  Spaniard  named 
Ayala  at  the  battle  of  Huarina,  and  ever  after- 
wards adopted  that  name  after  his  own.  His 
son,  the  author,  did  the  same.  The  work  opens 
with  a  letter  from  the  father,  Martin  Huaman 
Mallqui  de  Ayala,  to  Philip  II,  recommending  his 
son's  book  to  the  royal  notice.  The  author 
himself,  Huaman  Poma  de  Ayala,  was  chief  of 
Lucanas. 

The  work  commences  with  a  history  of  the 
creation,  the  deluge,  down  to  St.  Peter's  presenta- 
tion of  the  keys  to  the  Pope,  about  fifty-six  pages, 
with  excellent  pen-and-ink  sketches  to  illustrate 
the  events.  Then  follow  notices  of  the  earliest 
traditions  about  Peruvian  history,  and  the  arrival 
of  St.  Bartholomew.  The  portraits  of  the  twelve 
Incas  are  each  accompanied  by  a  page  of  descrip- 
tion. The  great  value  of  the  portraits  consists  in 
the  excellent  drawings  of  dresses  and  weapons. 
Portraits  of  the  Ccoyas  or  Queens  follow,  and  then 
those  of  fifteen  famous  captains.  About  sixty 
pages  are  devoted  to  the  ordinances  and  laws,  with 
a  picture  of  the  Inca  surrounded  by  his  councillors. 
Each  month  of  the  calendar  is  given,  illustrated  by 
pictures  in  which  the  exact  shapes  of  agricultural 
implements  are  shown,  among  other  things.  Then 


18  HUAMAN  POMA  DE  AYALA 

come  details  of  the  Huacas  or  idols,  divination, 
fasts,  interments,  and  very  graphic  representations 
of  the  punishments  for  various  offences.  There 
is  a  chapter  on  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun  with 
an  illustration,  and  several  Quichua  harvest, 
hunting,  dancing,  and  love  songs.  Huaman 
Poma  next  describes  the  palaces,  and  gives  an 
account  of  the  occupations  of  the  people  at 
various  ages. 

Then  comes  the  conquest.  The  author  gives 
pictures  of  Atahualpa,  of  Pizarro  and  Almagro, 
and  of  his  own  relations  being  roasted  alive  by 
Pizarro.  There  are  a  series  of  portraits  of  the 
eight  first  Viceroys,  and  of  the  later  native  chiefs 
in  Spanish  dress.  Next  a  long  series  of  pictures 
of  cities  in  Peru,  nearly  all  imaginary,  and  lists  of 
post-houses,  or  tambos,  on  the  various  roads.  But 
by  far  the  most  remarkable  feature  of  this  chronicle 
is  an  open  and  fearless  attack  on  the  cruel  tyranny 
of  the  Spanish  rule.  The  combined  writer  and 
artist  spares  neither  priest  nor  corregidor.  We 
see  people  being  flogged,  beaten  with  clubs,  and 
hung  up  by  the  heels.  There  is  a  woman  stripped 
naked  and  flogged  because  her  tribute  was  two 
eggs  short,  shameful  treatment  of  girls  is  depicted, 
inhuman  flogging  of  children,  forced  marriages, 
and  priests  gambling  with  corregidors. 

The  author  travelled  all  over  Peru  in  some 
capacity,  interceding  for,  and  trying  to  protect, 
the  unfortunate  people.  He  was  writing  during 
thirty  years,  from  1583  to  1613.  He  concludes  with 


HUAMAN  POMA  DE  AYALA  19 

an  anticipation  of  the  treatment  of  his  book  by 
the  Christians  of  the  world.  *  Some/  he  thinks, 
'  will  weep,  others  will  laugh,  others  will  curse, 
others  will  commend  him  to  God,  others  from  rage 
will  want  to  destroy  the  book.  A  few  will  want 
to  have  it  in  their  hands/ 

It  is  addressed  to  King  Philip  II,  and  the 
author  had  the  temerity  to  take  it  down  to  Lima 
for  transmission  to  Spain.  He  hoped  to  be 
appointed  Protector  of  the  Indians.  We  do  not 
know  what  became  of  him.  How  the  book,  with 
all  those  damning  illustrations,  escaped  destruction, 
and  how  it  was  ever  allowed  to  be  sent  home,  is  a 
mystery !  One  would  give  much  to  know  the 
fate  of  the  author,  so  full  of  compassion  for  his 
ill-fated  countrymen,  diligent  as  a  collector  of 
information  of  all  kinds,  proud  of  his  ancestry, 
a  gifted  artist,  full  of  sympathy,  fearless  in  the 
exposure  of  injustice  and  cruelty.  Huaman  Poma 
was  a  hero  of  whom  any  country  might  be  proud. 
A  vein  of  humour  runs  through  his  sketches. 
Their  escape  from  destruction  is  little  short  of 
miraculous.  At  length  this  most  important  work 
is  in  good  and  sympathetic  hands,  and  will  be 
given  to  the  world.  It  is,  without  exception,  the 
most  remarkable  as  well  as  the  most  interesting 
production  of  native  genius  that  has  come  down 
to  our  time. 

We  have  seen  that  the  story  of  the  Incas  has 
been  told  by  priests,  soldiers,  lawyers,  by  mestizos 
and  by  pure-blooded  Indians.  Seeing  the  same  acts 

c  2 


20  WEIGHING  OF  EVIDENCE 

and  events  from  different  points  of  view,  hearing 
them  from  various  people,  biased  by  prejudices 
which  tend  to  obscure  the  truth,  some  desirous  of 
securing  accuracy,  others  thinking  more  of  proving 
their  case,  some  transparently  honest,  others  less 
so  in  varied  degrees, — it  is  evident  that  dis- 
crimination is  called  for  after  careful  study.  The 
following  essays  are  the  results  of  such  study  by 
one  who  has  devoted  many  years  of  research  to  a 
most  interesting  and  fascinating  story. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MEGALITHIC   AGE 

THERE  is  a  mystery  still  unsolved,  on  the  plateau 
of  Lake  Titicaca,  which,  if  stones  could  speak, 
would  reveal  a  story  of  the  deepest  interest. 
Much  of  the  difficulty  in  the  solution  of  this 
mystery  is  caused  by  the  nature  of  the  region, 
in  the  present  day,  where  the  enigma  still 
defies  explanation.  We  must,  therefore,  first 
acquire  some  knowledge  of  the  face  of  the 
country  before  we  have  the  question,  as  it  now 
stands,  placed  before  us. 

The  great  Cordilleras  of  the  Andes,  in  latitude 
14°  28'  S.,  unite  at  the  knot  of  Vilcanota,  and  then 
separate,  forming  the  eastern  Andes  on  one  side,  con- 
taining Illimani  and  Illampu  (except  Aconcagua  and 
Huascaran,  the  loftiest  measured  peaks  of  the  new 
world),  and  the  maritime  cordillera  on  the  other. 
Between  them  there  is  an  extensive  and  very  lofty 
plateau,  13,000  to  14,000  feet  above  the  sea,  with 
the  lake  called  Titicaca,  or  Inticaca,  in  its  centre. 
Titicaca  is  the  largest  lake  in  South  America.  It 
was  formerly  much  larger.  The  surface  of  the 

21 


22  COLLAO  REGION 

lake  is  12,508  feet  above  the  sea,  that  of  the 
plateau  being,  on  an  average,  several  hundred 
feet  higher.. 

The  surrounding  mountains  form  a  region  of 
frost  and  snow.  The  hardy  llamas  and  alpacas 
live  and  breed  amidst  the  tufts  of  coarse  grass 
called  ychu,1  and  the  graceful  vicunas  can  endure 
the  rigorous  climate  at  still  higher  elevations. 
Besides  the  grass,  there  is  a  lowly  shrub  called 
tola*  which  can  be  used  as  firewood.  Quinua? 
belonging  to  the  spinach  family,  can  alone  be 
raised  at  the  higher  elevations,  yielding  a  small 
grain  which,  by  itself,  is  insufficient  to  maintain 
human  life. 

The  plateau  itself,  called  the  Collao,  is  by  no 
means  level.  It  is  intersected  by  ranges  of 
hills  of  no  great  height,  and  in  the  northern 
part  the  lofty  rock  of  Pucara  is  a  marked 
feature.  Very  hardy  trees  of  three  kinds, 
though  stunted,  are  a  relief  to  the  landscape, 
and  in  some  sheltered  ravines  they  even  form 
picturesque  groves  overshadowed  by  rocky  heights. 
The  tree  at  the  highest  elevations  is  called  quenua  ;4 
the  two  others,  with  gnarled  rough  trunks  and 
branches,  called  ccolli 5  and  quisuar 6  (Oliva  sylvestre 
by  the  Spaniards,  from  a  fancied  resemblance  of 

1  Stipa  Ychu  (K.). 

2  Baccharis   Incarum    (Weddell),    mentioned   by    Molina    and 
Cobos,  p.  486. 

3  Chenopodium  Quinua  (L.),  mentioned  by  Cobos,  p.  350. 
*  Polylepis  racemosa  (R.P.). 

5  Buddleia  coriacea.  6  Buddleia  Incana  (R.P.). 


THE  MYSTERY  23 

the  leaves),  are  the  only  trees  of  the  Titicaca 
plateau.  Crops  of  potatoes  are  raised,  forming 
the  staple  food,  with  the  oca l  and  some  other 
edible  roots.  But  cereals  will  not  ripen,  and  the 
green  barley  is  only  used  for  fodder.  The  yutu, 
ja  kind  of  partridge,  and  a  large  rodent  called 
viscacha?  abound  in  the  mountains,  while  the 
lake  yields  fish  of  various  kinds,  and  is  frequented 
by  waterfowl. 

Such  a  region  is  only  capable  of  sustaining 
a  scanty  population  of  hardy  mountaineers 
and  labourers.  The  mystery  consists  in  the 
existence  of  ruins  of  a  great  city  on  the  southern 
side  of  the  lake,  the  builders  being  entirely 
unknown. 

The  city  covered  a  large  area,  built  by  highly 
skilled  masons,  and  with  the  use  of  enormous 
stones.  One  stone  is  36  feet  long  by  7,  weighing 
170  tons,  another  26  feet  by  16  by  6.  Apart  from 
the  monoliths  of  ancient  Egypt,  there  is  nothing 
to  equal  this  in  any  other  part  of  the  world.  The 
movement  and  the  placing  of  such  monoliths 
point  to  a  dense  population,  to  an  organised 
government,  and  consequently  to  a  large  area 
under  cultivation,  with  arrangements  for  the  con- 
veyance of  supplies  from  various  directions.  There 
must  have  been  an  organisation  combining  skill 
and  intelligence  with  power  and  adrriinistrative 
ability.  * 

1  Oxalis  tuberose  (L.). 

2  Lagidium  Peruvianum, 


24  THE  RUINED  CITY 

The  point  next  in  interest  to  the  enormous 
size  of  the  stones  is  the  excellence  of  the  workman- 
ship. The  lines  are  accurately  straight,  the  angles 
correctly  drawn,  the  surfaces  level.  The  upright 
monoliths  have  mortices  and  projecting  ledges  to 
retain  the  horizontal  slabs  in  their  places,  which 
completed  the  walls.  The  carvings  are  com- 
plicated, and  at  the  same  time  well  arranged,  and 
the  ornamentation  is  accurately  designed  and 
executed.  Not  less  striking  are  the  statues  with 
heads  adorned  with  curiously  shaped  head-dresses. 
Flights  of  stone  steps  have  recently  been 
discovered,  for  the  ancient  city,  now  several  miles 
from  the  lake,  was  once  upon  its  borders. 
Eemarkable  skill  on  the  part  of  the  masons  is 
shown  by  every  fragment  now  lying  about.  Such 
are  the  angle- joints  of  a  stone  conduit ;  a  window- 
frame  of  careful  workmanship  with  nine  apertures, 
all  in  one  piece  ;  and  numerous  niches  and  mould- 
ings. There  is  ample  proof  of  the  very  advanced 
stage  reached  by  the  builders  in  architectural 
art.1 

There  are  some  particulars  respecting  the 
ruins  in  Oliva's  history  of  Jesuits  in  Peru,  obtained 
from  an  Indian  named  Catari,  a  Quipucamayoc,  or 
reader  of  the  quipus,  who  was  living  at  Cochapampa 
in  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  It  appears 
that  Bartolome  Cervantes,  a  canon  of  Chuquisaca, 

1  The  best  accounts  of  the  Tiahuanacu  ruins  are  by  E.  Inwards 
(The  Temple  of  the  Andes,  1884),  and  the  Comte  de  Crequi  Montfort, 
leader  of  the  '  Mission  Scientifique  Frangaise  '  (1904). 


THE  MONOLITHIC  DOORWAY  25 

gave  to  Oliva  a  manuscript  dictated  by  Catari. 
The  remarkable  statement  is  here  made  that 
no  judgment  can  be  formed  of  the  size  of  the 
ruined  city,  because  nearly  all  was  built 
underground.  Professor  Nestler  of  Prague  has 
proceeded  to  Tiahuanacu  with  the  object  of 
making  researches  by  the  light  of  the  account 
of  Catari.1 

The  famous  monolithic  doorway  at  Tiahuanacu 
has  been  fractured,  probably  by  an  earthquake. 
The  lower  part  has  not  yet  been  excavated,  so 
that  it  is  not  known  whether  the  two  sides  are 
connected  below  or  separate.  The  elaborate  carv- 
ing on  the  upper  part  may  possibly  hold  the 
mystery.  In  the  centre  there  is  a  square  of  seven- 
teen-and-a-half inches,  on  which  the  principal 
figure  is  carved.  The  space  is  nearly  square, 
surrounded  by  a  border  with  billet  ornaments. 
There  are  two  round  indentations  for  eyes,  a  nose, 
mouth,  and  three  small  holes  on  each  cheek.  The 
billet  ornaments  occur  again  on  the  sceptres  and 
on  the  belt.  Ornaments  issue  from  the  border 
round  the  head,  consisting  of  twenty-two  ribands 
ending  in  heads  or  circles.  In  the  centre,  at  the 
top,  there  is  a  human  head,  on  either  side  two 
ribands  adorned  with  billets  and  ending  in 
circles.  At  the  angles  there  are  longer  ribands 
ending  with  the  heads  of  beasts.  These  seven 
bands,  including  the  human  head,  form  the  upper 
part  of  the  rays  round  the  greater  head.  On  the 

i  Information  from  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa, 


26  THE  CENTRAL  FIGURE 

sides  there  is  a  riband  ending  in  a  beast's  head, 
and  two  rays  ending  in  circles  on  either  side  of  it, 
making  a  total  of  ten  bands  or  rays  on  the  sides  of 
the  head.  Under  the  head  the  central  band  ends 
with  a  larger  circle,  having  two  smaller  ones  on 
either  side  of  it.  This  makes  a  total  of  twenty- 
two  ribands  surrounding  the  head.  It  is  not 
improbable  that  they  may  be  intended  to  repre- 
sent rays,  like  those  of  the  sun,  but  their  differences 
and  arrangement  also  point  to  some  symbolical 
meaning. 

This  central  figure  further  has  a  riband  passing 
round  the  neck  and  down  to  the  belt,  on  either 
side  of  the  breast.  The  parts  on  the  breast  have 
three  divisions  similarly  marked  on  either  side. 
On  the  upper  one  there  are  four  small  circles,  on 
the  next  a  small  circle  and  two  figures  like  a  V, 
and  on  the  lower  division  there  is  a  diamond- 
shaped  figure  with  another  within  it.  I  am  in- 
clined to  think  that  these  curious  carvings  are 
intended  to  represent  emblems  of  months  or 
seasons.  In  the  centre  of  the  breast,  between  the 
bands,  there  is  a  conventional  ornament  of  two 
bands  ending  in  heads  of  birds,  and  over  them 
another  symbol  of  a  month  or  season.  The  belt 
round  the  figure  consists  of  a  band  with  three 
billets,  terminating  at  each  end  with  a  beast's  head. 

The  arms  issue  from  the  sides  in  a  curve,  with 
human  heads  hanging  from  the  elbows.  The 
hands,  showing  three  fingers  and  a  thumb,  grasp 
sceptres.  Below  the  hands  the  two  sceptres  are 


THE  KNEELING  FIGURES  27 

exactly  the  same,  consisting  of  three  joints,  each 
with  a  billet,  and  ending  in  a  bird's  head.  Above 
the  hands  the  sceptres  differ.  The  one  on  the 
right  consists  of  five  joints  with  billets  and  the 
appearance  of  a  small  bird.  The  one  on  the  left 
is  divided  into  two,  ending  with  heads  of  birds. 

Below  the  belt  there  is  a  band,  whence  hangs 
a  fringe  of  six  human  heads.  The  central  figure 
terminates  at  the  knees,  just  above  an  elaborately 
carved  ornament  which  is  supposed  to  have 
represented  a  throne.  It  consists  of  bands  ending 
in  twelve  birds'  heads,  and  at  the  sides  the  com- 
position terminates  in  a  large  beast's  head,  with  a 
peculiar  ornament  in  front  of  the  mouth.  There 
are  three  squares,  the  two  outer  ones  having  inner 
squares,  and  issuing  from  them  another  square, 
with  short  bands,  ending  in  a  circle  and  inner 
circle,  on  either  side. 

On  either  side  of  the  central  figure  there  are 
forty-eight  figures  kneeling  to  it,  sixteen  with  the 
heads  of  birds  and  thirty-two  with  human  heads. 
All  are  winged,  all  are  crowned,  and  all  hold 
sceptres.  The  bird-headed  worshippers  have 
sceptres  like  the  one  in  the  central  figure's  left 
hand,  while  the  sceptres  of  the  human-headed 
worshippers  are  the  same  as  those  in  the  central 
figure's  right  hand.  The  bird-headed  figures  have 
ornamental  bands  with  terminals  of  fish  heads,  and 
the  human-headed  figures  throughout  have  bands 
ending  in  birds'  heads. 

It  is  difficult  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the 


28  THE  PROBLEM 

central  figure  is  intended  to  represent  the  deity 
having  jurisdiction  over  all  human  beings  on  the  one 
hand,  and  over  the  animal  creation  on  the  other. 

Below  the  rows  of  worshippers  there  is  a 
beautifully  carved  border  consisting  of  double 
lines  ending  with  birds'  heads,  surrounding  human 
heads  with  borders  of  joints  and  billets,  surmounted 
in  one  by  five  bands  ending  in  circles,  in  another 
by  four  fish  heads,  in  another  by  an  armed  human 
figure. 

There  is  no  sign  of  sculpture  nor  of  any 
knowledge  of  proportion  in  designing  a  human 
figure ;  but  at  the  same  time  there  are  indica- 
tions of  very  remarkable  skill  and  taste  in  the 
masonic  art.  The  ornamentation  is  accurately 
designed  and  executed,  and  the  style  of  art  is 
well  adapted  for  symbolical  representation.  The 
tendency  is  to  straight  lines  and  rectangles,  not  to 
curves. 

This,  then,  is  the  mystery.  A  vast  city  con- 
taining palace,  temple,  judgment-hall,  or  whatever 
fancy  may  reconstruct  among  the  ruins,  with 
statues,  elaborately  carved  stones,  and  many 
triumphs  of  the  masonic  art,  was  built  in  a  region 
where  corn  will  not  ripen,  and  which  could  not 
possibly  support  a  dense  population.  It  is  quite 
certain  that,  in  the  time  of  the  Incas,  the  people 
were  absolutely  ignorant  of  the  origin  and  history 
of  these  edifices.  They  were  to  them,  as  they  are 
to  us,  mysterious  ruins.  The  statues  gave  rise  to 
a  myth  referring  to  a  former  creation  by  the  deity, 


THE  NAME  29 

rising  from  the  lake,1  of  men  and  women  who, 
for  disobedience,  were  turned  into  stone.  This 
was  to  account  for  the  statues.  The  name  of 
Tiahuanacu  is  modern.2  It  is  said  that  an  Inca 
happened  to  receive  a  message  when  visiting  the 
ruins,  and  he  compared  the  rapidity  of  the  runner 
to  that  of  the  swiftest  animal  known  to  him :  '  Tia, 
huanacu/  he  said  ('  Be  seated,  huanacu '),  and 
the  place  has  since  had  that  name.  When  the 
Spaniards  arrived  the  ruins  were  very  much  in 
the  same  state  as  they  are  now.  The  Jesuit 
Acosta,  who  took  measurements  of  the  stones, 
speaks  of  them  as  ruins  of  very  ancient  buildings. 
Cieza  de  Leon  mentions  two  gigantic  statues 
which  were  much  weathered  and  showed  marks 
of  great  antiquity.  An  old  schoolfellow  of  Garci- 
lasso,  in  writing  to  him,  described  the  ruins  as 
very  ancient. 

The  builders  may  best  be  described  as  a  mega- 
lithic  people  in  a  megalithic  age,  an  age  when 
cyclopean  stones  were  transported,  and  cyclopean 
edifices  raised. 

The  great  antiquity  is  shown  by  the  masonry 
and  symbolical  carving,  but  this  is  not  the  only 
proof  that  Andean  civilisation  dates  back  into  a  far 

1  This  Titicaca  myth  is  merely  of  Inca  origin,  invented  to 
account  for  the  ruins.     It  is  told,  in  various  ways,  by  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  Cieza  de  Leon,  Molina,  Betanzos,  Salcamayhua,  and 
Sarmiento.     It  is  not  mentioned  by  Acosta,  Balboa,  or  Montesinos. 

2  Catari,  quoted  by  Oliva,  says  that  the  ancient  name   was 
Chucara.     See  Les  Deux  Tiahuanacu  by  Dr.  M.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa, 
p.  406. 


30  EVIDENCE  OF  ANTIQUITY 

distant  past.  The  advances  made  by  the  Andean 
people  in  agriculture  and  in  the  domestication 
of  animals  must  have  been  proceeding  from  a 
very  remote  period.  Maize  had  been  brought 
to  a  high  state  of  cultivation,  and  this  must  have 
been  the  result  of  careful  and  systematic  labour 
during  many  centuries.  The  cultivation  must 
have  been  commenced  at  so  remote  a  time  that 
it  is  not  even  certainly  known  from  what  wild 
plant  the  original  maize  was  derived.  The  wild 
potato,  however,  is  known.  It  is  a  small  tuber, 
about  the  size  of  a  filbert,  which  has  scarcely 
increased  in  size  after  a  century  of  careful  cultiva- 
tion. Yet  the  Andean  people,  after  many  centuries 
of  such  cultivation,  produced  excellent  potatoes  of 
several  kinds,  for  each  of  which  they  had  a  name. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  the  oca  and  quinua  crops. 
The  agricultural  achievements  of  Andean  man  are 
evidence  of  the  vast  antiquity  of  his  race  in  the 
same  region.  The  domestication  of  the  llama  and 
alpaca  furnish  additional  evidence  of  this  antiquity. 
There  is  no  wild  llama.  The  huanacu  and  vicuna 
are  different  animals.  It  must  have  been  centuries 
before  the  llama  was  completely  domesticated, 
carrying  burdens,  yielding  its  wool  for  clothing 
and  its  flesh  for  food.  Individuals  are  of  various 
colours,  as  is  usual  with  domesticated  animals, 
while  the  wild  huanacus  have  fleeces  of  the  same 
colour.  The  domestication  of  the  alpaca  must 
have  taken  an  equally  long  period,  and  called  for 
even  greater  skill  and  care.  There  is  no  wild 


ORIGIN  31 

alpaca,  and  the  tame  animal  is  dependent  on  man 
for  the  performance  of  most  of  its  functions.  It 
must  have  taken  ages  to  bring  the  silken  fleeces 
to  such  perfection. 

There  is  thus  good  reason  for  assigning  very 
great  antiquity  to  the  civilisation  of  the  megalithic 
people.  Another  deduction  from  the  premises  is 
that  there  must  have  been  a  dense  population  for 
working  quarries,  moving  the  cyclopean  monoliths 
from  a  distance  and  placing  them,  as  well  as  for 
cultivation  and  the  provision  of  supplies  for  the 
workers.  This  suggests  extensive  dominions,  and 
some  movement  of  the  people. 

We  only  have  tradition  to  indicate  the  direction 
whence  the  megalithic  people  came.  I  am  quite 
in  agreement  with  Dr.  Brinton  that  '  the  culture 
of  the  Andean  race  is  an  indigenous  growth,  wholly 
self-developed,  and  owing  none  of  its  germs  to 
any  other  races/  Mr.  Squier  came  to  the  same 
conclusion  as  regards  Peru,  and  Mr.  Maudslay  as 
regards  the  Mayas  of  Central  America.  There  were 
doubtless  movements  among  the  Andean  tribes, 
gradual  progress  extending  over  vast  periods  of 
time,  and  an  influx  from  some  direction  to  form 
the  megalithic  empire.  But  from  what  direction  ? 
Tradition  points  to  the  south,  to  Charcas  and 
Tucuman,  and  to  countries  beyond  the  southern 
tropic,  as  the  sources  of  its  population.  It  is 
interesting  to  find  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  in  one  of 
his  letters,  describing  himself  as  an  '  Antarctic 
Indian/  Cieza  de  Leon,  the  earliest  author  to 


32      EXTENT  OF  THE  MEGALITHIC  EMPIRE 

collect  native  traditions,  tells  us  that  the  people 
came  from  the  south.  Betanzos  also  makes  the 
civihsers  advance  from  the  south.  Salcamayhua 
says  that  all  the  nations  of  Peru  came  from  the 
south,  and  settled  in  the  various  regions  as  they 
advanced.  Molina  has  the  same  tradition.  Mon- 
tesinos  mentions  a  great  invasion  from  the  south 
in  the  very  earliest  times,  later  the  records  tell 
of  the  arrival  of  an  army  from  Tucuman,  and  he 
tells  of  a  third  great  invasion  from  the  south  when 
his  62nd  King  was  reigning.  On  this  point  there 
is  practical  unanimity.  The  great  population,  of 
the  existence  of  which  the  Tiahuanacu  ruins  bear 
silent  testimony,  represents  a  series  of  movements 
from  the  south. 

The  Tiahuanacu  ruins  also  point  to  extensive 
dominion,  and  to  ascertain  its  extent  and  locality 
we  must  seek  for  similar  cyclopean  work,  and  for 
similar  masonic  skill  in  carving,  in  other  parts  of 
Peru. 

In  Cuzco  there  is  a  cyclopean  building  in  the 
Calle  del  Triunfo,  with  a  huge  monolith  known  as 
the  '  stone  of  twelve  corners/  Some  portions  of 
the  ancient  remains  at  Ollantay-tampu  are  mega- 
lithic  work,  as  well  as  the  '  Inca-misana '  and 
*  Nusta-tiana,'  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock.  But 
the  grandest  and  most  imposing  work  of  the  mega- 
lithic  builders  was  the  fortress  at  Cuzco.  The 
Sacsahuaman  hill,  on  which  the  fortress  stood 
overlooking  the  city,  was  practically  inaccessible 
on  two  sides,  and  easily  defensible  on  another.  But 


FORTRESS  AT  CUZCO  33 

the  eastern  face  was  exposed  to  easy  approach, 
and  here  the  great  cyclopean  work  was  constructed. 
It  consists  of  three  parallel  walls,  330  yards  in 
length  each,  with  21  advancing  and  retiring  angles, 
so  that  at  every  point  an  attack  could  be  enfiladed 
by  defenders.  The  outer  wall,  at  its  salient  angles, 
has  stones  of  the  following  dimensions  :  14  ft. 
high  by  12 ;  another,  10  ft.  by  6.  There  must 
have  been  some  good  cause  for  the  erection  of 
this  marvellous  defensive  work  of  which  we  know 
nothing.  Its  origin  is  as  unknown  as  that  of 
the  Tiahuanacu  ruins.  The  Incas  knew  nothing. 
Garcilasso  refers  to  towers,  walls,  and  gates 
built  by  the  Incas,  and  even  gives  the  names 
of  the  architects  ;  but  these  were  later  de- 
fences built  within  the  great  cyclopean  fortress.1 
The  outer  lines  must  be  attributed  to  the  mega- 
lithic  age.  There  is  nothing  of  the  kind  which 
can  be  compared  to  them  in  any  other  part 
of  the  world.  At  Chavin,  in  the  valley  of  the 
Maranon,  there  is  cyclopean  work,  and  also  in 
Chachapoyas. 

In  seeking  for  indications  of  the  megalithic 
age  to  be  found  in  the  elaborate  carving  of  stones, 
we  at  once  turn  to  the  great  monoliths  at  Concacha, 
near  Abancay,  and  to  the  stone  of  Chavin.  At 
Concacha  the  huge  sacrificial  stone  is  of  limestone, 
about  20  ft.  long  by  14  by  12.  It  is  carved  in 
channels  for  leading  away  liquids,  and  in  other 

1  Sarmiento,  p.  152.     He  regrets  the  demolition  of  the  Inca 
citadel  for  material  to  build  houses  for  the  Spaniards  in  Cuzco. 


34  THE  CHAVIN  STONE 

forms.  It  points  to  the  megalithic  age,  as  does 
the  circular  stone  with  much  fine  workmanship  in 
alto  relievo,  the  great  seats  cut  out  of  monoliths, 
and  the  flight  of  stone  steps  to  form  an  artificial 
cascade.1  On  the  Chavin  stone  we  again  have  the 
Deity  holding  two  sceptres,  as  at  Tiahuanacu. 

This  stone  was  found  in  about  1840,  in  the 
parish  of  Chavin  de  Huantar,  in  the  province  of 
Huari,  and  within  the  valley  of  the  Maranon.  Here 
there  is  a  curious  Inca  ruin,  known  as  the  Pucara 
de  Chavin.  The  stone  had  fallen  from  the  ruins 
above,  but  it  does  not  follow  that  it  was  the 
same  age  as  the  ruins.  It  was  probably  once 
part  of  a  much  more  ancient  edifice,  after- 
wards used  to  adorn  the  more  recent  Inca 
fortress.  In  1874  the  stone  was  taken  to  Lima 
by  order  of  the  government,  where  it  now  may 
be  seen. 

The  Chavin  stone  is  of  diorite,  25  ft.  long 
by  2  ft.  4  in.  The  carving  is  very  elaborate, 
and  covers  the  whole  length  and  breadth  of  the 
stone.  The  principal  figure  occupies  the  lower  half 
of  the  stone.  The  ornamentation  is  richer  and 
more  confused  than  that  on  the  Tiahuanacu  mono- 
lith. The  head  is  still  square,  the  chief  difference 
being  in  the  large  mouth  with  teeth  and  tusks. 
The  rays  are  not  all  round  the  head,  but  only 
on  the  sides,  three  in  number.  They  are  more 
curved,  and  end  in  heads  resembling  those  of 
serpents.  This  was  the  conventional  ornament 

l  Squier,  p.  555 ;  Wiener,  p.  285, 


CHAVIN    STONE 


THE  CHAVIN  STONE  35 

of  the  later  megalithic  school  of  art.  At  Tiahu- 
anacu  the  heads  are  clearly  those  of  beasts,  birds, 
and  fish.  On  the  Chavin  stone  they  are  all 
the  same,  like  heads  of  snakes.  But  I  incline 
to  believe  that  the  latter  are  merely  conven- 
tional heads  to  finish  off  the  bands  or  rays. 
Two  also  come  out  of  each  of  the  knees  of  the 
figure. 

As  in  the  Tiahuanacu  figure  there  are  two  arms, 
with  hands  grasping  sceptres.  But  on  the  Chavin 
stone  the  sceptres,  though  much  thicker  and  more 
elaborately  carved,  have  lost  their  symbolic  mean- 
ing^ Each  has  two  long  bands  terminating  in 
heads. 

Above  the  central  figure  of  the  Chavin  stone 
there  is  a  richly  ornamented  composition.  Along 
the  centre  there  are  rows  of  teeth  with  tusks  and 
three  heads  on  either  side,  then  curves,  tusks 
alternating  with  bands  ending  in  volutes.  At  the 
sides  there  are  34  long  bands,  17  on  each  side, 
ending  alternately  with  volutes  and  heads.  At 
the  very  top  two  bands  are  twisted  round  each 
other,  terminating  with  heads.  The  whole 
composition,  above  the  central  figure,  seems  to 
represent  an  immense  and  richly  ornamented 
head-dress. 

The  same  general  idea  appears  to  prevail  in 
both  the  central  figures  at  Tiahuanacu  and  on  the 
Chavin  stone.  They  represent  the  genius  of  the 
same  people,  and  the  same  civilisation,  though  at 
different  periods,  the  Chavin  stone  being  the  latest. 

D  2 


36  THE  MEGALITHIC  EMPIRE 

In  both  the  pervading  idea  is  of  a  figure  of  the 
Deity  grasping  a  sceptre  in  each  hand.  The  bands 
or  rays  terminating  with  heads  or  with  circles  and 
volutes  are  the  same  in  both.  At  Tiahuanacu 
all  the  parts  of  the  carving  appear  to  have  a  sym- 
bolical meaning.  The  artist  avoided  all  curves, 
preferring  straight  lines  and  correctly  drawn 
rectangles.  Everything  seems  to  have  an  inten- 
tion or  a  meaning.  In  the  Chavin  stone  the  con- 
ception is  more  confused,  and  there  is  much  that 
is  more  ornate,  but  apparently  conventional  and 
unmeaning. 

The  two  compositions,  it  may  be  concluded, 
are  the  work  of  the  same  people,  with  the  same 
cult,  the  same  art,  and  the  same  traditions,  but 
with  an  interval  of  perhaps  a  century  or  two 
between  them.  There  must  once  have  been  other 
stones  of  the  same  character.  One  was  probably 
at  Cacha,  another  at  Cuzco,  belonging  to  the  same 
megalithic  age.  If  they  had  not  been  destroyed, 
we  could  trace  the  transition  from  the  earlier  and 
simpler  style,  full  of  meaning,  at  Tiahuanacu,  to  the 
more  elaborate  and  corrupt  work  on  the  Chavin 
stone. 

Guided  by  the  existence  of  megalithic  ruins 
and  by  the  carved  stones,  we  are  led  to  the  tenta- 
tive conclusion  that  the  ancient  empire  extended 
its  sway  over  the  Andean  regions  from  an  un- 
known distance  south  of  Tucuman  to  Chacha- 
poyas,  with  Tiahuanacu  (for  want  of  the  real 
name)  as  its  centre  of  rule  and  of  thought. 


37 

We  may  also  entertain  two  provisional  conclu- 
sions, one  of  them  touching  the  great  antiquity 
of  the  megalithic  civilisation,  and  the  other 
with  reference  to  the  area  over  which  it  pre- 
vailed. 

But  we  must  return  to  the  most  difficult 
part  of  the  problem,  namely,  the  climatic  con- 
ditions. How  could  such  a  region  as  is  described 
at  the  beginning  of  this  essay,  where  corn  cannot 
ripen,  sustain  the  population  of  a  great  city 
over  12,000  ft.  above  the  level  of  the  sea  ? 
Could  the  elevation  have  been  less  ?  Is  such 
an  idea  beyond  the  bounds  of  possibility1?  The 
height  is  now  12,500  ft.  above  the  sea  level,  in 
latitude  16°  22'  S. 

The  recent  studies  of  southern  geology  and 
botany l  lead  to  the  belief  in  a  connection  between 
South  America  and  the  Antarctic  continental 
lands.  But  at  a  remote  geological  period  there 
was  no  South  America,  only  three  land  masses, 
separated  by  great  sea  inlets,  a  Guiana,  a  Brazil, 
and  a  La  Plata  island.  There  were  no  Andes. 
Then  came  the  time  when  the  mountains  began 
to  be  upheaved.  The  process  appears  to  have 
been  very  slow,  gradual,  and  long  continued. 
The  Andes  did  not  exist  at  all  in  the  Jurassic,  or 
even  in  the  cretaceous  period.  Comparatively 
speaking,  the  Andes  are  very  modern.  The  bones 
of  a  mastodon  have  been  discovered  at  Ulloma,  in 

i  Die  Vegetation  der  Erde.     Grundzuge  der  Pflanzenverbreitung  in 
Chile  von  Dr.  Karl  Reiche  (Leipzig,  1907). 


38  ELEVATION  OF  THE  ANDES 

Bolivia,  which  is  now  13,000  ft.  above  the  sea. 
But  such  an  animal  could  not  have  existed  at  such 
an  elevation.  Then,  again,  in  the  deserts  of 
Tarapaca,  embedded  in  the  sides  of  ravines,  there 
are  numerous  skeletons  of  gigantic  ant-eaters, 
animals  whose  habitat  is  in  a  dense  forest.  When 
they  lived,  the  deserts  in  which  their  bones  are 
found  must  have  been  covered  with  trees.  It 
is  the  height  of  the  Andes,  wringing  all  moisture 
out  of  the  trade  wind,  which  makes  Tarapaca 
a  desert.  When  the  Andes  were  lower,  the  trade 
wind  could  carry  its  moisture  over  them  to  the 
strip  of  coast  land  which  is  now  an  arid  desert, 
producing  arboreal  vegetation  and  the  means  of 
supporting  gigantic  ant-eaters.  When  mastodons 
lived  at  Ulloma,  and  ant-eaters  in  Tarapaca, 
the  Andes,  slowly  rising,  were  some  two  or 
three  thousands  of  feet  lower  than  they  are 
now.  Maize  would  then  ripen  in  the  basin  .of 
Lake  Titicaca,  and  the  site  of  the  ruins  of 
Tiahuanacu  could  support  the  necessary  popula- 
tion. If  the  megalithic  builders  were  living  under 
these  conditions,  the  problem  is  solved.  If  this 
is  geologically  impossible,  the  mystery  remains 
unexplained.1 

We  have  indications  of  the  megalithic  civilisa- 
tion, of  the  direction  whence  it  came,  of  its  great 
antiquity,  of  the  extent  of  the  ancient  empire, 

i  Near  Valparaiso  the  land  had  risen  1300  ft.  within  modern 
times  (Darwin,  p.  32),  and  at  the  island  of  San  Lorenzo,  500  ft. 
(Darwin,  p.  48).  (Geol  Obs.  on  8.  America.  Smith,  Elder  &  Co.,  1846.) 


HISTORY  UNKNOWN  39 

deduced  from  the  ruins  and  carved  stones,  and  of 
the  religious  feeling,  shown  by  a  central  figure 
worshipped  by  men  and  the  brute  creation.  We 
know  nothing  more  about  the  mysterious  megalithic 
people,  unless  any  light  can  be  thrown  on  them  by 
a  consideration  of  the  long  list  of  kings,  which  will 
form  the  subject  of  the  next  chapter. 


CHAPTER  III 

THE   LIST   OF  KINGS 

A  LONG  list  of  a  hundred  kings  of  Peru,  including 
the  Incas,  was  given  in  the  writings  of  Fernando 
Montesinos,  who  was  in  Peru  from  1629  to  1642. 
The  writer  was  credulous  and  uncritical,  and 
his  information  was  collected  a  century  after  the 
conquest,  when  all  the  instructed  Indians  who 
could  remember  the  days  of  the  Incas  had  passed 
away.  Little  credence  has,  therefore,  been  given 
to  the  list  hitherto.  But  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa 
has  recently  adduced  good  reasons  l  for  the  belief 
that  Montesinos  merely  copied  the  list  of  kings, 
which  was  well  known  long  before  his  time.  It 
was  compiled,  almost  certainly,  by  Bias  Valera, 
when  learned  men  of  the  time  of  the  Incas  were 
still  living,  Valera  himself  being  the  son  of  an 
Indian  mother,  and  the  language  of  the  Incas 
being  his  mother  tongue.  The  list,  therefore, 
comes  to  us  on  the  highest  authority,  as  a  genuine 
tradition  of  the  learned  men  of  Inca  times.  It  is 
thus  placed  in  quite  a  different  position,  and  calls 
for  serious  consideration. 

i  The  reasons  will  be  given  in  a  note  in  the  Appendix. 
40 


CHRONOLOGY— THE  DEITY  41 

The  list  of  kings,  assuming  Bias  Valera  to  have 
been  the  compiler,  was  derived  from  the  ancient 
quipu  records,  expounded  by  learned  men  of  the 
time  of  the  Incas,  called  AMAUTAS  and  QUIPU- 
CAMAYOCS,  who  had  charge  of  these  records  previous 
to  the  Spanish  conquest.  It  is  conceivable  that 
such  records  may  have  been  preserved.  The 
ancient  Peruvians,  like  other  races  in  the  same 
stage  of  civilisation,  were  genealogists,  and  had 
an  unusual  number  of  words  to  distinguish  relation- 
ships. The  chronology  of  the  list,  as  shown  by 
the  length  of  reigns,  is  not  exaggerated.  It  gives 
an  average  of  twenty-five  to  twenty-seven  years 
for  each  reign.1  It  is  true  that,  if  the  whole 
represents  a  succession  of  fathers  and  sons,  it 
would  take  us  back  to  950  B.C.  But  a  large 
allowance  may  be  made  for  successions  of  brothers 
or  cousins,  and  for  repetitions,  which  would  bring 
the  initial  date  down  to  about  200  B.C. 

The  list  commences  with  the  names  of  the 
Deity,  ILLA  TICI  UIRA-COCHA.  We  are  told  that 
the  first  word,  ILLA,  means  '  Light/  TICI  means 
'  foundation  or  beginning  of  things/  The  word 
UIRA  is  said  to  be  a  corruption  of  PIRUA,  meaning 
the  '  depository  or  store-house  of  creation/  But 
here  there  is  some  confusion.  For  the  name  of 

i  From  Henry  II  to  Edward  VII  the  average  of  reigns  is  twenty- 
eight  years.  From  Philip  Augustus  of  France  to  the  present 
Duke  of  Orleans  the  same.  From  Alfonso  VII  to  Alfonso  XIII  of 
Spain  twenty-six  years.  From  Alfonso  Henriquez  to  Manoel  II 
of  Portugal  the  same.  The  same  period  of  897  years  is  taken  for 
each,  being  the  period  covered  by  the  kingdom  of  Portugal. 


42  PIRUA  DYNASTY 

the  first  recorded  king  is  given  as  PIRUA  PACCAEI 
MANGO  ; l  and  the  Deity  is  said  to  be  his  God — 
the  God  of  Pirua.  In  modern  Quichua  Pirua 
means  a  granary  or  store-house.  UIEA  is  the 
store-house  or  depository  of  all  things — of  creation. 
The  ordinary  meaning  of  COCHA  is  a  lake,  but 
here  it  is  said  to  signify  an  abyss — profundity. 
The  whole  meaning  of  the  words  would  be  '  The 
splendour,  the  foundation,  the  creator,  the  infinite 
God/  The  word  YACHACHIC  was  occasionally 
added — '  the  Teacher/ 

It  may  well  be  that  the  Tiahuanacu  carving  was 
an  effort  to  give  expression  to  this  idea  of  the 
Deity.  The  names  show  the  sublimity  of  thought 
attained  by  the  ancient  Peruvians  in  their  con- 
ception of  a  Supreme  Being — the  infinite  cause, 
the  fundamental  principle,  the  light  of  the  world, 
the  great  teacher. 

The  first  recorded  king,  whose  Deity  is  thus 
described,  was  Pirua  Paccari  Manco.  His  dynasty, 
which  may  be  called  the  Pirua  dynasty,  would 
include  the  first  eighteen  kings  in  the  list,  who 
may  possibly  be  megalithic  sovereigns.  It  may 
be  that  some  glimmer  of  light  may  be  afforded  by 
their  names.  They  yield  twenty-one  words,  of 
which  sixteen  have  meanings  in  modern  Quichua. 
Three  of  these  are  titles  which  occur  frequently. 
These  are  CCAPAC,  occurring  eleven  times ;  Yu- 
PANQUI,  four  times ;  and  PACHACUTI  twice  in  the 

i  Paccari  means   the  dawn ;  Manco  has  no  meaning  in  the 
Quichua  language. 


MEANING  OF  NAMES  43 

Pirua  dynasty.  CCAPAC  means  '  rich/  but  applied 
to  a  sovereign  it  conveys  the  idea  of  being  *  rich 
in  all  virtues/ *  The  word  YUPANQUI  is  an  equiva- 
lent ;  literally,  *  you  may  count/  but  here  it  is 
*  you  may  count  for  being  possessed  of  all  virtues/ 
The  word  PACHACUTI  is  composed  of  the  two 
words  PACHA,  '  time/  or  the  '  world/  and  CUTINI, 
'  I  turn,  change  back,  or  reform/  It  was  applied 
to  sovereigns  in  whose  reigns  there  was  a  change 
in  the  calendar,  or  great  reforms,  or  some  important 
event. 

These  three  words  were  titles,  the  others  are 
the  actual  names  of  sovereigns.  Those  which 
belong  to  the  Quichua  language  have  such  meanings 
as  princely,  august,  strong,  the  scatterer,  sun, 
dawn,  crystal,  music,  a  landmark,  a  brick,  a 
serpent,  and  a  leveller  of  ground  (cozque),  whence 
the  name  Cuzco.  There  is  also  one  name  after  a 
locality — Huascar — which  also  means  a  cable. 

Finally,  there  are  three  names  which  have  no 
meaning  in  Quichua  (with  the  exception  of  Pirw, 
a  granary),  and  may  be  archaic,  possibly  mega- 
lithic.  These  are  AYAR,  MANGO,  PAULLU.  Paullu 
may  possibly  be  a  name  taken  from  a  locality. 

It  has  been  suggested  by  Don  Vicente  Lopez 
that  the  Pirua  dynasty  ended  with  the  eighteenth 
king,  and  that  a  new  AMAUTA  dynasty  com- 
menced with  the  nineteenth.  His  only  reason 
for  this  idea  is  that  the  successor  of  the 
eighteenth  king  is  only  called  his  heir,  and  not, 

1  G.  de  la  Vega. 


44  AMAUTA    DYNASTY 

as  heretofore,  his  son  and  heir.  This  is  a  mistake, 
for  five  other  Piruan  kings  are  not  said  to  be 
sons  of  their  predecessors.  The  theory  is,  how- 
ever, convenient,  and  there  is  perhaps  a  better 
reason  for  its  adoption.  After  the  eighteenth 
king  the  title  AMAUTA  first  appears,  and  is  given 
to  thirteen  out  of  the  forty-six  succeeding  kings 
who  are  supposed  to  form  the  Amauta  dynasty. 
The  name  was  given  to  learned  men,  keepers  of 
the  records  and  revisers  of  the  calendar.  The 
Magian  dynasty  in  Persia,  when  the  same  class 
seized  the  government,  was  much  more  short-lived. 
The  words  ATAUCHI  and  AUQUI  first  appear  as 
titles  in  the  Amauta  dynasty,  the  one  meaning  a 
married  prince,  and  the  other  also  a  prince  in 
Quichua,  but  a  father  in  the  southern  dialect. 
There  are  also  the  names  RAYMI  and  HUQUIZ, 
which  have  no  meaning  in  Quichua.  It  is  said 
that  the  king  with  the  former  name  gave  it  to  the 
festivals  he  instituted,  while  King  HUQUIZ  gave 
his  name  to  the  intercalary  days.  The  name 
HUANACAUBI  occurs  twice,  and  CAUEI  alone,  once. 
This  word  is  of  peculiar  interest  because  it  was 
given  to  one  of  the  most  sacred  idols  of  the  Incas, 
near  Cuzco.  It  has  no  meaning,  though  it  has 
a  Quichua  appearance.  Hiian  means  '  with ' ; 
Huanac,1  '  a  warning/  Caura  is  a  laden  llama  in 
the  southern  dialect.  But  it  is  useless  to  speculate. 
Two  kings  took  the  sacred  name  of  the  Deity.  One 
was  called  UILCANOTA,  after  the  place  where  he 

l  G.  de  la  Vega,  I.  vi.  p.  29. 


TAMPU-TOCCO  DYNASTY  45 

won  a  victory  over  invaders.  The  other  personal 
names  which  are  not  in  the  Pirua  list  all  have 
meanings  in  Quichua,  except  two  or  three  which 
are  corrupt.  Their  meanings  are  light,  fire,  gold, 
sacred,  a  chief,  a  boy,  a  beam,  a  head-dress,  left- 
handed,  blood,  tobacco,  a  falcon,  a  dove,  and  a 
foot.  There  is  a  name,  MARASCO,  which  is  sugges- 
tive, for  MAEAS  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes 
mentioned  as  following  the  children  of  the  sun  in 
the  Paccari-tampu  myth,  which  will  be  the  subject 
of  the  next  essay. 

The  end  of  the  early  civilisation  is  stated  to 
have  been  caused  by  a  great  invasion  from  the 
south,  when  the  reigning  king  was  defeated  and 
killed  in  a  battle  near  Pucara,  in  the  Collao.  The 
whole  country  broke  up  into  a  number  of  petty 
tribes,  and  barbarism  returned,  with  a  vicious  state 
of  society  and  intestine  feuds.  This  story  may 
well  represent  an  historical  fact.  A  remnant  of 
the  AMAUTAS,  with  their  followers,  took  refuge  in 
a  district  called  TAMPU-TOCCO,  l  near  the  great 
river  Apurimac.  Here  the  tradition  of  the  Deity 
was  preserved,  and  some  remnants  of  the  old 
civilisation.  Elsewhere  the  religion  became  de- 
graded— each  chief  adopting  some  natural  object 
as  his  ancestor,  and  worshipping  it  instead  of 
the  old  Deity.  The  more  civilised  kings  of 
Tampu-tocco  declared  themselves  to  be  children 
of  the  sun. 

i  Tampu,  a  tavern  ;  and  tocco,  a  window.     It  was  in  the  province 
of  Paruro,  department  of  Cuzco,  but  the  exact  locality  ia  uncertain, 


46  TAMPU-TOCCO  DYNASTY 

There  are  twenty-seven  kings  of  Tampu-tocco 
in  the  list,  who  may  cover  a  period  of  650  years. 
Few  new  names  appear.  The  most  important  is 
ROCCA,  which  seems  to  be  archaic,  having  no 
meaning  in  Quichua.  Another  is  RANTI  ALLI 
(corruptly  ARANTIAL).  RANTI  means  a  deputy,  and 
ALLI,  good.  Other  names  which  have  not  occurred 
before  are  HUAYNA,  a  youth ;  ATAU,  fortune  of 
war ;  Tocco,  a  window ;  HUARI,  and  HUISPA, 
corrupt ;  and  GUIS.  GUY  means  a  guinea-pig.  The 
last  Tampu-tocco  king  was  INTI  MAYTA  CCAPAC,  the 
eighth  PACHACUTI.  The  word  MAYTA  occurs  first 
in  his  name,  and  a  meaning  has  been  given  to  it. 
MAY  is  where,  TA,  through.  Perhaps  a  question 
*  Whither  go  I  ?  ' — recalling  the  last  verses  of  the 
Emperor  Hadrian. 

After  this  examination  of  the  list  of  kings,  the 
question  arises  whether  it  throws  any  light  on  the 
problem  of  the  megalithic  age  and  the  Tiahuanacu 
ruins.  I  am  disposed  to  think  that  we  may  obtain 
a  glimmering  of  light  from  it.  The  record  of  the 
names  and  attributes  of  the  ancient  Deity  is 
important.  The  destruction  of  the  old  civilisation, 
in  a  great  battle,  and  the  subsequent  disruption, 
with  the  preservation  of  some  remnant  of  civilisa- 
tion and  religion  at  Tampu-tocco,  the  place  of 
refuge,  explains  what  follows.  The  superiority  and 
predominance  of  the  so-called  children  of  the  sun 
is  thus  explained.  It  may  be  that  the  PIRUA  and 
AMAUTA  dynasties  may  possibly  represent  the 
sovereigns  of  the  megalithic  empire.  Its  decline 


TRADITIONS  PRESERVED  47 

and  fall  was  followed  by  centuries  of  barbarism,  so 
that  the  people  had  almost  forgotten  its  existence, 
while  the  tribes  of  the  Collao  were  probably  of 
another  race,  descendants  of  invaders.  As  the 
Bible  and  the  literature  and  art  of  Greece  and  Kome 
were  preserved  through  centuries  of  barbarism  by 
the  monasteries,  so  the  religion  and  civilisation  of 
the  megalithic  empire  were  preserved  through 
centuries  of  barbarism  by  the  Amautas  of  Tampu- 
tocco.  In  one  case  the  dark  period  was  succeeded 
by  the  age  of  the  Renaissance,  in  the  other  by  the 
enlightened  rule  of  the  Incas. 


CHAPTEK  IV 

THE  PACCARI-TAMPU   MYTH 

THERE  is  a  myth  which  was  told  to  all  the  Spanish 
authors  by  their  native  informants,  and  is  retailed 
by  them  with  some  variations,  the  most  authentic 
version  being  that  officially  received  from  the 
Incas  by  Sarmiento.  While  the  Titicaca  myth 
was  obviously  invented  to  account  for  the  ancient 
ruins  and  statues,  and  has  no  historical  value,  the 
Paccari-tampu  myth  is  as  certainly  the  outcome 
of  a  real  tradition,  and  is  the  fabulous  version  of  a 
distant  historical  event. 

We  are  taken  to  the  country  of  refuge  at 
TAMPU-TOCCO,  where  one  side  is  protected  from 
invasion  by  the  deep  gorge  of  the  Apurimac.  The 
fugitives  of  long  ages  back  had  multiplied.  The 
descendants  were  more  civilised,  therefore  more 
powerful  than  their  neighbours,  and  the  time  had 
come  for  the  acquisition  of  better  and  more  exten- 
sive territory.  The  idea  of  windows  in  the  follow- 
ing myth  was  perhaps  suggested  by  the  word 
Tocco,  the  meaning  of  which  is  a  window  in  Quichua. 
The  district  is  called  PACCARI-TAMPU,  or  the '  Tavern 
of  the  Dawn/  in  the  legend,  and  TAMPU-TOCCO  is 

48 


THE  AYARS  49 

the  hill  with  the  three  openings  or  windows,  called 
MAKAS,1  SUTIC,  and  CCAPAC. 

The  legend  relates  how,  out  of  the  MAKAS 
window  came  a  tribe  with  the  same  name,  from 
the  SUTIC  window  came  a  tribe  named  TAMPU. 
Out  of  the  central  CCAPAC  window  came  four 
august  personages,  all  bearing  the  title  of  AYAR, 
a  designation  of  several  of  the  ancient  kings. 
There  were  MANCO,  the  princely ;  Ayar  AucA,3  the 
fighting  or  joyful  Ayar ;  CACHI,  the  salt  Ayar ;  and 
UCHU,  the  pepper  Ayar.  With  them  were  their 
four  wives,  OCCLO,  the  august  princess;  HUACO, 
the  ^warlike  princess;  IPACURA,S  the  elder  aunt; 
and  RAUA. 

The  four  children  of  the  sun,  with  their  four 
wives,  consulted  together  and  came  to  a  momentous 
decision :  '  We  are  born  strong  and  wise,  and  with 
the  people  who  will  follow  us  we  are  powerful. 
We  will  go  forth  to  seek  more  fertile  lands,  and 
when  we  find  them  we  will  subdue  the  people, 
making  war  upon  all  who  do  not  receive  us  as  their 
Lords/  There  was  a  considerable  force  at  their 
command  besides  the  two  tribes  who  are  said  to 
have  issued  from  the  windows  on  the  hill  of  TAMPU- 
Tocco,  named  MARAS  and  TAMPU.  Eight  other 
ayllus  or  lineages  were  mustered  under  the  banner 
of  the  Ayars,  whose  names  were  preserved.  The 

1  Name  of  a  former  king,  MABAS(TO)CO.    The  meaning  of  SUTIO 
would  be  '  named  ' ;     CCAPAC,  a  regal  title. 

2  Garcilasso  and  Montesinos  have  SATJCA,  Betanzos  and  Balboa 
with  Sarmiento  have  AUCA.     SATJCA  means  pleasure,  joy. 

3  Or  CUBA,  as  others  say.     IPA  is  the  word  for  an  aunt. 

E 


50  THE  EMPIRE  BUILDERS 

CHAVIN  tribe  served  under  the  salt  Ayar.  With  it 
were  the  ARAYRACA  tribe,  the  CUYCUSA,  the  MASCA,1 
the  URU,2  and  the  SA^OC.  The  TARPUNTAY  was 
probably  the  priestly  and  sacrificial  caste,  while  the 
HUACAY  TAQUI  ayllu  was  also  a  religious  body 
conducting  ceremonials  and  musical  festivals.  The 
gathering  of  these  ten  tribes  together  seems  to 
have  been  a  veritable  exodus  under  the  leadership 
of  the  Ayars.  For  they  not  only  took  with  them 
their  arms,  but  also  their  movable  property,  wives 
and  children. 

Their  way  was  north-east  for  not  more  than 
twenty-five  miles,  for  no  doubt  Cuzco  was  their 
goal  from  the  beginning,  well  known  to  them  as  a 
desirable  central  position  where  megalithic  build- 
ings gave  evidence  of  former  occupation  by  the 
ancient  civilisers.  Starting  from  their  homes  at 
TAMPU-TOCCO  their  movements  were  slow  and 
deliberate,  even  stopping  to  sow  and  reap.  The 
Ayar  Manco  was  the  leader.  He  took  with  him 
a  golden  staff.  When  the  soil  was  so  fertile  that 
its  whole  length  sank  into  the  rich  mould,  there 
was  to  be  the  final  resting-place.  He  also  had 
with  him  a  bird  like  a  falcon,  carried  in  a  hamper, 
which  all  the  people  looked  upon  as  sacred.  It 
does  not  appear  whether  it  was  alive  or  artificial, 
but  it  was  the  Ayar's  familiar  spirit  called  HUAUQUI, 
or  brother. 

Their  first  march  took  this  army  of  empire 
builders  to  a  place  called  Huanacancha,  where  there 

i  Mascani,  to  search.  2  Uru,  a  spider. 


AYAR  CACHI  51 

was  a  long  halt,  and  the  next  sojourn  was  at  Tampu- 
quiru  and  Pallata,  contiguous  villages.  Here 
they  remained  for  several  years  sowing  and  reaping 
crops.  But  they  were  not  satisfied  with  it, 
and  moved  on  to  another  valley,  called  HAIS 
QUISRU. 

The  story  proceeds  to  relate  the  way  in  which 
Manco  got  rid  of  his  three  brothers,  so  as  to  rule 
alone.  The  salt  Ayar  is  described  as  so  cruel 
and  oppressive  that  the  brothers  feared  that  their 
followers  would  desert  and  leave  them  alone.  He 
was  so  dexterous  with  the  sling,  and  so  strong  that 
with  each  shot  he  pulled  down  a  mountain  and 
filled  up  a  ravine.  The  existing  ravines  on  the 
line  of  march  were  made  by  the  salt  Ayar  in 
hurling  rocks.  The  Inca  Garcilasso  tells  us  that 
the  meaning  of  salt  ( CACHI),  as  applied  to  this  Ayar, 
signifies  instruction  in  rational  life.  His  teaching 
must  have  been  rather  vigorous.  We  are  told  that 
his  brothers  feared  him,  and  conspired  to  take 
his  life. 

They  made  a  plot  alike  cunning  and  cruel. 
They  called  the  salt  Ayar  to  them  and  told  him 
that  some  precious  insignia  had  been  forgotten, 
and  left  in  the  cave  whence  they  came,  called 
CCAPAC  -  TOCCO.  These  were  the  golden  vases 
called  TUPAC  Cusi,  and  the  NAPA,  a  sacred  figure 
of  a  llama.  They  said  that  it  would  be  for  the 
good  of  all  if  he  would  go  back  and  fetch  them. 
At  first  he  refused,  but  the  strong-minded  MAMA 
HUACO  rebuked  him  with  stinging  words :  '  How  is 


52  AYAR  CACHI 

it  that  there  should  be  such  cowardice  in  so  strong 
a  youth  as  you  are  ?  '  she  exclaimed.  '  Get  ready 
for  the  journey,  and  do  not  fail  to  return  to  Tampu- 
tocco,  and  do  as  you  are  desired/  He  was  shamed 
by  these  words,  and  set  out  with  a  companion 
named  Tampu-chacay,  who  was  an  accomplice  of 
the  fratricides.  When  they  arrived  the  salt  Ayar 
entered  the  cave  to  fetch  the  treasures,  which  were 
not  really  there.  His  treacherous  companion, 
with  great  celerity,  rolled  a  rock  against  the  open- 
ing and  sat  upon  it,  so  that  the  salt  Ayar  might 
remain  inside  and  die  there.  The  outraged  prince 
exerted  all  his  mighty  strength  to  move  the  rock. 
His  cries  made  the  mountains  tremble.  But  all 
was  of  no  avail.  With  his  last  breath  he  de- 
nounced the  traitor,  declaring  that  he  should  be 
turned  into  a  stone  and  never  return  to  report  the 
success  of  his  crime.  To  this  day  the  traitor 
stone  may  be  seen  by  the  side  of  the  Ccapac-tocco. 
The  salt  Ayar  was  thus  disposed  of.  Next  came 
the  turn  of  the  pepper  Ayar. 

The  army  of  the  Ayars  continued  their  very 
deliberate  advance,  and  came  to  a  place  called 
Quirirmanta,  only  a  few  miles  from  the  valley  of 
Cuzco.  Here  there  was  a  hill  which,  according 
to  Sarmiento,  was  afterwards  called  HUANACAUEI. 
According  to  the  legend,  the  brothers  saw  a  sacred 
HUACA  or  idol  on  the  hill,  and  proposed  to  take 
it  away  with  them.  The  pepper  Ayar  was  in- 
duced to  approach  it,  and  when  he  came  in  contact 
with  the  idol  he  was  himself  converted  into  stone. 


AYAR  UCHU  53 

He  just  had  time  to  say :  '  Go,  happy  brothers. 
When  you  celebrate  the  Huarachicu,  I  shall  be 
adored  as  the  father  of  the  young  knights,  for  I 
must  remain  here  for  ever/  Garcilasso  explains 
that  the  name  of  pepper  (Ucnu)  was  applied  to  this 
Ayar  as  symbolically  meaning  the  delight  experi- 
enced from  leading  a  rational  life.  HUANACAURI  l 
or  HUAYNA-CAPTIY  2  became  one  of  the  most 
sacred  HUACAS  of  the  Peruvians.  The  word 
seems  to  have  reference  to  the  great  festival 
when  the  youths  received  a  sort  of  knighthood, 
the  ceremony  being  performed  near  the  Huaca. 
HUAYNA  means  a  youth.  Cauri  is  corrupt  and 
has  no  meaning,  but  Captiy  is  the  present  sub- 
junctive of  the  auxiliary  verb.  Here  the  un- 
fortunate pepper  Ayar  was  kept  in  memory,  and 
received  adoration  at  the  great  annual  festival  of 
arming  the  youths,  for  many  generations. 

Ayar  Manco  had  now  disposed  of  two  of  his 
brothers.  The  turn  of  the  joyful  or  fighting  Ayar 
was  to  come  next.  Meanwhile  the  march  con- 
tinued festina  lente ;  and  two  years  were  passed 
in  sowing  and  reaping  at  a  place  called  Matahua, 
just  within  the  Cuzco  valley.  Then  it  is  related 
that  Ayar  Manco  hurled  his  golden  staff  as  far 
as  Huanay-pata,  where  it  sank  into  the  earth. 
By  this  they  knew  that  the  land  was  fertile  and 

i  Cieza  de  Leon  tells  much  the  same  story.  Garcilasso  mentions 
Huanacauri  four  times  as  a  place  of  great  sanctity.  It  is  frequently 
mentioned  by  Molina. 

-  Salcamayhua  has  HUAYNA-CAPTIY. 


54  OCCUPATION  OF  CUZCO 

suited  for  settlement.  But  first  the  joyful  Ayar 
must  be  disposed  of.  A  pile  of  stones  was  in  sight, 
where  the  temple  of  the  sun  afterwards  stood. 
Manco  told  his  last  remaining  brother,  who  was 
winged,  that  he  must  fly  thither  and  take  possession 
of  the  territory.  The  joyful  Ayar  did  so,  and  when 
he  sat  on  the  mount,  lo  and  behold  !  he  was  turned 
into  a  stone.  This  cairn  or  mound  was  called 
Cuzco,  whence  the  name  of  the  future  city.  The 
word  means  literally  a  clod  of  earth,  or  hard,  un- 
irrigated  land.  Cuzquini  is  to  level  or  break  clods 
of  earth. 

Whether  the  three  Ayars  were  disposed  of  in 
this  miraculous  way,  or  whether  their  lives  were 
taken  without  a  disturbance  of  the  laws  of  nature, 
Manco  now  had  no  rival.  He  occupied  a  strong 
position  with  his  army,  near  the  joyous  Ayar's 
fatal  Cuzco,  and  forcibly  subdued  the  Alcavisas 
and  other  former  settlers  in  the  valley. 

This  Paccari-tampu  myth  is,  I  believe,  founded 
on  an  important  historical  event.  It  records  the 
march  of  those  descendants  of  the  ancient  civil- 
isers  who  took  refuge  at  Tampu-tocco.  They 
were  empire  builders  marching  to  Cuzco,  with  their 
religious  beliefs  and  ceremonies,  their  insignia  of 
royalty,  their  traditions  of  laws  and  customs,  and 
their  household  gods. 

The  fertile  vale  of  Cuzco,  several  miles  in  length, 
and  surrounded  by  mountains,  is  in  latitude  13°  3(7  S. 
and  11,380  ft.  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  Over 
its  site  rises  the  imposing  hill  of  Sacsahuaman, 


OCCUPATION  OF  CUZCO  55 

with  the  ancient  cyclopean  fortress  on  the  eastern 
side.  This  famous  mount  is  separated  from  the 
hills  on  either  side  by  deep  ravines,  down  which 
two  torrents  flow,  called  the  Huatanay  and  Tulu- 
mayu.  Beaching  the  level  ground  which  forms 
the  site  of  Cuzco,  they  often  overflowed  their 
banks,  causing  swamps  and  injuring  the  land. 
Eventually  they  form  a  junction,  and  the  united 
stream  flows  down  the  valley  to  join  the  Vilcamayu. 
It  was  at  the  junction  of  the  torrents,  about  a  mile 
from  the  foot  of  the  Sacsahuaman,  that  Manco 
established  his  settlement.  Here  he  erected  the 
House  of  the  Sun,  called  INTI-CANCHA,  but  for  a 
long  time  it  was  more  a  fortress  than  a  temple. 
He  and  his  successors  subdued  the  former  in- 
habitants of  the  valley,  and  the  ten  tribes  from 
Tampu-tocco  occupied  their  lands.  These  ayllus,  or 
tribes,  formed  the  fighting  strength  of  the  restored 
rule.  Some  of  them,  as  the  dominion  extended, 
went  further  afield.  The  Maras  tribe  gave  its 
name  to  the  village  of  Maras,  on  the  plateau  over- 
looking the  lovely  vale  of  Vilcamayu.  The  Uru 
tribe  was  established  at  Urupampa,  in  the  vale 
itself ;  and  the  Tampu  tribe  further  down  the 
same  valley. 

The  date  of  the  event  recorded  in  the  Paccari- 
tampu  myth  may  be  placed  at  about  four  centuries 
before  the  Spanish  conquest,  in  1100  A.D.  or 
thereabouts.  Sarmiento  places  it  at  565  A.D.,  by 
making  each  generation  cover  a  century. 

There     is     practical     unanimity    among     all 


56  SUCCESSORS  OF  MANGO 

authorities  with  regard  to  the  names  of  the  four 
first  successors  of  Manco.  They  were  SINCHI 
ROCCA,  LLOQUE  YUPANQUI,  MAYTA  CCAPAC,  and 
CCAPAC  YUPANQUI.  Most  of  these  names  are 
merely  titles.  The  actual  names  are  ROCCA, 
LLOQUE,  and  MAYTA.  For  the  fourth  only  titles 
are  given,  and  no  personal  name.  The  kings  con- 
tinued to  live  within  the  fortified  INTI-CANCHA, 
dividing  the  land  between  the  torrents  into  four 
quarters,  to  be  occupied  by  their  followers:  namely 
QUINTI-CANCHA,  or  the  angular  place,  where  the 
torrents  join ;  CHUMPI-CANCHA,  or  the  place  of 
stone  heaps,  perhaps  buildings ;  SAYRI-CANCHA,  or 
the  place  where  the  Sayri  plant  was  cultivated ; 
and  YARAMPUY-CANCHA,  another  place  for  cul- 
tivation. These  four  kings  undertook  no  great 
enterprise.  Mayta  Ccapac  alone  showed  any 
energy,  by  finally  subjugating  the  tribes  in 
the  Cuzco  valley.  The  kings  at  the  Inti-cancha 
were  respected  by  the  surrounding  chiefs  as 
children  of  the  sun,  and  for  their  superior 
knowledge  and  civilisation.  Envoys  were  sent 
to  them,  some  with  submission,  and  they 
wisely  cemented  alliances  by  marriages  with 
daughters  of  their  more  powerful  neighbours. 
The  marriages  with  sisters  was  a  much  later  custom 
of  their  prouder  and  more  imperially  minded 
successors. 

Apparently  these  early  successors  of  Manco, 
owing  to  a  certain  superiority,  occupied  a  position 
of  priority,  scarcely  of  suzerainty,  over  a  very 


UNREST  57 

loose  confederacy  of  surrounding  tribes  speaking 
the  same  language.  But  this  was  not  what  was 
contemplated  by  the  Ayar  Manco,  who  had  filled 
the  minds  of  his  tribes  with  ambitious  ideas. 
There  was  a  feeling  of  unrest  and  discontent,  the 
very  opportunity  to  be  seized  by  a  highly  gifted 
adventurer,  if  time  should  produce  one. 


CHAPTER  V 

RISE    OP   THE    INCAS 

THERE  was  a  feeling  of  unrest  among  the  descend- 
ants of  the  conquering  tribes  led  by  the  Ayars  to 
Cuzco.  Vice  was  unchecked,  the  leaders  of  the 
people  remained  inert  in  the  Inti-cancha,  and  no 
progress  was  made.  Yet  the  people  themselves 
were  still  vigorous,  only  needing  a  resolute  chief, 
with  a  genius  for  command,  to  guide  and  direct 
their  destinies. 

Among  the  discontented  there  was  an  ambitious 
lady,  said  to  have  been  of  the  blood-royal,  who,  in 
consultation  with  her  sister,  one  of  the  most  noted 
sorceresses  of  that  day,  resolved  to  effect  a  revolu- 
tion. Her  name  was  SIUYACU,  or  the  '  gradually 
increasing  ring/  l  She  was  shrewd,  cautious,  and 
determined. 

Her  son  Rocca  was  to  be  the  instrument  to 
effect  the  revolution  she  contemplated  for  the  good 
of  her  people.  He  was  a  youth  in  his  twentieth 
year,  well  formed,  handsome,  valiant,  and  with  a 
mind  filled  with  lofty  ideals.  Already  he  was  the 

l  Siui,  a  ring ;  yacu,  a  particle,  denoting  gradual  advance  or 
increase.  The  corrupt  form  is  CIUACO. 

58 


SPEECH  OF  ROCCA'S  MOTHER  59 

leader  of  the  young  men  who  were  discontented,  and 
among  his  intimates  he  was  called  INCA  or  Lord. 

The  lady  SIUYACU  thus  opened  the  subject  to 
her  son.  '  My  son/  she  began,  '  you  have  a 
knowledge  of  the  very  happy  estate  enjoyed  by 
our  ancestors,  when  they  occupied  themselves  in 
military  exercises,  and  lived  in  conformity  with 
the  will  of  our  great  father  the  sun,  and  of  the 
Supreme  Creator  ILLA  TICI  UIRA-COCHA.  By  this 
path  the  city  flourished,  there  was  a  succession  of 
many  kings,  the  realm  was  extended,  the  course  of 
events  was  prosperous,  and  we  always  triumphed 
over  our  enemies,  of  which  things  our  quipus  are 
full.  All  this  is  now  changed.  The  country  is  in 
the  miserable  state  in  which  you  see  it.  But  I 
have  determined  that  you  shall  be  king.  I  trust 
in  the  aid  of  the  Supreme  Creator,  that  he  will 
favour  my  plans,  and  I  trust  that  you,  by  your 
valour  and  wisdom,  will  be  the  Restorer  of  the  city 
and  the  kingdom  to  its  ancient  prosperity.' 

She  ceased.  Tears  flowed  from  her  eyes  as  she 
waited  anxiously  for  her  son's  reply.  There  was  a 
long  pause.  Rocca  appeared  to  be  deep  in  thought. 
After  a  time  the  valiant  youth  delivered  his  answer. 
'  Mother  and  Lady !  '  he  said,  '  what  you  have 
proposed  must  be  for  the  common  good  of  all  the 
realm.  As  to  what  you  have  said  of  me,  I  dutifully 
accept  your  judgment.  I  declare  to  you  that  I 
am  ready  to  give  my  life  a  thousand  times  that 
your  noble  aspirations  may  be  fulfilled.' 

His  mother  was  satisfied,   for  she   knew  the 


60  THE  VISION  OF  ROCCA 

resolution  of  her  son  if  he  once  undertook  an  enter- 
prise, that  with  him  there  would  be  no  turning 
back,  and  she  was  impressed  with  his  wisdom  in 
accepting  counsel,  and  with  his  capacity  in  the 
execution  of  a  carefully  prepared  scheme.  She 
embraced  him,  declaring  that  she  hoped  no  less  of 
his  valour  and  high  spirit.  She  impressed  him  with 
the  absolute  necessity  of  silence,  and  charged  him 
to  follow  exactly  the  instructions  he  would  receive 
from  herself  and  his  aunt,  the  sorceress. 

The  lady  SIUYACU  next  gave  an  account  to  her 
sister  of  this  interview  with  her  son,  dwelling  on 
the  attention  he  had  given  to  her  words,  and  on 
his  willingness  to  enter  into  her  plans.  His  attitude 
promised  success,  and  the  sisters  determined  to 
take  action  without  delay.  The  sorceress  em- 
ployed certain  artisans,  who  were  sworn  to  secrecy, 
to  beat  out  a  great  number  of  square  pieces  of  fine 
gold,  with  small  holes  perforated  at  each  corner. 
They  then  sewed  them  on  to  a  long  garment, 
reaching  from  the  neck  to  the  heels,  with  numerous 
brilliant  precious  stones  between  the  golden  plates. 
The  whole  shone  like  the  rays  of  the  sun.  The  sisters 
then  made  several  trials  with  the  youth,  to  decide 
upon  the  way  in  which  he  should  appear.  At  last 
they  took  him  to  a  cave  called  Chingana,  in  the  side 
of  the  Sacsahuaman  hill,  which  overlooks  the  city. 
They  dressed  him  in  the  gold- embroidered  robe, 
and  told  him,  at  the  end  of  four  days,  to  appear 
at  noon,  on  the  height  that  dominates  the  whole 
city,  so  that  the  people  might  see  him,  and  then 


THE  VISION  OF  ROCCA  61 

to  return  to  his  hiding-place,  where  sufficient  food 
had  been  provided. 

The  two  sisters  then  declared  to  the  people  that, 
while  their  son  and  nephew,  INCA  ROCCA,  was 
sleeping  in  the  house,  the  sun  came  down  and 
carried  him  up  to  heaven  enveloped  in  its  rays, 
saying  that  he  would  soon  return  as  king  and 
favoured  child  of  the  great  luminary.  The  solemn 
statement  was  confirmed  by  six  members  of  the 
family  who  were  witnesses.  Partly  on  account  of 
these  assurances,  partly  because  they  had  long 
looked  upon  Rocca  as  a  child  of  destiny,  most  of 
the  people  believed  the  story.  If  there  were  any 
doubts  they  were  soon  dispelled. 

Great  numbers  of  people  came  from  far  and 
near  to  hear  the  news.  On  the  fourth  day  sacrifices 
were  offered  to  the  sun  from  early  morning,  with 
earnest  prayers  that  the  youth  might  be  restored. 

Immense  crowds  were  in  the  open  space  before 
the  Inti-cancha.  The  hour  of  noon  arrived.  The 
busy  hum  of  voices  ceased.  There  was  an  awed 
silence,  for  there,  on  the  summit  of  the  Sacsahua- 
man  hill,  in  the  sight  of  all  men,  stood  a  golden 
figure  glittering  in  the  sun's  rays.  Then  it  suddenly 
disappeared,  but  thousands  had  seen  it.  The  effect 
was  indescribable.  It  must  be  Rocca,  without 
doubt,  and  the  sun  had  shown  him,  in  answer  to 
their  prayers. 

At  nightfall  the  lady  SIUYACU  was  at  the 
Chingana,  instructing  her  son  to  appear  again,  in 
the  same  way,  at  the  end  of  two  days,  and  then 


62  ACCESSION  OF  ROCCA 

hide  himself  as  before.  During  the  interval  the 
people  were  in  suspense,  and  full  of  anxiety  to 
see  the  end  of  such  wonderful  events.  After  two 
days  the  golden  figure  was  again  seen,  for  a  few 
moments,  on  the  summit  of  the  Sacsahuaman  hill. 
The  feelings  of  the  people  were  wrought  up  to  the 
highest  pitch  of  excitement.  SIUYACU  seized  the 
fateful  moment.  She  announced  that  the  Supreme 
Creator,  ILLA  TICI,  had  told  her  to  go  to  the  cave 
Chingana,  where  she  would  find  her  son.  He  was 
to  be  taken  to  the  temple,  where  the  people  would 
hear  the  divine  message  from  his  lips,  and  must 
obey  him  in  all  things  as  one  inspired  by  the  Deity. 
The  people  prepared  themselves  by  dressing  as 
for  a  festival,  amidst  the  most  enthusiastic  re- 
joicings. Then  nearly  the  whole  population,  led 
by  the  lady  SIUYACU,  rushed  up  the  hill,  along 
the  walls  of  the  megalithic  fortress,  to  the  Chingana 
cave.  Under  a  carved  stone  they  found  young 
Rocca  reclining,  apparently  asleep.  He  awoke,  and, 
rising  to  his  feet,  he  told  the  people,  with  an  air 
of  great  authority,  that  they  must  repair  to  the 
temple,  where,  by  command  of  his  father  the  sun, 
he  would  give  them  the  message  he  had  received. 

The  return  of  the  people  was  more  solemn. 
There  was  an  awed  silence.  Rocca  was  seated  on 
a  golden  throne  within  the  temple.  The  vast 
crowd  was  eager  to  hear  the  message.  A  profound 
silence  prevailed  throughout  the  vast  concourse 
of  listeners  as  he  rose  to  speak.  These  are  said  to 
have  been  his  words:  'No  one  can  doubt,  my 


SPEECH  OF  ROCCA  63 

friends,  the  special  love  which  my  father  the  sun 
feels  for  us.  When  he  weakened  the  power  of 
this  realm  so  that  it  fell  to  pieces,  he  took  care 
to  provide  a  remedy.  It  was  vice  and  sloth 
which  consumed  its  grandeur,  and  reduced  it 
almost  to  a  vanishing  point.  Our  policy  was 
turned  into  a  system  of  each  man  being  his  own 
master,  leaving  us  to  be  satisfied  with  the  thought 
that  once  we  had  a  government.  The  tribute 
which  every  province  used  to  pay,  is  replaced  by 
disdain.  You  yourselves,  instead  of  performing 
duties  of  men,  follow  the  path  of  animals,  you 
have  become  so  effeminate  that  you  have  forgotten 
what  a  sling  or  an  arrow  may  be. 

'  My  father  the  sun  has  permitted  this  down- 
fall, and  yet  has  preserved  you  from  falling  into 
slavery.  Now  his  providence  will  apply  a  remedy. 
His  command  is  that  you  must  obey  me  in  all 
things,  as  his  son.  My  first  decree  is  that  you 
must  apply  yourselves  to  warlike  exercises.  This 
you  must  do,  for  it  was  by  discipline  and  exercises 
that  our  ancestors  became  Lords  of  the  World,  as 
our  Quiyucamayocs  tell  us.  Thus  occupied,  idleness 
will  be  driven  away,  you  will  become  accustomed 
to  obedience,  you  will  recover  what  has  been  lost, 
and  you  will  finally  regain  the  glory  that  has 
departed.  In  my  father  the  sun  you  will  have 
support.  His  rays  will  not  dry  up  the  land,  nor 
will  the  moon  deny  its  rains,  evils  from  which  our 
country  has  suffered  at  various  times.  My  laws 
will  be  those  of  the  ancient  kings,  and  will  not  be 


64  ACTS  OF  INCA  ROCCA 

new  inventions.  The  happy  feature  of  my  promises 
is  that  they  come  from  my  father  the  sun,  and 
cannot  fail.  The  punishment  of  disobedience  will 
be  thunder  that  will  terrify  you,  tempests  to  afflict 
you,  rains  to  destroy  your  crops,  and  lightning  to 
deprive  you  of  life/ 

Kocca  said  all  this  with  such  solemnity  that 
no  one  dared  to  dispute  his  words.  The  whole 
people  proclaimed  him  their  sovereign  by  acclama- 
tion, and  the  revolution  was  completed.  He 
began  to  reign  with  the  title  of  Inca  Kocca.  His 
first  act  was  to  remove  from  the  Inti-cancha,  which 
ceased  to  be  the  royal  residence,  and  was  given 
up  entirely  to  the  temple  for  the  service  of  the  sun. 
The  Inca  moved  to  the  upper  part  of  the  town,  and 
fixed  his  residence  in  an  ancient  building  of  the 
megalithic  age.  In  its  wall  is  the  huge  stone  of 
twelve  corners. 

This  interesting  tradition  is  told  by  Montesinos, 
and  is  probably  near  the  truth,  for  there  are  in- 
dications of  a  revolution  of  some  kind,  in  Acosta, 
Morua,  and  other  writers,  at  the  time  of  Kocca's 
accession. 

An  important  measure  of  the  new  sovereign 
was  the  division  of  people  of  every  district  into 
upper  and  lower,  HANAN  and  HURIN.  Great  im- 
portance was  attached  to  this  arrangement,  though 
it  is  not  quite  clear  on  what  grounds  it  was  in- 
stituted, and  what  purposes  it  was  intended  to 
serve.  In  Cuzco  it  was  decreed  that  all  the 
descendants  of  Inca  Kocca  should  be  Hanan 


HANAN  AND  HURIN  CUZCO  65 

Cuzcos,  and  settle  in  the  upper  part  of  the  city. 
Half  the  ayllus  which  marched  to  Cuzco  with  Ayar 
Manco  were  also  to  be  Hanan  Cuzcos.  These  were : 

CHAVIN, 

ARAYRACA, 

SANOC, 

TARPUNTAY  (sacrificer), 

HUACAY  TAQUI  (sacred  music). 

Perhaps  these  five  tribes  had  shown  more 
devotion  to  the  cause  of  the  new  ruler  than 
the  others.  The  descendants  of  Rocca's  pre- 
decessors were  all  to  be  Hurin  Cuzcos,  and  to  live 
in  the  lower  part  of  the  city.  The  other  five 
original  ayllus  were  also  Hurin  Cuzcos  : 

TAMPU  (settled  at  Ollantay-tampu), 

CUYCUSA, 

MASCA  (Mascani,  I  search), 

MARAS  (settled  at  Maras), 

URU  (settled  at  Urupampa). 

Probably  the  division  into  upper  and  lower  was 
connected,  in  some  way,  with  the  military  exercises 
which  were  rigorously  enforced  by  Inca  Rocca. 
The  descendants  of  the  ten  original  ayllus  mustered 
upwards  of  20,000  fighting  men.  Several  military 
expeditions  were  undertaken,  and  several  neigh- 
bouring tribes  were  subdued — Muyna,  Pinahua, 
Cayto-marca,  and  others — though  their  territories 
were  not  then  permanently  occupied.  But  the 
foundations  were  laid  for  a  great  army,  destined 
to  conquer  and  subjugate  the  whole  Andean 


66  ACTS  OF  INCA  ROCCA 

region.  The  ten  original  ayllus  were  the  old 
guard,  round  which  the  rest  of  the  army  was 
formed.  The  exercises  were  continuous,  and  the 
Inca's  son,  Vicaquirau,  and  nephew,  Apu  Mayta, 
the  two  greatest  generals  the  American  race  has 
produced,  were  trained  under  the  eye  of  the 
Inca  Rocca.  It  was  their  prowess  and  military 
skill  that,  during  the  three  following  reigns, 
created  the  empire  of  the  Incas. 

In  all  respects  Inca  Rocca  appears  to  have  been 
the  pioneer  of  empire.  The  last  recorded  appear- 
ance of  the  lady  Siuyacu  was  when  she  urged 
her  son  to  lose  no  time  in  suppressing  the  vicious 
and  slothful  habits  of  the  people.  He  made 
severe  laws  with  this  object,  which  were  rigorously 
enforced.  He  also  erected  schools  called  Yacha- 
huasi  to  train  youths  as  accountants,  and  recorders 
of  events.  The  walls  of  the  Inca's  schools  still 
resist  the  efforts  of  time.  The  grand  city  of 
later  Incas  was  commenced  under  the  auspices  of 
Rocca.  The  torrents  of  Huatanay  and  Rodadero, 
rushing  down  the  ravines  on  either  side  of  the 
Sacsahuaman  hill,  had  hitherto  periodically  over- 
flowed their  banks,  and  there  were  ponds  and 
swamps,  one  of  them  on  the  site  of  the  present 
cathedral  of  Cuzco.  The  Inca  Rocca  confined 
the  torrents  within  solid  walls,  drained  the  site  of 
the  future  city,  and  led  off  conduits  to  irrigate 
the  valley.  Thus  the  surrounding  country,  by 
a  system  of  terrace  cultivation  and  irrigation,  was 
enabled  to  support  a  much  larger  population. 


THE  OREJONES  67 

The  custom  of  boring  their  ears  and  enlarging  the 
lobes  until  they  were  a  great  length,  which  pre- 
vailed with  the  Incas,  their  relations,  and  the 
ten  ayllus,  obtained  for  them  the  name  of  Hatun- 
rincriyoc,1  or  great-eared  people,  which  the 
Spaniards  turned  into  Orejones.  The  latter  word 
is  constantly  occurring  in  the  early  chronicles 
and  narratives,  and  is  a  convenient  word  to  use  in 
writing  of  the  Inca  nobles.  The  Incas  and  their 
Orejones,  then,  by  their  greater  power  and  civilisa- 
tion, and  their  prestige  as  children  of  the  sun, 
had  attained  to  a  certain  predominance  over  most 
of  the  neighbouring  tribes.  Yet  some  stoutly 
maintained  independence,  even  within  a  dozen 
miles  of  Cuzco,  and  some,  like  the  Ayamarcas,  were 
hostile  and  defiant. 

1  Ccottasca  Rincri,  bored  ears  ;  ccotta  means  tender,  but  ccalla, 
wounded. 


p  2 


THE   STOLEN  CHILD 

A  STRANGE  and  unlooked-for  event  cast  a  shadow, 
though  only  for  a  brief  period,  over  the  Inca 
Rocca's  life.  He  had  married  a  very  beautiful 
girl  named  Micay,  the  daughter  of  a  neighbouring 
chief  who  ruled  over  a  small  tribe  called  PATA 
HUAYLL  AC  AN.  l  She  was  the  mother  of  four  princes : 
Cusi  Hualpa,  the  heir,  Paucar,  Huaman,  and 
Vicaquirau,  the  future  general. 

We  are  told  that  Micay,  the  Inca's  wife,  had 
previously  been  promised  by  her  father  to  Tocay 
Ccapac,  the  powerful  chief  of  the  Ayamarcas,  a 
much  more  numerous  tribe  than  the  Huayllacans. 
Her  marriage  with  the  Inca  caused  a  deadly  feud 
between  those  two  tribes.  Hostilities  were  con- 
tinued for  a  long  time,  and  at  last  the  Huayllacans 
prayed  for  peace.  It  was  granted,  but  with  a  secret 
clause  that  the  chief  of  the  Huayllacans  would 
entice  away  the  Inca's  eldest  son  and  heir,  and 
deliver  him  into  the  hands  of  his  father's  enemy, 
the  chief  of  the  Ayamarcas.  If  this  condition 
was  not  complied  with,  Tocay  Ccapac  declared 
that  he  would  continue  the  war  until  the  Huay- 
llacans were  blotted  out  of  existence. 

l  Huaytta,  green,  fresh  ;  can,  he  is. 
68 


THE  HEIR  OF  INCA  ROCCA  69 

These  Ayamarcas1  were  at  one  time  a  very 
powerful  tribe,  in  a  mountainous  region  about 
twenty  miles  SSW.  of  Cuzco ;  while  the  Huay- 
llacans  were  in  a  fertile  valley  between  the 
Ayamarcas  and  that  city. 

In  accordance  with  the  agreement,  a  treacherous 
plot  was  laid.  An  earnest  request  was  sent  to 
the  Inca  that  his  heir,  the  young  Cusi  Hualpa, 
might  be  allowed  to  visit  his  mother's  relations, 
so  as  to  become  acquainted  with  them.  Quite 
unsuspicious,  the  Inca  consented  and  sent  the 
child,  who  was  then  about  eight  years  of  age, 
to  MICUCANCHA,  or  PAULU,  the  chief  place  of  the 
Huayllacans,  with  about  twenty  attendants.  The 
young  prince  was  received  with  great  festivities, 
which  lasted  for  several  days.  It  was  summer  time. 
The  sun  was  scorching,  and  the  child  passed  his  time 
in  a  verandah  or  trellis  work,  called  arapa,  covered 
with  bright  flowers. 

One  day  it  was  announced  that  the  whole  tribe 
must  march  to  some  distance  to  harvest  the  crops. 
As  it  was  still  very  hot,  the  Huayllacan  chief 
insisted  that  the  young  prince  should  remain  in 
the  shade,  and  not  accompany  the  harvesters,  who 
had  to  go  a  considerable  distance  under  the  blazing 
sun.  The  prince's  attendants  consented,  and  all 

i  Marca  is  a  terrace  or  a  village  on  a  hill.  Ayar  was  the  title 
of  Manco  and  his  brothers.  But  Cieza  de  Leon,  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  Sarmiento,  and  Salcamayhua  leave  out  the  r.  It  then 
becomes  Aya, '  dead.'  The  month  of  October  was  called  Ayamarca 
Baymi,  Molina  says,  because  the  Ayamarcas  held  their  chief  festival 
in  that  month. 


70  HARVEST  SONG 

the  tribe,  old  and  young,  boys  and  girls,  marched  up 
the  hills  to  the  harvesting,  singing  songs  with 
choruses.  All  was  bright  sunshine,  and  their 
haylli,  or  harvest  song,  was  in  praise  of  the  shade  : 

'  Seek  the  shadow,  seek  the  shade, 
Hide  us  in  the  blessed  shade. 
Yahahaha, 
Yahaha. 

*  Where  is  it  ?  where,  where,  0  where  ? 
Here  it  is,  here,  here,  0  here. 
Yahahaha, 
Yahaha. 

'  Where  the  pretty  cantut l  blooms, 
Where  the  chihua's  3  flower  smiles, 
Where  the  sweet  amancay  3  droops. 
Yahahaha, 
Yahaha. 

'  There  it  is  !  there,  there,  0  there  ! 
Yes,  we  answer,  there,  0  there. 
Yahahaha, 
Yahaha/ 

The  child  listened  to  the  sounds  of  singing 
as  the  harvesters  passed  away  out  of  sight,  and 
then  played  among  the  flowers,  surrounded  by 
his  personal  attendants.  The  place  was  entirely 
deserted.  When  the  sound  of  the  singers  had  died 
away  in  the  distance  there  was  profound  silence. 
Suddenly,  without  the  slightest  warning,  the  warcry 

1  Pariphragmos  uniflora  (R.P.),  a  phlox. 

2  CMhuayhua,  a  calceolaria.     Chihua  is  a  sort  of  thrush. 

3  Amancay,  Amaryllis  aurea  (R.P.) 


THE  KIDNAPPED  PRINCE  71 

'  Atau  !  Atau  !  '  was  heard  in  all  directions,  and 
the  little  party  was  surrounded  by  armed  men. 
The  Orejones  struggled  valorously  in  defence  of 
their  precious  charge  until  they  were  all  killed, 
when  the  young  prince  was  carried  off. 

Tocay  Ccapac  waited  to  hear  the  result  of  his 
treacherous  raid  in  his  chief  abode,  called  Ahuayra- 
cancha,  or  '  the  place  of  woof  and  warp/  When 
the  raiders  returned  they  entered  their  chief's 
presence,  with  the  young  prince,  shouting  '  Behold 
the  prisoner  we  have  brought  you/  The  chief 
said,  '  Is  this  the  child  of  Mama  Micay,  who  should 
have  been  my  wife  ?  '  The  Prince  answered,  *  I 
am  the  son  of  the  great  Inca  E-occa  and  of  Mama 
Micay/  Unsoftened  by  his  tender  years,  or  by 
his  likeness  to  his  beautiful  mother,  the  savage 
chief  ordered  the  child  to  be  taken  out  and  killed. 

Then  a  strange  thing  happened.  Surrounded 
by  cruel  enemies  with  no  pitying  eye  to  look  on  him, 
young  Cusi  Hualpa,  a  child  of  eight  years,  stood  up 
to  defy  them.  He  must  show  himself  a  child  of  the 
sun,  and  maintain  the  honour  of  his  race.  With 
a  look  of  indignation  beyond  his  years  he  uttered 
a  curse  upon  his  captors.  His  shrill  young  voice 
was  heard  amidst  the  portentous  silence  of  his 
enemies.  '  I  tell  you/  he  cried,  *  that  as  sure  as 
you  murder  me  there  will  fall  such  a  curse  upon 
you  and  your  children  that  you  will  all  come  to 
an  end,  without  any  memory  being  left  of  your 
nation/  He  ceased,  and,  to  the  astonishment  of 
his  captors,  tears  of  blood  flowed  from  his  eyes. 


72  THE  PRINCE  WEEPS  BLOOD 

'  Yahuar  huaccac  ! '  '  Ydhuar  Jiuaccac  ! '  '  He  weeps 
blood/  they  shouted  in  horror.  His  curse  and 
this  unheard-of  phenomenon  filled  the  Ayamarcas 
with  superstitious  fear.  They  recoiled  from  the 
murder.  Tocay  Ccapac  and  his  people  thought 
that  the  curse  from  so  young  a  child  and  the  tears 
of  blood  betokened  some  great  mystery.  They 
dared  not  kill  him.  He  stood  up  in  their  midst 
unhurt. 

Tocay  Ccapac  saw  that  his  people  would  not 
kill  the  young  prince  then,  or  with  their  own  hands 
at  any  time,  yet  he  did  not  give  up  his  intention 
of  gratifying  his  thirst  for  vengeance.  He  resolved 
to  take  the  child's  life  by  a  course  of  starvation  and 
exposure.  He  gave  him  into  the  charge  of  shep- 
herds who  tended  flocks  of  llamas  on  the  lofty 
height  overlooking  the  great  plain  of  Suriti,  where 
the  climate  is  exceedingly  rigorous.  The  shep- 
herds had  orders  to  reduce  his  food,  day  by  day, 
until  he  died. 

Young  Cusi  Hualpa  had  the  gift  of  making 
friends.  The  shepherds  did  not  starve  him, 
though  for  a  year  he  was  exposed  to  great  hard- 
ships. No  doubt,  however,  the  life  he  led  on  those 
frozen  heights  improved  his  health  and  invigorated 
his  frame. 

The  Inca  was  told  that  his  son  had  mysteriously 
disappeared,  and  that  his  attendants  were  also 
missing.  The  Huayllacan  chief  expressed  sorrow, 
and  pretended  that  diligent  searches  had  been 
made.  Inca  Rocca  suspected  the  Ayamarcas,  but 


RESCUE  OF  THE  PRINCE  73 

did  not  then  attack  them,  lest,  if  the  child  was 
alive,  they  might  kill  him.  As  time  went  on  the 
bereaved  father  began  to  despair  of  ever  seeing 
his  beloved  son  again. 

Meanwhile  the  prince  was  well  watched  by  the 
shepherds  and  by  a  strong  guard,  which  had  been 
sent  to  ensure  his  remaining  in  unknown  captivity. 
But  help  was  at  hand.  One  of  the  concubines  of 
Tocay  Ccapac,  named  Chimpu  Urma,  or  'the 
fallen  halo/  had  probably  been  a  witness  of  the 
impressive  scene  when  the  child  wept  blood.  At 
all  events,  she  was  filled  with  pity  and  the  desire 
to  befriend  the  forlorn  prince.  She  was  a  native 
of  Anta,  a  small  town  at  no  great  distance  from 
Cuzco.  As  a  friend  of  Tocay  Ccapac  she  was  free 
to  go  where  she  liked,  within  his  dominions  and 
those  of  the  chief  of  Anta,  who  was  her  father. 

Chimpu  Urma  persuaded  her  relations  and 
friends  at  Anta  to  join  with  her  in  an  attempt  to 
rescue  the  young  prince.  It  had  been  arranged 
by  the  shepherds  and  guards  that,  on  a  certain  day, 
some  boys,  including  Cusi  Hualpa,  should  have  a 
race  up  to  the  top  of  a  hill  in  front  of  the  shepherds' 
huts.  Hearing  this,  Chimpu  Urma  stationed  her 
friends  from  Anta,  well  armed,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  same  hill.  The  race  was  started,  and  the 
prince  reached  the  summit  first,  where  he  was 
taken  up  in  the  arms  of  his  Anta  friends,  who  made 
a  rapid  retreat.  The  other  boys  gave  the  alarm, 
and  the  jailers  (shepherds  and  guards)  followed  in 
chase.  On  the  banks  of  a  small  lake  called 


74  THE  CHIEF  OF  ANTA 

Huaylla-punu,  the  men  of  Anta,  finding  that  they 
were  being  overtaken,  made  a  stand.  There  was 
a  fierce  battle,  which  resulted  in  the  total  defeat  of 
the  Ayamarcas.  The  men  of  Anta  continued  their 
journey,  and  brought  the  prince  safely  to  their 
town,  where  he  was  received  with  great  rejoicings. 

Cusi  Hualpa  quite  won  the  hearts  of  the  people 
of  Anta.  They  could  not  bear  to  part  with  him, 
and  they  kept  him  with  great  secrecy,  delaying  to 
send  the  joyful  news  to  the  Inca.  Anta  is  a  small 
town  built  up  the  side  of  a  hill  which  bounds  the 
vast  plain  of  Suriti  to  the  south.  There  is  a 
glorious  view  from  it,  but  the  climate  is  severe. 
At  last,  after  nearly  a  year,  the  Anta  people  sent 
messengers  to  inform  the  Inca.  The  child  had  been 
given  up  for  lost.  All  hope  had  been  abandoned. 
Rocca  examined  the  messengers  himself,  but  still 
he  felt  doubt.  He  feared  the  news  was  too  good 
to  be  true.  He  secretly  sent  a  man  he  could  trust, 
as  one  seeking  charity,  to  Anta,  to  find  out  the  truth. 
The  Inca's  emissary  returned  with  assurances 
that  the  young  prince  was  certainly  liberated,  and 
was  at  Anta. 

The  Inca  at  last  gave  way  to  rejoicing,  all  doubt 
being  removed.  Principal  lords  were  sent  with 
rich  presents  of  gold  and  silver  to  the  chief  of  Anta, 
requesting  him  to  send  back  the  heir  to  the  throne. 
The  chief  replied  that  all  his  people  wished  that 
Cusi  Hualpa  could  remain,  for  they  felt  much  love 
for  the  boy,  yet  they  were  bound  to  restore  him 
to  his  father.  He  declined  to  receive  the  presents, 


DEATH  OF  INCA  ROCCA  75 

but  he  made  one  condition.  It  was  that  he  and 
his  people  should  be  accepted  as  relations  of  the 
Inca.  So  the  young  prince  came  back  to  his 
parents,  and  was  joyfully  received  Inca  Rocca 
then  visited  Anta  in  person,  and  declared  that  the 
chief  and  his  people  were,  from  henceforward, 
raised  to  the  rank  of  Ore j ones.  The  Huayllacans 
made  abject  submission,  and,  as  Cusi  Hualpa 
generously  interceded  for  them,  they  were  forgiven. 
Huaman  Poma  furnishes  a  curious  corroboration 
of  the  story  of  the  stolen  child.  Of  all  his  portraits 
of  the  Incas,  Rocca  is  the  only  one  who  is  portrayed 
with  a  little  boy.  Huaman  Poma  did  not  know 
the  story  of  the  kidnapping  and  the  recovered  boy 
— at  least,  he  never  mentions  it.  All  he  knew  was 
that  only  Inca  Rocca  was  to  be  portrayed  with  a 
little  boy.1 

Inca  Rocca  died  after  a  long  and  glorious  reign, 
during  which  he  firmly  laid  the  foundations  of  a 
great  empire.  His  son  Cusi  Hualpa  succeeded 
at  the  age  of  nineteen.  He  was  commonly  known 

•/ 

by  his  surname  of  YAHUAR  HUACCAC,  or  '  weeping 
blood/  His  reign  was  memorable  for  the  changes 
that  took  place  in  the  system  and  objects  of  Inca 
warfare.  The  campaigns  were  no  longer  mere 
raids  on  hostile  or  rebellious  tribes.  The  Inca's 
brother,  Vicaquirau,  and  his  cousin,  Apu  Mayta, 
were  administrators  quite  as  much  as  generals. 
Every  attack  on  a  hostile  tribe  ended  in  complete 

i  The  story  of  the  kidnapping  is  also  mentioned  by  Morua. 


76  INCA  UIRA-COCHA 

annexation.  As  the  fame  of  the  generals  spread, 
the  greater  number  of  tribes  submitted  without 
resistance.  Those  who  resisted  were  made  terrible 
examples  of,  and  if  necessary  a  garrison  was  left 
in  their  principal  place.  The  Ayamarcas  were 
entirely  crushed.  Thus  the  Inca  realm  was  every 
year  extended,  and  at  the  same  time  consolidated. 

Cusi  Hualpa  had  five  sons :  Pahuac  Hualpa 
Mayta,  so  named  from  his  agility  as  a  runner ; l 
Hatun  Tupac,  Vicchu  Tupac,  Marca  Yutu,2  and 
Kocca.  The  Huayllacans,  unimpressed  by  the 
pardon  for  their  former  treachery,  conspired  to 
make  Marca  Yutu  the  successor  of  his  father, 
because  he  was  more  nearly  related  to  their  chief. 
With  this  object  they  enticed  Pahuac  Hualpa  into 
their  power  and  murdered  him.  For  this  there 
could  be  no  forgiveness,  and  the  tribe  was  entirely 
wiped  out  of  existence  by  the  Inca's  generals. 
The  second  son,  Hatun  Tupac,  then  became  the  heir. 

The  new  heir  to  the  throne  had,  rather  blas- 
phemously, added  to  his  real  name  of  Hatun  Tupac, 
the  surname  of  Uira-cocha,  which  was  that  of  the 
Deity.  One  reason  that  is  given  was  that,  being  at 
Urcos,  a  town  about  twenty-five  miles  south  of 
Cuzco,  a  vision  of  the  Deity  appeared  to  him  in  a 
dream.  When  he  related  his  experience  to  his 
attendants  next  morning,  his  tutor,  named  Hualpa 
Kimachi,  offered  congratulations  and  hailed  the 
young  prince  as  Inca  Uira-cocha.  Others  say  that 
he  took  the  name  because  he  adopted  the  Deity 

i  Pdhu-ani,  I  run,  3  Hillside  partridge. 


SONS  OF  UIRA-COCHA  77 

as  his  godfather,  when  he  was  armed  and  went 
through  other  ceremonies  at  the  festival  of 
Huarachicu.  Be  this  how  it  may,  he  always  called 
himself  Uira-cocha.  His  father,  mindful  of  the 
debt  of  gratitude  he  owed  to  the  people  of  Anta, 
married  his  heir  to  a  daughter  of  their  chief,  and 
niece  of  his  deliverer,  Chimpu  Urma.  The  lady's 
name  was  Runtu-caya.1 

In  the  fulness  of  time  Cusi  Hualpa  (Yahuar 
Huaccac)  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hatun  Tupac, 
calling  himself  Uira-cocha.  The  policy  of  the  two 
great  generals  was  continued,  and  the  whole  region 
between  the  rivers  Apurimac  and  Vilcamayu, 
the  Inca  region,  was  annexed  and  consolidated 
into  one  realm  under  the  Inca.  The  names  of 
Uira-cocha's  sons  by  Runtu-caya  were  Rocca, 
Tupac,  and  Cusi.2  By  a  beautiful  concubine 
named  Ccuri-chulpa  the  Inca  had  two  other  sons 
named  Urco  and  Sucso.  For  the  sake  of  Ccuri- 
chulpa  he  favoured  her  children,  and  even  declared 
the  bastard  Urco  to  be  his  heir.  His  eldest  son 
was  a  valiant  young  warrior,  trained  in  the  school 
of  Vicaquirau  and  Apu  Mayta,  and,  when  his 
age  was  sufficient,  this  prince  Rocca  became  their 
colleague.  Cusi  was  the  most  promising  youth 
of  the  rising  generation,  endowed  with  rare  gifts, 
beautiful  in  form  and  feature,  of  dauntless  courage 
and  universally  beloved. 

1  Runtu,  an  egg,  and  Caya,  a  particle  conveying  an  abstract  idea, 
as  Runa,  a  man  ;  Runa  Caya,  humanity  :  Runtu,  an  egg  ;  Runtu 
Caya,  oval  face.  2  Joyful. 


CHAPTER  VII 

EMPIRE 

THE  land  of  the  Incas !  the  land  of  the  sovereign 
city  !  the  land  of  the  sacred  vale  !  The  land  con- 
verted from  the  home  of  many  contending  tribes, 
to  a  realm  obedient  to  one  king  and  lord.  This 
change  had  been  due  to  the  great  military  skill  and 
administrative  ability  of  the  two  generals,  Apu 
Mayta  and  Vicaquirau.  It  was  a  work  of  many 
years,  but  it  was  completed. 

The  land  of  the  Incas  was  250  miles  in  length 
by  60  in  width.  It  is  bounded  on  its  western 
side  by  the  river  Apurimac,  '  chief  of  the  speaking 
waters/ l  dashing  down  a  profound  ravine  with 
precipitous  sides.  On  the  east  was  the  Vilcamayu, 
•'  the  sacred  river/ 2  flowing  from  the  '  sacred  lake  ' 
(Vilca  unuta)  at  the  foot  of  the  lofty  snowy  peak 
which  is  visible  from  Cuzco,  rising  majestically 
into  the  azure  sky.  Unlike  the  Apurimac,  the 
Vilcamayu  irrigates  a  wide  and  fertile  valley 
unsurpassed  for  beauty  in  the  wide  world.  To 
the  south  this  classic  land  is  separated  from  the 

1  Apu,  chief  ;  Rimac,  speaker,  oracle. 

2  Vilca,  sacred  ;  Mayu,  river. 

78 


BRIDGE  OVER  THE  APURIMAC 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  INCAS  79 

basin  of  Lake  Titicaca  by  the  knot  of  Vilcanota, 
which  connects  the  eastern  and  maritime  Cordilleras. 
To  the  north  the  wild  mountains  of  Vilcapampa 
finally  sink  down  into  the  tropical  Amazonian 
forests. 

Between  the  rivers  there  are  four  zones,  in 
which  the  aspects  of  the  land  differ,  mainly  owing 
to  varying  elevations  above  the  sea.  To  the  south 
there  is  a  vast  extent  of  lofty  tableland,  with  a 
very  rigorous  climate,  where  there  were  flocks  of 
llamas,  some  scattered  villages,  and  a  few  large 
lakes.  Next,  to  the  north,  is  the  region  of  moun- 
tains and  valleys  with  drainage  to  the  two  rivers. 
This^was  the  most  densely  inhabited  zone,  yielding 
crops  of  maize  and  of  edible  roots.  In  its  centre 
is  Cuzco,  with  its  two  torrents  of  Huatanay  and 
Tulumayu,  uniting  and  then  flowing  down  its  long 
valley  to  join  the  sacred  river.  There  were  other 
valleys  with  picturesque  lakes,  and  ravines  filled 
with  trees  and  flowering  bushes.  The  lakes  were 
frequented  by  a  large  goose  (huallata),  two  ducks 
(nunuma  and  huachua),  flamingoes,  cranes,  herons, 
egrets,  and  a  black  ibis,  as  well  as  the  Andean  gull 
(quellua).  The  sides  of  the  hills  were  occupied  by 
terraced  cultivation,  but  above  the  terraces  the 
slopes  were  frequented  by  partridges  (yutu)  and 
quails  (chuy),  plover  (llecco-llecco)  and  the  Andean 
hare  or  uiscacha.  Sometimes  a  condor  might  be 
made  out,  far  up  in  the  sky,  like  a  black  speck, 
while  eagles  (anca)  and  falcons  (alcamari  and 
huamari)  are  occasionally  seen,  soaring  in  mid 


80  THE  LAND  OF  THE  INCAS 

air.  Other  birds,  at  these  great  elevations,  are  the 
chihua,  a  sort  of  thrush,  the  chanquiri  or  crow, 
and  a  few  of  the  finch  tribe. 

In    this  country    of    lakes    and    well-watered 
ravines   was   the   Tampu-tocco    district,    on   the 
Apurimac  side,  whence  the  Avar  Manco  marched 
to  Cuzco.    Here,  too,  were  the  territories  of  the 
Muynas,  Pinahuas,  Huayllacans,  Canchis,  Cavinas, 
Ayamarcas,  and  other  tribes.     The  great  elevation 
only  admitted  of  a  somewhat  lowly  flora.     Yet  it 
is  the  native  place  of  the  graceful  Schinus  molli  tree, 
with  its  pinnate  leaves  and  bunches  of  red  berries. 
With  it  there  are  several  large  flowering  bushes 
called  chilca,  compositse   belonging   to  Baccharis 
Molina  and  Eupatorium,   and   tasta   (Stereoxylon 
patens).    Higher  up  are  the  qwnua,   ccolli,   and 
quisuar  trees,  and  the  tola  bush  already  described. 
There  are  ferns  too,  and  many  wild  flowers.     Chief 
among  them  ranked  the  golden  lily   (Amaryllis 
aurea)  and  a  red  liliaceous  flower.     The  cantvt  was 
a  bright-coloured  phlox,  much  used  for  garlands. 
The  meadows  and  ravines  were  also  enlivened  by 
salvias,  valerians,  calceolarias,  lupins,   some  large 
yellow  compositse,  a  convolvulus,  a  tropceolum, 
and  many  herbs  used  medicinally. 

Above  these  pleasant  valleys,  and  on  either 
side  of  Cuzco,  are  two  lofty  plateaux,  desolate  and 
frequented  only  by  shepherds  and  their  flocks. 
Between  the  city  and  the  Vilcamayu  valley  is  the 
highland  of  Chita.  On  the  Apurimac  side  is  the 
wild  region  whither  the  kidnapped  prince  was  sent 


THE  LAND  OF  THE  INCAS  81 

by  the  chief  of  Ayamarca.  The  third  zone,  further 
north,  comprises  the  vast  plain  of  Suriti  or  Ychu- 
pampa,  and  the  plateau  overlooking  the  sacred 
valley.  From  the  crest  of  the  Apurimac  gorge  the 
road  leads  up  over  the  two  pleasant  valleys  of 
Mollepata  and  Rimac-tampu,  and  then  by  a  slight 
ascent  to  the  great  plain  covered  with  grass  and 
reeds,  where  there  are  occasionally  swamps  and 
morasses.  This  plain  is  surrounded  by  mountains ; 
on  their  slopes  are  picturesque  little  towns,  such 
as  Suriti  and  Anta,  and  at  its  south-eastern  end  a 
ravine  leads  down,  by  Iscuchaca,  to  the  city  of 
Cuzco,  about  twelve  miles  distant.  There  are 
swamps,  but  there  are  also  vast  tracts  of  ychu  or 
coarse  grass,  where  the  llama  flocks  of  Anta  find 
pasture.  Towards  the  end  of  winter  storms  of 
thunder  and  lightning,  with  rain,  pass  rapidly  over 
the  plain.  It  is  an  indescribably  grand  sight  to 
see  these  storms  drifting  across,  with  the  sun 
shining  behind  them,  and  causing  exquisite 
effects  of  light  and  shade,  while  snowy  egrets 
and  darker  curlew  whirl  in  circles  over  the 
swamps. 

East  of  the  Suriti  plain,  which  is  an  ideal  battle- 
field, there  is  a  plateau  overlooking  the  Vilcamayu 
valley.  Here  are  the  small  towns  of  Maras  and 
Chinchero,  with  cultivated  patches  round  them,  on 
the  verge  of  the  descent. 

But  the  gem  of  the  land  of  the  Incas  is  the 
sacred  valley,  the  '  valley '  'par  excellence,  as  it 
was  called.  Rising  in  the  sacred  lake  at  the  foot 


82  THE  VALE  OF  VILCAMAYU 

of  the  snowy  peak  of  Vilcanota,  the  valley  of 
Vilcamayu  increases  in  fertility  and  beauty  as  the 
river  descends.  The  most  lovely  part  is  from 
Pissac  to  Ollantay-tampu,  where  the  mighty  Andes 
sends  up  its  snowy  peaks  on  one  side,  and  precipi- 
tous cliffs  bound  the  other.  The  groves  of  fine 
trees  are  alive  with  singing-birds— the  checollo,  with 
a  song  like  our  nightingale,  the  pretty  tuyas  and 
chaynas,  the  bright-plumaged  ccamantira  and  choc- 
cla-poccochi,  and  the  ccenti,  or  humming-bird.  Here, 
too,  are  doves  and  pigeons,  the  urpi  and  cullcu, 
and  the  golden-breasted  quitu.  There  are  also 
many  small  green  paroquets.  In  the  valley  are 
raised  splendid  crops  of  maize,  unequalled  else- 
where, grown  on  terraces  arranged  in  patterns,  and 
the  fruit  gardens  are  filled  with  chirimoya,  palta, 
lucuma,  and  paccay  trees,  up  which  twine  the 
passion  flowers  with  their  refreshing  fruit.  In  this 
enchanting  valley  the  Incas  had  their  most  delight- 
ful country  palace  of  Yucay,  with  extensive  baths 
and  gardens.  The  wide  world  might  be  searched 
without  finding  a  rival,  in  enchanting  beauty,  to 
the  sacred  valley  of  the  Incas. 

The  most  northern  zone  is  occupied  by  the  wild 
mountainous  district  of  Vilcapampa,  between  the 
two  rivers,  here  forty  miles  apart. 

This  land  of  the  Incas  had  been  brought  under 
a  settled  government,  and  there  was  a  breathing 
time  of  peace.  But  intrigue  and  discontent  were 
rife  in  Cuzco.  Uira-cocha  Inca,  who  was  old 
and  wholly  under  the  influence  of  his  concubine 


THE  CHANCA  CONFEDERACY  83 

Ccuri-chulpa,  had  passed  over  all  his  legitimate  sons, 
and  declared  the  bastard  Urco  to  be  his  heir.  The 
two  veteran  generals,  Apu  Mayta  and  Vicaquirau, 
and  the  legitimate  sons,  were  resolved  that  this 
should  not  be.  There  was  internal  trouble  ahead, 
but  much  greater  danger  threatened  from  without. 
While  the  Incas  were  consolidating  their  rule  between 
the  two  rivers,  the  heads  of  other  confederacies 
were  doing  the  same  elsewhere.  The  most  formid- 
able confederacy  was  that  of  the  Chancas.  The 
founders  of  this  powerful  kingdom  were  two  chiefs 
named  Uscovilca  and  Ancovilca.  They  established 
their  principal  seat  in  the  extensive  and  fertile 
valley  of  Andahuaylas,  and  their  descendants  had 
conquered  the  greater  part  of  the  western  and 
northern  districts  of  the  Andes.  The  Chanca  chiefs 
were  warlike  and  ambitious,  and  they  had  a  great 
military  force  at  their  command. 

The  chiefs  of  the  Chancas  were  two  brothers 
named  Asto-huaraca  and  Tomay-huaraca,  proud 
and  insolent  warriors  who  could  not  endure  the 
existence  of  any  neighbours  who  maintained  their 
independence.  The  river  Apurimac  separated  their 
territory  from  that  of  the  children  of  the  sun, 
and  they  resolved  to  bring  the  Inca  under  subjection. 
They  sent  a  messenger  to  Cuzco  demanding  sub- 
mission, and,  without  waiting  for  an  answer,  they 
crossed  the  Apurimac  with  a  numerous  army, 
advancing  over  the  great  plain  of  Suriti  or  Ychu- 
pampa.  In  their  wars  the  Chancas  carried  an 
image  of  their  founder,  Uscovilca,  in  front  of  the 

G   2 


84  FLIGHT  OF  UIRA-COCHA 

army,  because  it  had  hitherto  always  led  them  to 
victory.  They  called  it  ANCO  AYLLU. 

The  news  of  the  rapid  approach  of  this  formid- 
able army  spread  consternation  in  Cuzco,  in  the 
midst  of  the  intrigues  about  the  succession  of  Urco. 
The  old  Inca  had  not  the  courage  to  face  the  enemy, 
and  resolved  upon  flight  to  a  strongly  fortified 
position,  called  Caquia  Saquis-ahuana,  overlooking 
Pissac  in  the  valley.  His  way  took  him  over  the 
highlands  of  Chita.  His  illegitimate  sons,  Urco 
and  Sucso,  fled  with  him,  and  a  great  following  of 
Orejones  and  their  families.  Cuzco  was  deserted 
and  left  to  its  fate.  The  Inca  encamped  on  the 
plateau  of  Chita  to  await  events,  before  finally 
shutting  himself  up  in  Caquia  Saquis-ahuana.  He 
had  hopes  from  negotiation  with  the  Chancas. 

The  two  old  generals  and  the  legitimate  sons 
refused  to  leave  Cuzco.  They  declared  that  they 
would  die  in  defence  of  their  homes,  and  of  the 
gods  of  their  people.  Three  other  chiefs  remained 
with  them,  but  all  the  force  they  could  collect 
consisted  of  little  more  than  their  own  personal 
followers. 

Who  was  to  command  this  forlorn  hope  ?  There 
was  not  a  day  to  lose.  The  enemy  was  almost  at 
the  gates.  The  generals  declared  for  the  youngest 
of  the  Inca's  sons,  Prince  Cusi,  who  had  just  reached 
his  twentieth  year.  He  was  a  child  of  destiny. 
Eocca  had  laid  the  foundations.  Cusi  was  the 
builder  of  the  empire.  It  was  a  remarkable 
testimony  to  his  genius  that,  not  only  the  old 


THE  FORLORN  HOPE  85 

generals,  but  his  elder  brothers  accepted  him  as 
their  leader  and  remained  faithful  to  him  to  the 
end.  His  seven  chiefs  were  enthusiastic,  but  that 
was  not  enough.  The  odds  were  terrible,  apparently 
hopeless.  Seven  leaders  and  perhaps  700  followers, 
not  more,  rallied  round  the  young  prince : 

1.  Vicaquirau,  his  great -uncle  ; 

2.  Apu  Mayta,  his  first  cousin  twice  removed  ; 

generals,  and  heroes  of  a  hundred  battles. 

3.  Rocca,  his  eldest  brother  ; 

4.  Paucar,  his  next  eldest  brother  ; 

^  able  and  experienced  officers. 

5.  Urco  Huaranca,  chief  of  Quilliscancha  (a  Cuzco 

suburb). 

6.  Chima  Chaui  Pata. 

7.  Mircay-mana,  tutor  to  Prince  Cusi. 

Cusi  first  saw  that  every  man  was  well  armed, 
and  trained,  and  in  high  spirits.  He  did  not  conceal 
the  odds  from  them,  yet  he  assured  the  little  band 
of  heroes  that  the  Deity  was  on  their  side.  He  sent 
out  summonses  to  all  the  vassals,  but  with  little 
or  no  success.  He  exhorted  the  few  who  remained 
in  the  suburbs  to  defend  their  homes.  He  went 
especially  to  the  Quilliscancha  suburb  accompanied 
by  its  brave  chief,  Urco  Huaranca.  Here  there 
was  some  enthusiasm,  and  it  was  clear  that  he 
would  find  support.  Moreover,  arrangements  were 
made  to  obtain  information  through  a  Quilliscancha 
scout.  The  armed  leader  of  the  suburb  was  a  valiant 
and  stalwart  lady  named  Chanan-ccuri-coca,  on 
whose  loyalty  the  prince  placed  reliance.  Having 


86  DEFEAT  OF  THE  CHANCAS 

made  all  the  preparations  that  were  possible  with 
the  small  means  at  his  command,  Cusi  retired  to 
a  lonely  place  to  pray  to  his  god.  There  is  a  fountain 
called  the  SUSUR  PUQUIO,  between  Iscuchaca  and 
Cuzco,  a  secluded  spot  where  a  stream,  shaded  by 
molle  trees,  falls  over  some  rocks.  Here  Prince 
Cusi  knelt  in  prayer.  He  had  a  vision.  A  figure, 
resplendent  and  dazzling,  appeared  to  him  in  the 
air,  which  he  knew  to  be  his  father  the  sun.  He 
was  consoled  and  animated  for  the  battle,  with  the 
assurance  that  he  would  conquer  the  Chancas.  The 
prince  returned  to  his  followers,  and  imparted  to 
them  the  enthusiasm  by  which  he  was  himself 
inspired.  A  number  of  vassals  came  from  a 
distance,  but  more  inclined  to  look  on  than  to 
fight.  They  took  to  the  hills  to  watch  the  event. 
The  Chancas  advanced  in  great  numbers,  full 
of  confidence,  without  order,  and  expecting  little 
or  no  resistance.  One  of  the  scouts  sent  by  Urco 
Huaranca  rushed  into  the  prince's  presence  crying, 
'To  arms!  To  arms!  The  foe  is  upon  us/  The 
Chancas  were  entering  Cuzco,  but  met  with  a  stub- 
born resistance  in  the  Quilliscancha  suburb.  Prince 
Cusi  was  ready,  and  all  his  plans  were  laid.  Fol- 
lowed closely  by  the  aged  generals,  his  elder  brothers, 
and  their  followers,  in  a  compact  phalanx,  he  made 
a  sudden  and  furious  flank  attack,  forcing  his  way 
in  like  a  wedge,  and  making  straight  for  the  statue 
and  standard  of  Uscovilca.  While  a  furious  battle 
was  raging  in  the  suburb,  Asto-huaraca  and  Tomay- 
huaraca  rallied  their  guards  to  defend  their  standard. 


PRINCE  CUSI  HAILED  AS  PACHACUTI       87 

But  the  flank  attack  was  so  furious  and  so 
well  sustained,  that  the  Chancas  were  amazed  and 
thrown  into  confusion.  Prince  Cusi  was  so  dex- 
terous with  his  weapon  that  no  one  could  resist 
him,  and  he  hewed  his  way  straight  for  the  standard. 
He  was  ably  sustained  by  his  followers,  and  there 
was  great  havoc.  The  Chanca  chiefs  lost  heart 
and  ordered  a  retreat. 

When  the  crowds  of  recreant  vassals  on  the 
hills  saw  this,  they  came  down  to  join  the  little 
Inca  force,  converting  the  retreat  into  a  rout. 
TJiis  explains  the  story,  told  by  several  writers, 
that  the  sun  made  armed  men  rise  out  of  the  earth 
to  complete  the  victory.  The  Chanca  standard  and 
the  spoils  of  their  camp  were  captured. 

The  greatness  of  this  victory,  which  saved  the 
Inca  realm  from  complete  destruction,  was  as 
astonishing  as  it  was  unexpected.  Prince  Cusi  was 
hailed  as  the  Inca  Pachacuti,  the  ninth  bearing 
that  title,  counting  those  of  the  old  dynasties. 
Henceforward  he  was  known  by  no  other  name. 
He  refused  to  allow  a  triumphal  ceremony  for 
himself,  but  sent  Urco  Huaranca  with  all  the  spoils 
to  his  father  at  the  camp  on  the  Chita  highlands, 
that  he  might  tread  upon  them,  according  to  the 
usual  custom.  Uira-cocha  refused  to  do  this  him- 
self, but  delegated  the  duty  to  his  son  Urco,  as  the 
heir  to  the  kingdom.  Urco  Huaranca  was  furious, 
declaring  that  no  coward  should  triumph  by  the 
deeds  of  Pachacuti,  and  returning  with  the  spoils 
to  Cuzco. 


88  BALLY  OF  THE  CHANCAS 

We  hear  no  more  of  the  great  generals,  Vica- 
quirau    and    Apu    Mayta.     They  either  found   a 
glorious  death  on  the  battlefield  or  died  soon  after- 
wards at  a  great  age.     Pachacuti's  eldest  brother, 
Rocca,  was  his  most  trusted  general.     There  was 
no  longer  any  difficulty  about  raising  troops,  and 
an  efficient  army  was  organised,  well  drilled  and 
armed  with  slings,  arrows,  axes,  and  clubs.    For 
the  Chancas,  though  repulsed,  were  by  no  means 
crushed.     They    retired    to    the   great    plain   of 
Ychupampa,  received  large   reinforcements    from 
the  other  side  of  the  Apurimac,  and  prepared  for 
another  march  upon  Cuzco.     But  now  the  Inca 
Pachacuti  was  strong  enough  to  take  the  initiative, 
and  he  made  such  a  rapid  march  that  he  found  the 
Chanca  army  still  encamped  on  the  great  plain. 
The  hostile  chiefs,  encouraged  by  the  arrival  of 
large  reinforcements,  had  regained  much  of  their 
confidence.     Their  army  was  as  numerous  as  before 
the   defeat,    their  principal   weapons   being   long 
lances.     When  the  chiefs  saw  the  approach  of  the 
Inca  army,  they  sent  an  insolent  message  threaten- 
ing to  dye  their  lances  with  the  Inca's  blood  if  he 
did  not  at  once  submit  and  become  a  tributary 
vassal.     Pachacuti  calmly  replied  that  no  more 
time  could  be  wasted  in  talk,  and  that  God  would 
give  the  victory  to  whom  he  pleased.    He  marched 
onwards  with  his  army,  following  closely  on  the 
heels  of  the  messenger. 

The  contending  forces  closed  in  deadly  hand-to- 
hand  combat,  and  the  battle  raged  for  a  long  time 


FALL  OF  THE  CHANCAS  89 

without  advantage  on  either  side.  At  last  Pacha- 
cuti,  with  his  immediate  guards,  hewed  his  way 
through  the  hostile  ranks  to  where  Asto-huaraca 
was  fighting.  There  was  a  duel,  and  the  Chanca 
chief  was  slain.  His  colleague,  Tomay-huaraca, 
was  already  killed.  The  Inca  ordered  the  heads 
of  the  two  chiefs  to  be  raised  up  on  their  own  lances. 
This  caused  a  panic,  and  the  hostile  army  broke  and 
fled.  The  Ore  Jones  followed  in  pursuit,  doing  great 
execution,  few  escaping  over  the  terrific  gorge  of  the 
Apurimac  in  their  rear. 

^  The  power  of  the  great  confederacy  was  com- 
pletely broken.  It  was  a  death  struggle.  For  a 
long  time  the  balance  seemed  to  incline  to  the  Chan- 
cas.  The  valour  and  genius  of  Cusi,  the  Pachacuti, 
turned  the  scale,  and  the  empire  of  the  Incas  was 
the  result.  The  tributary  vassals  of  the  Chancas, 
over  a  vast  area,  soon  changed  their  allegiance, 
some  after  slight  resistance,  but  the  greater  number 
voluntarily  and  with  good  will. 

Pachacuti  went  in  person  to  his  father,  who 
had  now  taken  refuge  in  his  stronghold  called 
Caquia  Saquis-ahuana,  with  the  prisoners  and 
spoils,  requesting  the  old  man  to  tread  upon  them 
according  to  custom.  He  still  desired  that  his 
favourite  son  Urco  should  perform  the  ceremony, 
but  was  at  last  persuaded  to  comply  with  the 
custom  himself.  It  was  called  Muchanacu. 

On  his  return  to  Cuzco  there  was  a  solemn 
sacrifice  to  the  sun,  and  the  Inca  Pachacuti 
was  crowned  with  the  fringe,  and  proclaimed 


90  DEATH  OF  UIRA-COCHA 

sole  lord  and  sovereign  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father. 
Most  of  the  Ore jones  who  had  fled  with  Uira-cocha 
returned  to  Cuzco.  Soon  after  his  accession  the 
news  reached  Pachacuti  that  Urco  had  assembled 
forces  in  the  valley,  whether  with  or  without 
the  connivance  of  his  father  is  uncertain.  The 
Inca,  with  his  brother  Rocca,  at  once  marched 
against  the  insurgents.  Urco  received  a  blow 
on  the  neck  from  a  stone  hurled  by  his  brother 
Rocca.  He  fell  into  the  river  and  was  carried 
down  to  a  rock  called  Chupillusca,  a  league  below 
Ollantay-tampu,  where  he  tried  to  land,  but  was 
killed  by  his  brothers.1  They  then  sought  an 
interview  with  their  father,  who  refused  to  see  the 
Inca,  but  Kocca  forced  his  way  into  the  old  man's 
presence  and  upbraided  him.  Uira-cocha  con- 
tinued to  live  in  his  stronghold  of  Caquia  Saquis- 
ahuana,  where  he  died  and  was  buried.  In  his 
prime  he  loved  gorgeous  display,  and  we  are  told 
that  he  was  the  inventor  of  a  kind  of  rich  cloth 
or  brocade  called  TOCAPU.  The  name  of  his 
stronghold  may  have  reference  to  this,  for  AHUANA 
means  a  loom.  CAQUIA  may  be  rendered  '  my 
possession  '  or  '  property/ 3 

1  Urco  is  actually  made  to  succeed  by  Cieza  de  Leon,  Herrera, 
Fernandez,  and  Salcamayhua.     Herrera  gives  his  portrait  among 
the  Incas  which  form  a  border  to  his  frontispiece. 

2  HAQUIS,  the  Xaquix  of  other  writers,  might  mean  '  left  behind,* 
but  the  word  is  doubtful.     Xaquixaguana  is  the  name  applied  by 
some  writers  to  the  great  plain  of  Suriti  or  Ychupampa.     This 
must  surely  be  a  mistake.    The  refuge  to  which  Uira-cocha  fled  could 
not  possibly  be  the  site  of  the  battlefield  from  which  he  fled. 


INCA  PACHACUTI  91 

The  Prince  Cusi  was  the  builder  of  the  empire, 
the  foundations  of  which  were  laid  by  Rocca. 
The  elaborate  religious  ceremonial,  the  methods 
of   recording   events,    the    military   organisation, 
the   self-working   social   system   were   his   work. 
It  may  seem  incredible  that  the  whole  fabric  of 
Andean  civilisation  should  be  the  work  of  one 
man,  and  it  would  be  if  he  had  created  it.      But 
Cusi  was  not  the  creator.    He  was  the  PACHACUTI, 
the  reformer.     Over  all  the  regions  that  he  con- 
quered there  were  the  same  ideas  and  habits  of 
thought,  and  of  living,  dialects  of  the  same  original 
language,    and  the   same   faint  memories   of   an 
almost  forgotten  past.     Pachacuti  worked  upon 
these  materials  with  the  skill  and  foresight  of  a 
profound  statesman.     His  grand  object  was  at- 
tained,  for  he   welded   together  a   homogeneous 
empire  with  such  masterly  thoroughness  in  all 
its  complicated  details  that  its  machinery  worked 
almost  automatically. 

Pachacuti  was  a  great  conqueror  as  well  as 
a  great  administrator.  The  immediate  consequence 
of  the  final  victory  over  the  Chancas  and  of  the 
disruption  of  their  confederacy  was  the  addition 
of  a  vast  territory  to  the  land  of  the  Incas.1  The 
country  beyond  the  Apurimac,  between  that 

1  Sarmiento  mentions  six  tribes  within  the  land  of  the  Incas 
having  been  subdued  after  the  Chanca  war  by  Pachacuti  and 
his  brother  Rocca :  AYAMABCA,  OLLANTAY-TAMPTJ,  CTJGMA, 
HUATA,  Hu ANGARA,  TooTJABTT.  I  apprehend  this  to  be  a  mistake, 
caused  by  Rocca's  service  under  his  younger  brother,  and  that 
these  tribes  were  conquered  by  Rocca  before  the  Chanca  war. 


92  CONQUESTS  OF  PACHACUTI 

river  and  the  Pachachaca,  submitted  at  once.  It 
was  the  land  of  the  Quichuas,  very  closely  allied  to 
the  Incas.  The  next  region,  between  the  river 
Pachachaca  and  the  Pampas,  containing  the 
beautiful  valley  of  Andahuaylas,  the  chief  seat  of 
the  Chancas,  also  submitted.  The  Chancas  even 
added  an  important  contingent  to  the  Inca  army. 
Beyond  the  Pampas,  the  Soras  and  Lucanas,  hardy 
mountaineers,  submitted  after  a  brief  struggle. 
These  were  the  first  fruits  of  the  victory  over  the 
Chancas.  Pachacuti  next  invaded  the  basin  of 
Lake  Titicaca,  and  the  whole  region  was  annexed 
after  three  hard- fought  campaigns  against  the  Collas. 

Then  followed  a  campaign  during  which  the 
whole  northern  region  of  the  Andes,  as  far  as 
Caxamarca,  was  added  to  the  empire. 

By  this  time  Pachacuti  was  well  stricken  in 
years.  His  eldest  son  was  Amaru  Tupac,  a  very 
able  and  successful  general,  who  was,  at  one  time, 
intended  to  be  his  heir.  But  the  question  of 
the  succession  was  a  very  important  one,  and 
something  more  was  needed  than  a  successful 
general.  By  his  wife  Anahuarqui,  the  Inca  had 
another  son,  also  named  Tupac,  in  whom  the 
great  statesman  saw  the  germs  of  such  genius  as 
would  fit  him  to  succeed  to  the  responsibility 
of  guiding  an  empire.  After  an  interview  with  his 
father,  the  eldest  son,  Amaru,  accepted  the  situation 
and  remained  loyal  to  his  younger  brother  until 
death.  Young  Tupac  went  through  the  ceremony 
of  being  armed,  and  then  proceeded  on  a  great 


DEATH  OF  PACHACUTI  93 

northern  campaign.  The  countries  of  Huamanca, 
Jauja,  Huanucu,  Caxamarca,  and  Chachapoyas 
were  united  to  the  empire,  as  well  as  the  coast 
valleys.  Young  Tupac  also  subdued  the  Canaris, 
and  extended  his  conquests  to  Quito.  He  then 
descended  to  the  coast,  annexing  the  country  of 
Manta,  with  its  emeralds,  and  even  making  a 
successful  voyage  over  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  the 
Galapagos  Islands. 

.  The  end  of  the  great  emperor  came  at  last,  after 
a  memorable  reign  of  more  than  half  a  century.  He 
bad  his  sons  and  his  councillors  around  him. 
Addressing  Tupac,  he  said:  'My  son,  you  know 
how  many  great  nations  I  leave  to  you,  and  you 
know  what  labour  they  have  cost  me.  Mind 
that  you  are  the  man  to  keep  and  augment  them/ 
He  made  his  other  sons  plough  furrows  and  he 
gave  them  weapons,  in  token  that  they  were  to 
serve  and  to  fight  for  their  sovereign.  He  turned 
to  Tupac  saying,  'Care  for  them,  and  they  will 
serve  you/  He  expressed  some  wishes  about 
his  obsequies,  ordering  that  his  body  should  be 
placed  in  his  palace  of  Pata-llacta.  Then  he 
began  to  croon  in  a  low  and  sad  voice  : 

'  I  was  born  as  a  flower  of  the  field, 
As  a  flower  1  was  cherished  in  my  youth, 
I  came  to  my  full  age,  I  grew  old  ; 
Now  I  am  withered  and  die.' 

He  told  those  around  him  that  he  went  to  rest 
with  his  father  the  sun — and  so  he  departed, 


94  INCA  TUPAC  YUPANQUI 

the  greatest  man  that  the  American  race  has  ever 
produced. 

Tupac  was  a  worthy  successor.  He  continued 
and  consolidated  the  work  of  his  father.  As  his 
power  and  the  extent  of  the  empire  increased,  the 
Incas  assumed  greater  state  and  magnificence. 
With  Pachacuti  apparently,  and  certainly  with 
Tupac,  the  custom  of  marrying  sisters  was  com- 
menced. Like  the  Ptolemies,  the  Incas  resorted 
to  this  method  of  making  their  family  a  race  apart 
from  the  rest  of  mankind  and  almost  divine. 

Tupac  was  second  only  to  his  father  as  an 
administrator  and  a  general.  His  first  campaign 
as  a  sovereign  was  a  most  difficult  one.  He 
penetrated  far  into  the  primeval  forests  to  the 
east  of  the  Andes.  He  then  completely  subjugated 
the  Collas,  and  Chile  as  far  as  the  river  Maule. 
His  long  reign  extended  over  upwards  of  sixty 
years,  mainly  a  period  of  consolidation.  He  estab- 
lished a  firm  and  settled  government  on  the  lines 
laid  down  by  his  father.  When  he  felt  the  approach 
of  death,  he  retired  to  his  palace  of  Chinchero,  over- 
looking the  sacred  valley,  with  a  glorious  view 
of  the  snowy  mountains.  The  walls  of  this  palace 
are  still  standing.  The  dying  Inca  sent  for  his 
relations  and  councillors,  and  announced  to  them 
that  his  heir  and  successor  was  to  be  the  young 
Prince  Cusi  Hualpa,  his  legitimate  son  by  his 
sister  and  wife,  Mama  Ocllo.  He  then  sank  down 
among  his  pillows  and  died  at  the  great  age  of 
eighty-five  years. 


HUAYNA  CCAPAC  95 

Cusi  Hualpa  was  then  with  his  tutors  at 
Quispicancha,  in  the  valley.  He  was  brought 
to  Cuzco,  and  invested  with  all  the  insignia  of 
royalty ;  and  his  accession  was  announced  to 
the  people  in  the  Bimac-pampa,  an  open  space 
near  the  temple  of  the  sun.  Surprised  at  the 
youthful  appearance  of  their  sovereign,  their 
acclamations  were  mingled  with  cries  of  '  Huayna  ! 
Huayna!'  (the  boy-king,  the  boy-king).  From 
thenceforward  his  surname  was  Huayna  Ccapac. 
After  a  few  years  of  administration  at  Cuzco,  the 
jroung  Inca  made  a  visitation  of  all  his  dominions 
from  Chile  to  Quito.  The  last  part  of  his  reign  was 
occupied  with  a  very  ably  conducted  campaign 
on  the  extreme  northern  borders  of  his  empire, 
and  he  died  at  Quito  in  1525,  the  last  of  the  great 
imperial  Incas,  great  in  peace  as  in  war. 

The  six  Incas,  from  Eocca  to  Huayna,  may,  with 
fair  probability,  be  given  a  period  of  300  years ; 
and  the  Avar  Manco's  date  would  be  about  1100  A.D. 


RELIGION  OF  THE  INCAS 

IT  is  very  difficult  to  obtain  a  correct  and  clear 
idea  of  the  religious  beliefs  of  a  people  like  the 
Peruvians,  whose  thoughts  and  traditions  were 
entirely  different  from  those  of  the  nations  of  the 
old  world.  Besides  the  inherent  difficulty  of 
comprehending  the  bent  of  their  minds,  which 
resulted  in  the  religious  practices  recorded  of  them, 
there  are  many  others.  The  record  was  made 
by  very  superstitious  priests,  with  strong  prejudices 
against  the  beliefs  of  the  conquered  people,  and 
with  only  a  general  knowledge  of  the  language. 
There  was  but  one  important  authority  who 
had  known  the  language  from  childhood.  The 
manuscripts  were  often  incorrectly  transcribed 
by  ignorant  clerks,  so  that  mistakes  and  mis- 
spellings crept  into  the  texts,  and  there  were 
contradictions  among  the  authorities.  On  the 
whole  it  is  fortunate  that  there  should  have  been 
such  painstaking  and  conscientious  writers  as 
Bias  Valera,  Cieza  de  Leon,  and  Molina,  upon 
whose  evidence  reliance  can  be  placed  as,  at  all 
events,  the  impartial  impressions  of  the  writers. 

96 


THE  SUPREME  BEING  97 

Still,  a  very  careful  weighing  of  the  amount  of 
trust  to  be  given  to  the  various  authorities  is 
necessary,  with  reference  to  their  characters, 
positions,  and  circumstances ;  as  well  as  a  com- 
parison of  the  same  statement  in  various  authori- 
ties, in  order  to  judge  which  version  is  nearest 
to  the  truth,  and  to  arrive  at  the  nearest  approxi- 
mation to  accuracy.  Such  a  scrutiny  is  the  work 
of  years,  but  the  subject,  from  every  point  of 
view,  is  worthy  of  this  serious  and  prolonged 
study. 

^The  god  who  was  regarded  as  the  creator  and 
ruler  of  the  universe  in  the  megalithic  age  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  ILLA  TICI  UIBA-COCHA.  The 
names  were  handed  down,  by  tradition,  through 
the  centuries,  and  were  used  by  the  Incas  when 
contemplating  or  worshipping  the  Supreme  Being. 
The  names  came  to  them,  and  were  not  invented 
by  them.  For  them  they  were  the  names  of  the 
ruler  of  the  universe,  whatever  their  meaning  might 
be.  For  the  Incas,  and  the  more  thoughtful  among 
those  who  surrounded  them,  were  convinced  that 
the  deities  worshipped  by  the  people  were  not 
supreme,  but  that  they  obeyed  some  irresistible 
and  unknown  but  orderly  force.  It  was  this 
Supreme  Being  that  the  Incas  worshipped,  and 
sought,  with  fervency,  to  know  and  to  understand. 
Both  Molina  and  Salcamayhua  tell  us  that  there 
was  a  temple  at  Cuzco  to  the  Supreme  Being, 
and  that  his  worship  was  included  in  the  elaborate 
ritual  of  the  later  Incas.  Molina  gives  the  prayers 


98  PRAYERS  OF  THE  INCAS 

that  were  offered  to  Uira-cocha,  whose  temple  is 
stated  to  have  been  apart  from  the  temple  of  the 
sun.  Salcamayhua  tells  us  that  the  Supreme 
Creator  was  represented  in  the  sun  temple  by 
an  oval  slab  of  gold,  having  a  higher  place 
than  the  images  of  the  sun  or  moon.  The  prayers 
were  for  health  and  strength,  for  good  harvests 
and  the  multiplication  of  flocks,  for  victory  over 
enemies,  and  for  prosperity.  Nine  of  these  prayers, 
in  Quichua,  are  given  by  Molina.  One  is  given  by 
Morua.  The  most  remarkable  prayer  is  that  for  the 
sun,  called  PUNCHAU,  in  which  it  is  fully  recognised 
that  its  movements  and  heat-attributes  are  the 
work  of  Uira-cocha. 

This  recognition  of  an  almighty,  unseen  being 
who  created  and  regulates  all  things  visible  was 
probably  confined  to  the  higher  intellects,  who  had 
more  time  and  were  better  trained  for  thought  and 
reflection.  The  rest  of  the  people  would  seek  for 
visible  objects  of  worship.  But  for  the  Incas  the 
Uira-cocha  cult  was  certainly  very  real.  It  occupied 
their  thoughts  in  life  and  in  death,  and  they 
earnestly  prayed  for  a  knowledge  of  the  Deity. 
Some  of  the  hymns  addressed  to  the  Almighty 
have  been  preserved  in  a  manuscript  written  early 
in  the  seventeenth  century  by  a  native  named 
Yamqui  Pachacuti  Salcamayhua.  They  were  first 
printed  by  the  present  writer  in  a  translation  of 
Salcamayhua's  work  (1873),  the  text  of  the  hymns 
being  left  in  the  original  Quichua.  Some  years 
afterwards  the  Spanish  text  was  edited  by  Don 


HYMNS  TO  UIRA-COCHA  99 

Marcos  Jimenez  de  la  Espada  at  Madrid,  but  again 
without  any  attempt  to  translate  the  Quichua 
hymns.  This  was  at  last  done  through  the  in- 
strumentality of  Don  Samuel  A.  Lafone  Quevedo. 
The  text  was  very  corrupt,  the  words  were  mis- 
spelt and  not  divided  from  each  other,  and  it  would 
require  a  most  profound  Quichua  scholar  to  restore 
the  meaning  of  the  original.  Senor  Lafone  Quevedo 
secured  the  services  of  Dr.  Miguel  Mossi,  of  Bolivia, 
now  no  more,  by  far  the  best  modern  scholar  of 
the  language  of  the  Incas.  The  result  was  the 
publication  in  1892  of  Spanish  translations  of 
the  hymns  to  Uira-cocha.1  These  hymns  are  the 
expression  of  a  longing  to  know  the  invisible  god, 
to  walk  in  his  ways,  and  to  have  the  prayers 
heard  which  entreat  the  Deity  to  reveal  himself. 
They  show  a  strong  sense  of  his  guiding  power  in 
regulating  the  seasons  and  the  courses  of  the 
heavenly  bodies,  and  in  making  provision  for 
reproduction  in  nature.  There  is  a  strange  ex- 
pression of  wonder  respecting  the  sex  of  the  Deity ; 
but  this  is  wonder  and  nothing  more,  not,  as 
Senor  Lafone  Quevedo  suggests,  an  allusion  to 
phallic  worship.  There  is,  indeed,  a  plaintive 
note  in  these  cries  to  the  Deity  for  a  knowledge 
of  the  unknowable,  which  is  touching  in  its 
simplicity. 

1  Bevista  del  Museo  de  la  Plata,  J.  III.  p.  320.  Ensayo  Mitologico. 
El  culto  de  Tonapa.  Los  himnos  sagrados  de  los  Reyes  del  Cuzco, 
segun  el  Yamqui-Pachacuti  por  Samuel  A.  Lafone  Quevedo  (Talleres 
del  Museo  de  la  Plata,  1892). 

H  2 


100  HYMNS  TO  UIRA-COCHA 

0  Uira-cocha  !  Lord  of  the  universe, 

Whether  thou  art  male, 

Whether  thou  art  female, 

Lord  of  reproduction, 

Whatsoever  thou  mayest  be, 

0  Lord  of  divination, 

Where  art  thou  ? 

Thou  mayest  be  above, 

Thou  mayest  be  below, 

Or  perhaps  around 

Thy  splendid  throne  and  sceptre. 

Oh  hear  me ! 

From  the  sky  above, 

In  which  thou  mayest  be, 

From  the  sea  beneath, 

In  which  thou  mayest  be, 

Creator  of  the  world, 

Maker  of  all  men  ; 

Lord  of  all  Lords, 

My  eyes  fail  me 

For  longing  to  see  thee  ; 

For  the  sole  desire  to  know  thee. 

Might  I  behold  thee, 

Might  I  know  thee, 

Might  I  consider  thee, 

Might  I  understand  thee. 

Oh  look  down  upon  me, 

For  thou  knowest  me. 

The  sun — the  moon —  ,  -; 

The  day — the  night — 

Spring — winter, 

Are  not  ordained  in  vain 

By  thee,  0  Uira-cocha  ! 

They  all  travel 

To  the  assigned  place  ; 


HYMNS  TO  UIRA-COCHA  101 

They  all  arrive 

At  their  destined  ends, 

Whithersoever  thou  pleasest. 

Thy  royal  sceptre 

Thou  holdest. 

Oh  hear  me  ! 

Oh  choose  me ! 

Let  it  not  be 

That  I  should  tire, 

That  I  should  die. 

One  of  the  hymns  is  composed  as  from  an 
aged  Inca  on  his  death-bed  praying  for  light  and 
for  a  knowledge  of  the  Deity. 

0  creator  of  men, 
Thy  servant  speaks, 
Then  look  upon  him, 

Oh,  have  remembrance  of  him, 
The  King  of  Cuzco. 

1  revere  you,  too,  Tarapaca.1 
0  Tonapa,  look  down, 

Do  not  forget  me. 

0  thou  noble  Creator, 

0  thou  of  my  dreams, 

Dost  thou  already  forget, 

And  I  on  the  point  of  death  ? 

Wilt  thou  ignore  my  prayer, 

Or  wilt  thou  make  known 

Who  thou  art  ? 

Thou  mayst  be  what  I  thought, 

Yet  perchance  thou  art  a  phantom, 

A  thing  that  causes  fear. 

l  Servants  of  Uira-cocha,  according  to  Salcamayhua.  Sanniento 
has  Tahuapaca.  Cieza  de  Leon  alludes  to  Tuapaca.  No  other 
authority  mentions  them. 


102  HYMNS  TO  UIRA-COCHA 

Oh,  if  I  might  know  ! 
Oh,  if  it  could  be  revealed  ! 
Thou  who  made  me  out  of  earth, 
And  of  clay  formed  me, 
Oh  look  upon  me  ! 
Who  art  thou,  0  Creator, 
Now  I  am  very  old. 

Another  hymn  to  Uira-cocha  is  attributed,  by 
Salcamayhua,  to  the  Inca  Kocca  : 

Oh  come  then, 

Great  as  the  heavens, 

Lord  of  all  the  earth, 

Great  First  Cause, 

Creator  of  men. 

Ten  times  I  adore  thee, 

Ever  with  my  eyes 

Turned  to  the  ground, 

Hidden  by  the  eyelashes, 

Thee  am  I  seeking. 

Oh  look  on  me  ! 

Like  as  for  the  rivers, 

Like  as  for  the  fountains, 

When  gasping  with  thirst, 

1  seek  for  thee. 

Encourage  me, 

Help  me  ! 

With  all  my  voice 

I  call  on  thee  ; 

Thinking  of  thee, 

We  will  rejoice 

And  be  glad. 

This  will  we  say 

And  no  more. 


WORSHIP  OF  UIRA-COCHA  103 

These  fragments,  broken  chips  from  a  great 
wreck,  have  at  last  reached  us.  We  know  from 
them  that,  in  their  inmost  hearts,  the  intellectual 
and  more  instructed  section  of  the  Incas  and  their 
people  sought  for  a  knowledge  of  the  unseen 
creator  of  the  universe,  while  publicly  conducting 
the  worship  of  objects  which  they  knew  to  be 
merely  God's  creatures.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 
gives  the  sayings  of  several  Incas  respecting  the 
obedience  of  the  sun,  in  its  daily  and  yearly  course, 
to  the  behests  of  a  higher  power.  There  are  one 
or  two  points  connected  with  Uira-cocha  which 
have  been  puzzling,  and  which  will  be  better 
discussed  in  a  footnote.1 

1  Gomara  and  Betanzos  are  responsible  for  a  god  they  called 
Con.  No  other  authority  knew  of  it.  Gomara  had  never  been 
in  America.  He  recorded  a  story  of  a  being  named  Con,  child  of 
the  sun,  who  created  men,  but  afterwards,  being  enraged  with 
them,  he  turned  the  land  into  deserts,  and  gave  no  more  rain,  so 
that  they  only  had  water  from  the  rivers.  This  is  evidently  a 
story  from  the  coast.  It  is  merely  a  version  of  the  Huarochiri 
legend,  and  Gomara's  Con  is  Coniraya  Uira-cocha,  the  god  ruling 
over  the  heat  of  the  sun.  He  was  superseded  on  the  coast  by  the 
fish  god  and  oracle,  Pachucamac.  Betanzos  is  a  more  important 
authority,  as  he  was  many  years  in  Peru,  and  spoke  Quichua.  He 
gives  Con  titi  as  a  prefix  to  the  name  of  Uira-cocha,  while  all 
other  authorities  give  the  words  Ilia  Tici.  The  manuscript  has 
Con  titi,  but  the  editor  altered  it  to  Con  Tici,  to  be  nearer  the  other 
authorities.  TITI  is  no  doubt  a  clerical  error.  Probably  it  should 
be  Intt,  when  it  would  be  Conip  Inti,  the  sun  giving  warmth ; 
like  Coniraya,  appertaining  to  warmth,  attributes  of  the  Deity, 
not  a  separate  person.  The  name  Con  occurs  five  times  in  the  first 
and  second  chapters  of  Betanzos,  but  not  in  any  of  the  other  chapters. 

Salcamayhua,  in  relating  a  version  of  the  Titicaca  myth,  mentions 
two  servants  of  Uira-cocha  named  Tonapa  and  Tarapaca,  Sar- 
miento  spells  the  latter  Tahuapaca,  Cieza  de  Leon  has  Tuapaca. 


104  ANCESTOR  WORSHIP 

:-:* 

The  cult  of  Uira-cocha  by  the  Incaswas  confined 
to  the  few.  The  popular  religion  of  the  people 
was  the  worship  of  the  founder  or  first  ancestor  of 
each  ayllu  or  clan.  The  father  of  the  Incas  was 
the  sun,  and  naturally  all  the  people  joined  in  the 
special  adoration  of  the  ancestor  of  their  sovereign, 
combined  with  secondary  worship  of  the  moon, 
thunder  and  lightning,  the  rainbow,  and  the  dawn, 
represented  by  the  morning  star  CHASCA.  But 
each  clan  or  ayllu  had  also  a  special  huaca,  or 
ancestral  god,  which  its  members  worshipped  in 
common,  besides  the  household  gods  of  each 
family. 

In  the  last  century  or  two,  the  ceremonial  and 
ritual  observances  of  the  sun-worship  at  Cuzco 
assumed  extraordinary  magnificence.  The  splendid 
temple  was  built  of  masonry,  which,  for  the  beauty 
and  symmetry  of  its  proportions  and  the  accuracy 
with  which  the  stones  fitted  into  each  other,  is 
unsurpassed.  The  cornices,  the  images,  and  the 
utensils  were  all  of  pure  gold.  When  the  Inca 
and  his  court  were  present  at  the  ceremonies  it 
must  have  been  a  scene  of  marvellous  splendour. 

The  elaborate  ritual  and  ceremonies  necessitated 


Salcamayhua  is  alone  responsible  for  Tanapa.  This  author  was  a 
native  of  Collahua,  where  the  C  becomes  a  T,  Conapa,  merely  a 
form  of  Coniraya.  The  words  in  Conapa  are  Cconi,  heat,  and  apac, 
bearing,  '  Heat  bearing  '  or  '  conveying.'  It  is  another  form  for 
this  attribute  of  the  Deity,  not  a  separate  person. 

There  has  been  an  amazing  amount  of  conjecture  and  erudition 
bestowed  on  this  word  Con  ;  and  Don  Samuel  A.  Lafone  Quevedo 
has  written  a  very  learned  essay  on  the  cult  of  Tonapa. 


HIGH  PRIEST  OF  THE  SUN  105 

the  employment  of  a  numerous  hierarchy,  divided 
into  many  grades.  The  High  Priest  was  an  official 
of  the  highest  rank,  often  a  brother  of  the  sovereign. 
He  was  called  Uillac  Uma,  '  the  head  which 
counsels/  He  was  the  supreme  judge  and  arbiter 
in  all  religious  questions  and  causes  relating  to  the 
temples.  His  life  was  required  to  be  passed  in 
religious  contemplation  and  abstinence.  He  was 
a  strict  vegetarian  and  never  drank  anything  but 
water.  His  ordinary  dress  was  a  robe  going  down 
to  the  ankles,  and  a  grey  mantle  of  vicuna  wool. 
But  when  he  celebrated  the  festivals  in  the  temple 
he  wore  the  grand  tiara,  called  Uilca  Chucu,  which 
included  a  circular  plate  of  gold  representing  the 
sun,  and  under  the  chin  a  half-moon  of  silver. 
The  head-dress  was  adorned  with  the  feathers  of 
the  guacamaya,  or  great  macaw  ;  the  whole  covered 
with  jewels  and  plates  of  gold.  The  complete 
head-dress  was  called  Huampar  Chucu.  His 
ceremonial  tunic  without  sleeves  reached  to  the 
ground,  with  no  belt.  Over  it  there  was  a  shorter 
pelisse  of  white  wool,  trimmed  with  red,  which 
came  down  to  the  knees,  and  was  covered  with 
precious  stones  and  plates  of  gold.  His  shoes 
were  of  fine  wool,  and  bracelets  of  gold  were  on 
his  arms.  Directly  the  ceremony  was  over  he 
divested  himself  of  his  vestments  and  remained  in 
his  ordinary  clothes.  He  received  ample  rents, 
bestowing  the  greater  part  on  those  afflicted  by 
blindness  or  other  disabling  infirmities.  Besides 
being  of  illustrious  lineage,  the  High  Priest  was  an 


106  VIRGINS  OF  THE  SUN 

AmaiUa,  or  man  of  learning.  He  appointed  the 
visitors  and  inspectors  whose  duty  it  was  to 
report  on  all  the  temples  and  idols  throughout  the 
empire  ;  and  the  confessors  (Ichuri)  who  received 
confessions  and  assigned  penances ;  and  he  super- 
intended the  record  of  events  by  the  Amautas  and 
Quipucamayocs.  On  his  death  the  body  was 
embalmed  and  interred  with  great  pomp  on  some 
high  mountain. 

Under  the  Uillac  Uma  there  were  ten  or 
twelve  chief  priests  in  the  provinces,  called  Uilca, 
who  had  authority  over  the  very  numerous  priests 
in  charge  of  huacas,  called  Huacap  Uillac,  and 
over  those  who  received  and  announced  oracles 
from  the  huacas,  Huacap  Rimachi. 

A  very  remarkable  and  interesting  institution 
was  that  of  the  chosen  virgins  for  the  service  of  the 
sun,  called  Aclla.  They  were  also  known  as 
Intip  Chinan,  or  Punchau  Chinan,  servants  of 
the  sun ;  selected  by  inspectors  from  all  parts  of 
the  empire.  All  the  sun  temples  had  virgins, 
those  at  Cuzco  coming  chiefly  from  the  neighbour- 
hood of  the  city,  from  Huanuco  and  Chachapoyas. 
After  examination  they  were  placed  under  the 
government  of  matrons,  called  Mama  Cuna,  and 
had  to  serve  a  novitiate.  There  were  over  3000 
virgins  at  Cuzco,  with  a  matron  for  every  ten. 
Each  virgin  had  a  servant.  The  novitiate  lasted 
for  three  years,  during  which  time  the  girls  were 
taught  to  sew,  weave,  make  fine  bread  and  cakes, 
sweep  and  clean  the  temple,  and  keep  alive  the 


SOOTHSAYERS  107 

sacred  fire  which  was  always  burning,  called  Nina 
Uilca.  Many  princesses  and  daughters  of  nobles 
were  sent  to  be  educated  with  the  novices,  although 
they  were  not  going  to  be  Aclla.  When  the 
novices  had  served  their  three  years  they  were 
called  Huamac.  They  were  brought  before  the 
Inca  and  the  Uillac  Uma.  Those  who  did  not 
feel  a  vocation  received  husbands.  Those  who 
wished  to  remain  as  virgins  of  the  sun  were  dressed 
in  white,  and  garlands  of  gold  (Ccuri  Uincha) 
were  placed  on  their  heads.  They  were  dedicated 
to  the  sun  for  the  rest  of  their  lives,  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  temple,  and  in  weaving  very 
fine  cloth  for  the  deities,  the  Inca  and  his  family, 
and  the  Uillac  Uma.  They  never  went  abroad 
without  an  armed  escort,  and  were  treated  with 
profound  respect.  When  the  Spanish  destruction 
came,  many  of  these  virgins  became  nuns  and  were 
protected,  others  married  baptised  Indians,  and 
the  rest  fled  in  various  directions. 

Another  numerous  class  in  this  complicated 
hierarchy  was  that  of  diviners  and  soothsayers, 
called  Huatuc*  They  were  dressed  in  grey, 
were  celibate  while  holding  office,  living  on  herbs 
and  roots,  and  were  almost  always  to  be  found  in 
the  vestibules  of  the  temples.  Those  who  divined 
by  the  flight  of  birds  and  by  the  intestines  of 
animals  sacrificed  were  called  Hamurpa.  The 
Lllaychunca  divined  by  odds  and  evens,  the 
Pacchacuc  by  the  legs  of  a  great  hairy  spider,  the 
Socyac  by  maize  heaps,  the  Hualla,  Achacuc, 


108  SACRIFICES 

Canchu,    Canahuisa,    Layca,    and    Yarcacaes    in 
other  ways.     The  Macsa  cured  by  enchantment. 

There  was  an  elaborate  system  of  sacrifices, 
entailing  an  enormous  expenditure.  The  victims 
were  llamas,  huanacus,  vicunas  and  their  lambs, 
pumas,  antas  or  tapirs,  birds  and  their  plumes, 
maize,  edible  roots,  coca,  shells,  cloth,  gold,  silver, 
sweet  woods,  guinea-pigs,  dogs,  in  short  everything 
they  valued.  The  sacrificing  priest  was  called 
Tarpuntay;  the  lay  brother  who  cut  up  the 
victims,  Nacac ;  and  the  recorder,  Uilca  Camayoc. 
The  sacrifice  itself  was  called  Arpay.  There 
remains  the  question  of  human  sacrifices,  or  Ccapac 
Cocha.  The  idea  of  sacrifice  is  the  offering  of 
what  is  most  prized.  The  sacrificer  says  to  his  god : 
'  What  I  loved  best  to  thee  I  gave/ 

Abraham  was  ready  to  sacrifice  his  son,  the 
king  of  Moab  actually  did  so.  It  is  the  logical 
outcome  of  sacrificial  doctrine.  Was  this  logical 
conclusion  reached  by  the  Peruvians,  either  habitu- 
ally or  in  extreme  cases  ?  The  weight  of  evidence 
is  certainly  against  the  accusation,  which  was  first 
made  by  the  licentiate  Polo  de  Ondegardo  in  1554, 
when  he  was  conducting  inquiries  at  Cuzco.  He 
says  that  grown  men  and  children  were  sacrificed 
on  various  occasions,  and  that  200  boys  were 
sacrificed  at  the  accession  of  Huayna  Ccapac. 
Valera  denies  the  value  of  Polo's  evidence,  who,  he 
says,  scarcely  knew  anything  of  the  language,  had 
no  interpreters  at  that  time,1  and  was  without 

1  They  had  fled  owing  to  the  insurrection  of  Giron. 


HUMAN  SACRIFICES  109 

the  means  of  becoming  acquainted  with  the  ancient 
customs.  So  that  he  could  not  fail  to  write  down 
many  things  which  were  quite  different  from  what 
the  Indians  said.  Polo  was  followed  by  Molina  and 
others,  especially  by  Sarmiento,  whose  official  in- 
structions were  to  make  the  worst  of  the  Inca 
polity  and  government. 

Valera  declares,  on  the  contrary,  that  there 
was  a  law  prohibiting  all  sacrifices  of  human  beings, 
which  was  strictly  observed.  It  is  true  that 
Huahuas,  or  children,  and  Yuyacs,  or  adults, 
wjere  sacrificed,  but  the  Huahuas  were  lambs,  not 
human  children,  and  by  Yuyac  were  meant  full- 
grown  llamas,  not  men.  Valera  is  supported  by 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  and  other  authorities,  and 
the  weight  of  evidence  is  decidedly  against  Polo's 
accusation. 

There  remains  the  logical  tendency  of  the 
sacrificial  idea  to  offer  up  the  dearest  and  most 
valued  possession ;  while  the  admission  of  Bias 
Valera  that  there  was  a  law  against  human  sacrifices 
seems  to  show  that  they  were  not  unknown.  Cieza 
de  Leon  is  the  most  unprejudiced  and  the  most 
reliable  of  all  the  authorities,  and  he  says  that  if 
human  sacrifices  were  ever  offered,  they  were  of 
very  rare  occurrence.  This  is  probably  the  truth. 
The  horrible  offerings  were  not  common  nor 
habitual,  but  they  had  been  known  to  be  offered, 
on  very  extreme  and  exceptional  occasions. 

With  the  worship  of  the  ancestor,  Paccarisca, 
or  the  fabulous  origin  of  each  clan,  whether  the 


110  HOUSEHOLD  GODS 

sun,  the  moon,  a  star,  a  mountain,  rock,  spring, 
or  any  other  natural  object,  the  Peruvians  had 
some  peculiar  beliefs  which  pervaded  their  daily 
life.  They  had  special  personal  deities  in  which 
they  trusted.  The  sovereign  Incas  kept  such 
images  always  with  them  and  gave  them  names, 
calling  them  Huauqui,  or  brother.  That  of  the 
Inca  Uira-cocha  was  called  Inca  Amaru,  probably 
in  the  form  of  a  serpent.  It  was  found  by  Polo  de 
Ondegardo,  with  that  Inca's  ashes.  Pachacuti 
had  a  very  large  golden  Huauqui,  called  Inti 
Illapa,  which  was  sent  in  pieces  to  Caxamarca 
for  the  ransom.  Cusi  Churi  was  the  name  of  the 
Huauqui  of  the  Inca  Tupac,  which  was  found 
concealed  at  Calis  Puquio,  near  Cuzco,  by  Polo. 
The  Huauqui  of  Huayna  Ccapac,  a  gold  image 
of  great  value,  has  never  been  found.  It  was 
called  Huaraqui  Inca.  The  tradition  handed 
down  in  the  Incarial  family  is  that  the  Huauqui 
of  Manco  Ccapac  was  a  sacred  bird  called  Inti, 
kept  in  a  sort  of  hamper ;  that  of  Sinchi  Rocca 
was  called  Huanachici  Amaru;  that  of  Lloque 
Yupanqui,  Apu  Mayta.  The  rest  of  the  Ore]  ones 
and  many  others  had  their  special  Lar  or  brother, 
and  the  Huauqui  was  buried  with  the  body  of 
the  deceased. 

The  universal  belief  of  the  Peruvians  was  that 
all  things  in  nature  had  a  spiritual  essence  or 
counterpart,  to  which  prayers  and  sacrifice  might 
be  offered  if  the  spirit  belonged  to  any  of  the 
reproductive  powers  of  nature,  or  good  might  be 


INTERMENTS  111 

done  to  it,  if  the  departed  spirit  was  a  relation  or 
friend.  This  explains  the  method  of  interment 
and  the  rites  and  ceremonies  observed  for  the  well- 
being  of  the  departed.  It  was  thought  that  so 
long  as  the  embalmed  body  was  carefully  preserved, 
with  the  personalty  of  the  deceased,  the  welfare 
of  the  departed  spirit  was  secured.  So  long  as  food 
and  other  requisites  were  duly  placed  with  the 
mummy,  the  spirit  would  be  furnished  with  the 
spiritual  essence  of  all  that  was  offered  materially. 
These  strange  beliefs  occupied  the  thoughts  and 
pervaded  the  lives  of  the  people. 

The  funeral  ceremonies  of  the  Incas  were 
occasions  for  all  the  magnificence  and  pomp  of 
a  great  empire.  The  body  was  embalmed  and 
splendidly  attired.  The  palace  of  the  deceased 
was  set  apart  for  the  Malqui,  or  mummy,  a  staff 
of  servants  was  appointed  for  it,  and  it  was  endowed 
with  lands,  so  that  offerings  might  be  constantly 
provided.  Friends  and  dependants  were  invited 
to  immolate  themselves  so  as  to  accompany 
their  lord  in  the  spirit  world,  but  in  later  times  a 
llama  was  allowed  as  a  substitute,  the  name  of  the 
supposed  human  victim  being  given  to  it.  The  Inca 
mummies  were  brought  out  for  processions  and 
other  very  solemn  rites  and  ceremonies.  When 
the  Spanish  destroyers  came,  the  unfortunate 
people  concealed  the  mummies  of  their  beloved 
sovereigns,  but  the  ferret-eyed  Polo  de  Ondegardo 
searched  diligently,  and  succeeded  in  accounting 
for  all  but  one.  The  body  of  the  great  warrior 


112  SPIRITUAL  ESSENCE 

statesman,  Yupanqui  Pachacuti,  was  finally  buried 
in  the  court  of  the  hospital  of  San  Andres  at  Lima. 
Yahuar  Huaccac,  the  stolen  child,  alone  escaped 
desecration.  His  body  was  never  found. 

The  Orejones  and  other  important  people  were 
generally  interred  in  caves,  Machay,  with  two 
chambers,  one  for  the  mummy  with  his  '  brother  ' 
or  Lar,  the  other  for  his  property,  and  for  the 
offerings  brought  by  the  people.  These  caves 
were  in  desert  places  or  on  the  sides  of  mountains. 
The  heights  overlooking  the  lovely  valley  of  Yucay, 
called  TTANTANA  MARCA,  are  literally  honey- 
combed with  these  burial  caves.  All  have  been 
desecrated  by  the  Spaniards  in  search  for  treasure. 

This  curious  belief  in  a  spiritual  essence  of 
all  the  things  that  concerned  the  daily  well-being 
of  the  people  explains  the  multiplicity  of  huacas,  or 
objects  of  worship.  Every  household  had  a  Sara 
Mama  to  represent  the  spiritual  essence  of  the 
maize,  to  which  prayers  and  sacrifices  were  made. 
Sometimes  it  was  a  figure  covered  with  cobs  of 
maize,  at  others  it  was  merely  a  vase  fashioned  as 
a  cob.  In  like  manner  there  was  a  Llama  Mama 
for  the  flocks.  More  especially  was  the  spirit  of 
the  earth  itself,  the  Pacha  Mama,  an  object  of 
worship.  The  offerings  consisted  of  the  figures 
of  llamas  roughly  fashioned.  There  was  a  cavity 
in  their  backs  into  which  the  sacrificial  offering 
was  placed,  and  they  were  buried  in  the  fields. 
The  offerings  were  chicha,  spirits,  or  coca,  the  things 
the  poor  husbandman  loved  best.  Dr.  Max  Uhle 


MAIZE    CONOPA 


VARIETY  OF  BELIEFS  113 

and  the  Princess  Theresa  of  Bavaria  have  discovered 
that  the  ceremony  of  offering  these  things  to 
Pacha  Mama  still  prevails,  in  spite  of  the  priests. 
The  llamas  of  stone  or  clay  are  even  offered  for  sale 
in  the  markets;  Dr.  Uhle  saw  them  at  Sicuani. 
The  present  practice  is  to  bury  the  figures,  with 
offerings,  in  the  places  where  flocks  of  llamas  or 
alpacas  feed.  The  figure  is  placed  between  stones, 
and  covered  with  another  stone.  Each  year  the 
offering  is  renewed  by  another  figure,  which  is 
placed  below  the  old  one  and  nearer  the  Pacha 
Mama,  This  kind  of  sacrifice  is  called  Chuya. 
It  shows  that  the  ancient  beliefs  and  customs  of 
the  Peruvian  Indians  cannot  be  eradicated  by  any 
amount  of  persecution.1 

The  religion  of  the  ancient  Peruvians  was  com- 
posed of  several  beliefs,  all  more  or  less  peculiar 
to  the  Andean  people,  except  the  worship  of  a 
Supreme  Being ;  which,  however,  only  prevailed 
among  the  higher  and  more  intellectual  minds. 
Some  of  the  Incas  undoubtedly  sought  earnestly 
for  a  knowledge  of  the  great  First  Cause,  which  they 
called  Uira-cocha.  The  worship  of  the  fabulous 
ancestor  or  originator  of  each  ayllu,  or  clan,  was 
universal,  and  as  the  sun  was  the  accepted  ancestor 
of  the  sovereign,  its  cult  took  the  precedence  of 
all  others.  The  peculiar  belief  in  the  existence 
of  a  spiritual  essence  of  all  the  things  that  con- 
cerned their  well-being  prevailed  among  the  mass 

l  Las   llamitas  de  piedra  del    Cuzco,   Dr.   Max    Uhle    (Lima, 
September  1906). 


114      RELIGION  AND  THE  SOCIAL  SYSTEM 

of  the  people,  and  has  never  been  eradicated.  It 
accounts  for  their  innumerable  huacas  and  house- 
hold gods,  and  for  the  way  in  which  the  idea  of 
the  presence  of  the  supernatural  was  inextricably 
mingled  with  all  the  actions  of  their  lives.  From 
these  various  beliefs  and  cults,  firmly  established  in 
the  minds  and  hearts  of  all  classes  of  the  people,  we 
may  gather  some  idea  of  the  causes  which  led  to  the 
establishment  among  them  of  a  government  based 
on  the  system  of  ayllus  or  village  communities. 
The  rooted  beliefs  in  the  Paccarisca  or  common 
ancestry  of  each  ayllu,  placed  their  village  system 
on  a  very  firm  basis,  and  as  the  Incas  confirmed  all 
local  usages  and  superstitions  of  their  subjects,  a 
feeling  of  devoted  loyalty  appears  to  have  been 
combined  with  veneration  for  the  sun,  the  ancestor 
of  their  sovereigns.  It  is  clear  that  the  religious 
beliefs  of  the  people  were  in  perfect  harmony  with 
the  remarkable  social  system  on  which  the  Inca 
government  was  based. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  INCA  CALENDAR,  FESTIVALS,  AND  DRESS  OF  THE 
SOVEREIGN  AND  HIS   QUEEN 

RELIGION,  in  its  ritual  and  ceremonial  observances, 
was  dependent  on  the  annual  recurrence  of  agri- 
cultural events  such  as  the  preparation  of  the 
land,  sowing,  and  harvest,  and  both  were  dependent 
on  the  calendar.  In  the  records  of  the  old  kings 
the  gradual  improvements  in  calculating  the 
coming  and  going  of  the  seasons  are  recorded,  and 
under  the  Incas  a  certain  approach  to  accuracy 
had  been  attained.  The  solstices  and  equinoxes 
were  carefully  observed. 

Stone  pillars  were  erected,  eight  on  the  east  and 
eight  on  the  west  side  of  Cuzco,  to  observe  the 
solstices.  They  were  in  double  rows,  four  and 
four,  two  low  between  two  high  ones,  twenty  feet 
apart.  At  the  heads  of  the  pillars  there  were  discs 
for  the  sun's  rays  to  enter.  Marks  were  made  on 
the  ground,  which  had  been  levelled  and  paved. 
Lines  were  drawn  to  mark  the  movements  of  the 
sun,  as  shown  when  its  rays  entered  the  holes  in 
the  pillars.  The  pillars  were  called  Sucanca,  from 
Suca,  a  ridge  or  furrow,  the  alternate  lights  and 
shades  appearing  like  furrows. 

115  I  2 


116 


SOLAR  OBSERVATIONS 


To  ascertain  the  time  of  the  equinoxes  there 
was  a  stone  column  in  the  open  space  before  the 
temple  of  the  sun,  in  the  centre  of  a  large  circle. 
A  line  was  drawn  across  the  paved  area  from  east 
to  west.  The  observers  watched  where  the  shadow 
of  the  column  was  on  the  line  from  sunrise  to 
sunset,  and  when  there  was  no  shadow  at  noon. 


THE  INTT-HUATANA  OF  PISSAC  (from  SQUIEB). 

This  instrument  was  called  Inti-huatana,  which 
means  the  place  where  the  sun  is  tied  up  or 
encircled.  There  are  also  Inti-huatanas  on  the 
height  of  Ollantay-tampu,  at  Pissac,  at  Hatun- 
colla,  and  in  other  places. 

The  ancient  name  of  the  sun  was  Uilca.  As 
a  deity  it  was  Inti.1  As  the  giver  of  daylight  it 
was  Punchau,  or  Lupi. 

i  UILCA  became  the  word  for  anything  sacred.     INTI  was  the 
name  of  the  familiar  spirit  or  Huauqui  of  Manco  Ccapac  in  the  form 


THE  YEAR  AND  THE  MONTHS     117 

The  name  of  the  moon  as  a  deity  was  Pacsa 
Mama ;  as  giving  light  by  night,  Quilla ;  and  there 
were  names  for  its  different  phases. 

Illapa  was  the  name  for  thunder,  lightning 
and  thunderbolts,  the  servants  of  the  sun.  CJiuqui 
Yllayllapa,  Chuqui  Ilia  Inti,  Illapa  were  names 
for  the  thunder  god.  Liviac  was  the  lightning. 

The  stars  were  observed  and  many  were  named. 
Valera  gives  the  names  of  five  planets  ;  and  fifteen 
other  names  are  given  by  Acosta,  Balboa,  Morua, 
and  Calancha.  An  attempt  to  make  out  the  twelve 
signs  of  the  zodiac  from  these  names  of  stars  is 
unsupported  by  evidence  that  can  be  accepted. 
The  only  observations  of  celestial  bodies  for  which 
there  is  conclusive  testimony  are  those  of  the  sun, 
for  fixing  the  time  of  solstices  and  equinoxes. 

The  year  was  called  Huata,  the  word  Huatana 
being  a  halter,  from  Huatani,  I  seize ;  '  the  place 
where  the  sun  is  tied  up  or  encircled/  hence  Huata 
means  a  year.  The  Peruvian  year  was  divided 
into  twelve  Quilla,  or  moons,  of  thirty  days.  Five 
days  were  added  at  the  end,  called  Allcacanquis. 
The  rule  for  adding  a  day  every  fourth  year  kept 
the  calendar  correct.  The  monthly  moon  revolu- 
tions were  finished  in  354  days,  8  hours, 
48  minutes.  This  was  made  to  correspond 
with  the  solar  year  by  adding  eleven  days,  which 
were  divided  among  the  months.  They  regulated 

of  a  falcon,  and  its  lofty  flights  connected  it  with  the  sun  in  some 
mythical  sense.  Later  the  word  came  to  mean  the  sun  itself,  as  a 
deity. 


118  THE  MONTHS 

the  intercalation  by  marks  placed  on  the  horizon, 
to  denote  where  the  sun  rose  and  set  on  the  days 
of  the  solstices  and  equinoxes.  Observations  of 
the  sun  were  taken  each  month. 

There  is  some  want  of  agreement  among  the 
authorities  who  give  the  names  of  the  months. 
Some  have  the  same  names,  but  they  are  not  given 
to  the  same  months,  while  others  have  different 
names.  After  a  careful  analysis  I  have  come  to  the 
conclusion  that  the  list  given  by  Calancha,  Polo  de 
Ondegardo,;Acosta,  Morua  and  Cobos,  which  is  the 
one  accepted  by  the  second  Council  of  Lima,  is  the 
most  correct.  Each  one  of  the  other  authorities1  has 
more  names  in  agreement  with  the  Calancha  list 
than  with  any  other.  Acosta  is  in  complete  agree- 
ment as  far  as  he  goes,  but  only  gives  eight  months. 

The  correct  calendar  was,  I  believe,  as  follows  : 

June  22  to  July  22.    INTIP  RAYMI  (June  22),  Winter 

Solstice.     Harvest  Festival. 
July  22  to  Aug.  22.    CHAHUAR  Quis. 
Aug.  22  to  Sept.  22.    CCAPAO  SITUA  (Sept.  22),  Spring 

Equinox.    Expiatory  Festival. 
Sept.  22  to  Oct.  22.    CCOYA  KAYMI  (Sept.  22),   Spring 

Equinox. 

Oct.  22  to  Nov.  22.    UMA  RAYMI. 
Nov.  22  to  Dec.  22.    AYAMARCA  (Dec.  22),  Summer  Solstice. 

Or  CANTARAY. 
Dec.  22  to  Jan.  22.    CCAPAC  RAYMI  (Dec.  22),  Summer 

Solstice.    Huarachicu  Festival. 
Jan.  22  to  Feb.  22.    CAMAY. 

i  Molina,  Betanzos,  Fernandez,  Velasco,  Huaman  Poma.    Mon- 
tesinos  mentions  one  or  two  months. 


HEAD    DRESS    OF    HIGH    PRIEST  [See  p.  105 


GOLD  TUPU    OR   PIN 


GOLD    BREASTPLATE    FROM    CUZCO 
(Presented  to  General  ECHENIQUE  in  1853) 


GOLDEN  BREASTPLATE  119 

Feb.  22  to  March  22.    HATUN  PUCUY  (March  22),  Autumn 

Equinox.    Great  ripening. 
March  22  to  April  22.    PACHA  PUCUY  (March  22),  Autumn 

Equinox.    Mosoc  Nina. 
April  22  to  May  22.    AYRIHUA. 
May  22  to  June  22.    AYMURAY  (June  22),  Winter  Solstice. 

Harvest. 

Gold  plates  5-j%  inches  in  diameter,  representing 
the  sun,  with  a  border  apparently  designed  to 
denote  the  months  by  special  signs,  were  worn 
on  the  breast  by  the  Incas  and  the  great  coun- 
cillors. The  gold  ornaments  were  seized  and 
ruthlessly  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  wherever 
they  could  be  found.  A  great  number  were 
never  found.  Some  were  presented  to  General 
Echenique,  then  President  of  Peru,  in  1853. 
There  was  the  golden  breastplate,  a  gold  topu 
or  pin,  the  head  with  a  flat  surface  about  4  in. 
by  2  in.,  covered  with  incised  ornaments ;  four 
half-discs  forming  two  globes  and  a  long  stalk, 
also  a  flat  piece  of  gold  with  a  long  stalk.  We 
thought  that  the  flat  piece  like  a  leaf  and  the 
discs  were  from  the  golden  garden  of  the  sun, 
and  a  golden  belt  or  fillet  for  the  head.  The 
President  brought  them  to  the  house  of  Don 
Manuel  Cotes,  at  Lima,  for  me  to  see,  on  October 
25,  1853,  and  I  made  a  copy  of  the  golden  breast- 
plate and  of  the  topu.  The  Senora  Grimanesa 
Cotes  (nee  Althaus),  the  most  beautiful  lady  in 
Lima  at  that  time,  held  the  tracing  paper  while 
I  made  the  copy.  It  was  very  thin,  and  the 


120  THE   HARVEST  FESTIVAL 

figures  were  stamped,  being  convex  on  the  outer 
side  and  concave  on  the  inner.  The  outer  diameter 
was  5-x%  inches,  the  inner  4  inches.  This  is  by 
far  the  most  interesting  relic  of  the  Incas  that  is 
known  to  us.1  I  believe  that  the  figures  round 
the  border  represent  the  months,  and  that  the 
five  spaces  separating  them,  one  above  and  four 
below,  are  intended  for  the  five  intercalary  days, 
Allcacanquis.2  In  giving  an  account  of  the 
months  and  their  festivals,  I  will  place  each  figure 
taken  from  the  border  of  the  breastplate  against 
the  month  which  I  would  suggest  that  it  represents, 
with  a  description. 

INTIP  KAYMI,  the  first  month  of  the  Peruvian 
year,  begins  at  the  winter  solstice,  on  June  22.3 
The  sign  of  the  gold  breastplate  occurs  four 
times,  for  four  months,  two  beginning  and  two 
ending  with  a  solstice.  The  diamonds  on  the  right 
and  below  perhaps  indicate  direction. 

The  great  harvest  festival  of  Intip  Raymi  is 
picturesquely  described  by  Valera.  The  harvest 
had  been  got  in.  There  was  a  great  banquet  in 
the  Gusi  Pata,  one  of  the  principal  squares  of 
Cuzco,  when  the  Ore] ones  renewed  their  homage. 

1  All   traces   of  it   are  lost.    Dr.    Max   Uhle    recently    made 
inquiries   of    General    Echenique's    son,    but    he    knew   nothing 
about  it. 

2  Allca,  wanting  or  missing  ;   canqui,  you  are. 

3  Balboa,  Fernandez,  Cobos,  and   Huaman  Poma  have  Aucay 
Cuzqui  for  this  month.     Molina  has  Cuzqui  Raymi.     Betanzos 
Hatun  Cuzqui.    The  Council  of   Lima,    Calancha,   Polo,    Morua, 
Acosta,   and  Velasco  have   Yntip  Raymi. 


APPEARANCE  OF  THE  INCA  121 

Rising  above  the  buildings  to  the  north 
could  be  seen  the  beautiful  fagade  of  the  palace  of 
Pachacuti,  with  the  sacred  farm  of  Sausiru,  and 
above  them  the  precipice  of  the  Sacsahuaman, 
crowned  by  the  fortress.  On  the  sides  of  the 
square  were  the  temples  to  Uira-cocha,  and  other 
edifices  built  of  stone  and  roofed  with  thatch.  The 
images  of  Uira-cocha,  of  the  Sun  and  of  Thunder, 
were  brought  out  and  placed  on  their  golden 
altars.  Presently  the  Inca  and  the  Ccoya  entered 
the  square  at  the  head  of  a  long  procession,  with 
the  standard,  the  Tupac  Yauri,  or  golden  sceptre, 
and  the  royal  weapons  borne  before  them. 

This  central  figure  of  the  Sovereign  Inca  was 
constantly  seen  on  all  great  occasions.  With  the 
help  of  the  portraits  at  Santa  Ana,  of  the  sketches 
in  the  curious  manuscript  of  Huaman  Poma,  and 
of  descriptions,  we  can  imagine  the  appearance  of 
the  Peruvian  emperor. 

Many  generations  of  culture  and  of  rule  had 
produced  men  of  a  very  different  type  from  any 
Peruvian  Indian  of  to-day.  We  see  the  Incas  in  the 
pictures  at  the  church  of  Santa  Ana  at  Cuzco. 
The  colour  of  the  skin  was  many  shades  lighter 
than  that  of  the  down-trodden  descendants  of 
their  subjects  ;  the  forehead  high,  the  nose  slightly 
aquiline,  the  chin  and  mouth  firm,  the  whole  face 
majestic,  refined,  and  intellectual.  The  hair  was 
carefully  arranged,  and  round  the  head  was  the 
sign  of  sovereignty.  The  llautu  appears  to  have 
been  a  short  piece  of  red  fringe  on  the  forehead, 


122  DRESS  OF  THE  INCA 

fastened  round  the  head  by  two  bands.  It  was 
habitually  worn,  but  when  praying  the  Inca 
took  it  off,  and  put  it  on  the  ground  beside  him. 
The  ceremonial  head-dress  was  the  mascapaycha,  a 
golden  semicircular  mitre  on  the  front  of  which 
the  llautu  was  fastened.  Bright-coloured  feathers 
were  fixed  on  the  sides,  and  a  plume  rose  over  the 
summit.  Long  golden  ear-drops  came  down 
to  the  shoulders.  The  tunic  and  mantle  varied 
in  colour,  and  were  made  of  the  finest  vicuna  wool. 
In  war  the  mantle  was  twisted  and  tied  up,  either 
over  the  left  shoulder  or  round  the  waist.  On 
the  breast  the  Incas  wore  a  circular  golden  breast- 
plate representing  the  sun,  with  a  border  of  signs 
for  the  months.  The  later  Incas  wore  a  very 
rich  kind  of  brocade,  in  bands  sewn  together, 
forming  a  wide  belt.  The  bands  were  in  squares, 
each  with  an  ornament,  and  as  these  ornaments 
were  invariable  there  was  probably  some  meaning 
attached  to  them. 

The  material  was  called  tocapu,  and  was 
generally  worn  as  a  wide  belt  of  three  bands. 
Some  of  the  Incas  had  the  whole  tunic  of  tocapu.1 
The  breeches  were  black,  and  in  loose  pleats 
at  the  knees.  The  usutas,  or  sandals,  were  of 
white  wool. 

The  Inca,  equipped  for  war,  had  a  large  square 
shield  of  wood  or  leather,  ornamented  with  patterns, 

l  Inca  Rocca  is  said  to  have  invented  the  cumpi,  or  very  fine 
cloth,  and  the  invention  of  the  tocapu  is  attributed  to  his  grandson 
Uira-cocha. 


WEAPONS  OF  THE  INCA  123 

and  a  cloth  hanging  from  it,  also  with  a  pattern 
and  fringe.  There  was  a  loop  of  leather  on 
the  back,  to  pass  the  arm  through.  In  one 
hand  was  a  wooden  staff  about  two  feet  long, 
with  a  bronze  star  of  six  or  eight  points  fixed 
at  one  end — a  most  formidable  war-club.  In  the 
other  hand  was  a  long  staff  with  the  battle-axe 
fixed  at  one  end,  called  Tiuaman  champi  or  cunca 
cuchun.  In  public  worship  or  festivals  the 
imperial  weapons  were  usually  laid  aside,  and  borne 
before  the  sovereign. 

The  Ccoya,  or  queen,  wore  the  lliclla,  or 
mantle,  fastened  across  the  chest  by  a  very  large 
golden  topu,  or  pin,  with  head  richly  carved  with 
ornaments  and  figures.  The  lliclla,  or  mantle, 
and  acsu,  or  skirt,  varied  as  regards  colour.  The 
head  was  adorned  with  golden  circlets  and  flowers. 

These  magnificent  dresses  gave  an  air  of 
imperial  grandeur  to  the  great  festivals,  while  the 
attire  of  the  other  Incas  and  of  the  Orejones  was 
only  slightly  less  imposing. 

The  High  Priest,  being  an  ascetic,  was  never 
present,  but  the  other  priests,  the  augurs  and 
diviners,  were  in  attendance.  The  councillors, 
great  lords  and  warriors,  were  all  assembled,  seated 
according  to  their  order  and  precedence,  the  Inca 
being  on  a  raised  platform  under  a  canopy.  Pre- 
sently there  appeared  an  immense  crowd  of  people 
who  had  come  from  all  directions  to  take  part  in 
the  festival.  As  soon  as  the  homage  and  the 
sacrifices  were  finished  the  tables  were  placed, 


124  VIRGINS  AT  THE  FESTIVAL 

covered  with  white  cotton  cloths,  and  adorned 
with  flowers. 

The  ACLLAS,  or  virgins  of  the  sun,  then  appeared, 
dressed  in  white  robes,  with  diadems  of  gold. 
They  came  to  serve  at  the  feast.  Commencing 
with  the  Inca  and  the  Ccoya,  they  gave  to  all  abun- 
dantly, adding  plenty  of  chicha.  Finally  they 
gave  to  each  guest  a  piece  of  the  Illay  Tanta,  or 
sacred  bread,  which  was  looked  upon  as  a  precious 
gift,  and  preserved  by  the  recipient  as  a  relic. 

After  the  feast  the  virgins  brought  the  cloth 
they  had  been  weaving  during  the  whole  year,  and 
presented  the  best  and  most  curious  pieces  to  the 
Inca  and  the  members  of  his  family,  then  to  the 
principal  lords  and  their  families.  The  cloth  was 
all  of  vicuna  wool,  like  silk.  The  virgins  also 
presented  robes,  garlands,  ornaments,  and  many 
other  things.  To  the  rest  of  the  great  assembly  they 
distributed  coarser  cloth  of  wool  and  cotton.  The 
harvest  festivities  were  continued  for  several  days. 

Chahuar  Quiz,1  the  next  month,  from  July  22 
to  August  22,  was  the  season  for  ploughing 
the  lands,  without  cessation  and  by  relays.  The 
sign  on  the  breastplate  seems  to  indicate  that  the 
work  was  continuous,  both  by  the  light  of  the  sun, 
and  of  the  moon  and  stars. 

i  Betanzos  has  Cahuaquis,  or  Chahuar  Huarqui  according  to 
Polo,  Acosta,  Cobos,  and  Fernandez.  Molina  has  Tarpuy  Quilla 
and  Moron  Passa.  Huaman  Poma  has  Chacra  Cunacuy.  Passa 
should  be  Pacsa,  the  moon,  and  Tarpuy  Quilla  means  the  sowing 
month.  Cunacuy  is  to  consult  together,  and  Chacra,  a  farm  ; 
Balboa  has  Chahuar-quis. 


SITUA  FESTIVAL  125 

Ccapac  Situa l  was  the  third  month,  the  season 
for  sowing  the  land.  The  sign  on  the  breast- 
plate indicates  furrows  on  one  side,  and  the  act 
of  pouring  seed  on  a  prepared  plot  of  ground 
on  the  other.  Another  name  for  this  month  is 
Yapaquis,  the  word  Yapa  meaning  an  addition 
to  land,  or  ploughed  land,  Yapuna  being  a  plough. 
It  was  from  August  22  to  September  22. 

Ccoya  Raymi,  from  September  22  to  October 
22,  was  the  fourth  month,  commencing  with  the 
vernal  equinox.  It  was  the  month  for  the  great 
nocturnal  expiatory  festival  called  SrruA.2  On  the 
breastplate  the  signs  represent  the  nocturnal 
character  of  the  feast.  The  object  of  the  festival 
was  to  pray  to  the  Creator  to  be  pleased  to  shield 
the  people  from  sickness,  and  to  drive  all  evils 
from  the  land. 

A  great  number  of  men  with  lances,  and  fully 
armed  for  war,  assembled  in  the  Intip  Pampa,  or 
open  space  in  front  of  the  temple  of  the  sun,  where 
the  High  Priest  proclaimed  the  feast.  The  armed 
men  then  shouted :  '  0  sickness,  disaster  and  mis- 
fortune, go  forth  from  the  land  ! '  Four  hundred 
men  assembled.  They  all  belonged  to  ayllus,  or 
clans,  of  the  highest  rank.  Three  ayllus  of  royal 
descent  were  represented,  and  four  of  those  descend- 
ing from  the  chosen  followers  of  the  Ayars.  There 

1  Polo,  Acosta,  Balboa  and  Cobos  have  Yapaquis ;    Huaman 
Poma  has  Chacra  Yapuy ;    Betanzos  has  Ccapac  Siquis ;  Fernandez 
Tuzqua  quis.     Yapuy  is  to  plough. 

2  All  agree,  except  Betanzos  and  Fernandez,  who  have  Situa  Quis. 


126  SITUA  FESTIVAL 

were  twenty  to  twenty-five  selected  from  nineteen 
ayllus.  One  hundred  faced  to  the  south,  one 
hundred  to  the  west,  one  hundred  to  the  east,  and 
one  hundred  to  the  north.  Again  they  shouted, 
'  Go  forth,  all  evils ! '  Then  all  four  companies 
ran  with  great  speed  in  the  directions  they  were 
facing.  Those  facing  south  ran  as  far  as  Acoya- 
puncu,1  about  two  leagues ;  finally  bathing  in 
the  river  at  Quiquisana.  Those  facing  west  ran 
as  far  as  the  river  Apurimac,  and  bathed  there. 
Those  facing  east  ran  at  full  speed  over  the  plateau 
of  Chita  and  down  into  the  Vilcamayu  valley, 
bathing  at  Pissac.  Those  facing  north  ran  in  that 
direction 'until  they  came  to  a  stream,  where  they 
bathed.  The  rivers  were  supposed  to  carry  the 
evils  to  the  sea. 

When  the  ceremony  commenced  and  the  armed 
men  started  on  their  races,  all  the  people  came  to 
their  doors  and,  shaking  their  mantles,  shouted: 
'  Let  the  evils  be  gone.  0  Creator  of  all  things, 
permit  us  to  reach  another  year,  that  we  may  see 
another  feast  like  this/  Including  even  the  Inca, 
they  all  danced  through  the  night,  and  went  in  the 
morning  twilight  to  bathe  in  the  rivers  and  foun- 
tains. They  held  great  torches  of  straw  bound 
round  with  cords,  which  they  lighted  and  went  on 
playing  with  them,  passing  them  from  one  to  the 
other.  They  were  called  Pancurcu.  Meanwhile, 
puddings  of  coarsely  ground  maize,  called  Sancu, 
were  prepared  in  every  house.  These  puddings 

1  Now  called  Angostura. 


INTOXICATING  DRINKS  127 

were  applied  to  their  faces  and  to  the  lintels  of  the 
doors,  and  were  offered  to  the  deities  and  to  the 
mummies.  On  that  day  all,  high  and  low,  were 
to  enjoy  themselves,  no  man  scolded  his  neigh- 
bour, and  no  word  was  passed  in  anger.  On  the 
following  days  there  were  magnificent  religious 
ceremonials  and  sacrifices.  Such  was  the  great 
Situa  festival. 

Uma  Raymi  was  the  fifth  month,  from  October  22 
to  November  22.  It  was  so  called  because  in 
this  month  the  people  of  Uma,  two  leagues  from 
Cuzco,  celebrated  their  feast  of  Huarachicu.  This 
was  the  month  of  brewing  chicha,  referring  to  a 
method  of  brewing  chicha  used  at  great  festivals. 
The  figure  on  the  breastplate  seems  to  refer  to 
the  opening  of  hives  and  buds  which  took  place 
in  this  month.  But  it  was  essentially  the  brewing 
month,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  effects 
of  the  brewing  were  a  very  prominent  feature  at 
all  the  festivals. 

A  fermented  liquor  was  made  from  maize, 
which  is  called  chicha  by  the  Spaniards,  but  the 
native  name  is  acca.  The  grains  of  maize  were 
first  chewed  into  a  pulp  by  women  and  girls, 
because  it  was  believed  that  saliva  had  medicinal 
qualities.  The  masticated  maize  was  then  boiled 
and  passed  through  several  colanders  of  fine 
cotton,  and  the  liquor  was  finally  expressed. 
Fermentation  then  took  place.  The  acca  was  often 
flavoured  with  the  berries  of  the  Schinus  Molle 
and  other  things  to  give  it  piquancy.  Latterly 


128  HUARACHICU 

the  Peruvians  discovered  some  kind  of  distilling 
process,  and  made  a  spirit  called  uinapu  or  sora.1 
Drinking  to  excess  prevailed  at  all  the  festivals, 
while  the  man  who  drank  much  and  kept  his  head 
was  held  in  high  esteem.  This  prevalence  of 
drunkenness  at  the  festivals  led  to  other  vices, 
and  was  the  most  pernicious  habit  they  indulged  in. 
Ayamarca?  the  sixth  month,  from  November  22 
to  December  22,  ended  with  the  summer  solstice, 
and  had  a  sign  on  the  breastplate  similar  to  the 
month  of  the  winter  solstice.  The  name  is  that 
of  a  once  powerful  tribe  near  Cuzco,  which  held 
their  Huarachicu  festival  in  this  month.3  In 
Cuzco  it  was  a  time  of  preparation  for  the  great 
Huarachicu  festival  in  the  following  month. 
Quantities  of  chicha  continued  to  be  brewed 
after  the  Cantaray^  fashion,  whatever  that  may 
have  been.  The  youths  who  were  to  receive 
their  arms  in  the  next  month,  went  to  the  very 
sacred  huaca  called  HUANACAUEI  to  offer  sacrifices 
and  ask  his  permission  to  receive  knighthood. 
This  huaca  was  on  a  hill  about  three  miles  from 

1  From    uinani,  I  fill.     Garcilasso   also  mentions  the  strong 
drink  called  uinapu  (i.  277,     iii  61),  and  both   Garcilasso   and 
Acosta  mention  Sora. 

2  All  agree,  except  Betanzos  and  Fernandez,  who  have  Cantaray. 

3  As  Aya  means  death,  several   authorities  thought  Ayamarca 
was  a  festival  in  honour  of  the  deceased ;   but  I  think  that  Molina 
should  be  followed  here,  who  gives  the  derivation  as  in  the  text 
The  termination  Marca  shows  that  the  word  was   the  name  of  a 
place. 

*  Betanzos  and  Fernandez  give  Cantaray  as  the  name  of  the 
month, 


HUARACHICU  129 

Cuzco,  and  was  one  of  the  Ayars,  brother  of 
Manco  Ccapac,  turned  into  stone.  It  specially 
presided  over  the  Huarachicu  festival.  The  youths 
passed  the  night  on  the  sacred  hill,  and  fasted. 

Ccapac  Raymi,  from  December  22  to  January  22, 
was  the  seventh  month,1  beginning  with  the 
summer  solstice.  On  the  breastplate  it  has  the 
solstitial  sign,  with  the  diamonds  pointing  differently. 
In  this  month  was  the  grandest  Raymi,  or  festival, 
in  the  year,  called  Huarachicu. 

After  going  through  an  ordeal,  the  youths 
were  given  arms,  allowed  to  wear  breeches,  called 
huara,  and  had  their  ears  pierced.  During  the 
first  eight  days  of  the  month  all  the  relations 
were  busily  employed  in  preparing  the  usutas, 
or  shoes  made  of  fine  reeds  almost  of  the  colour 
of  gold,  and  the  Tiuaras  of  the  sinews  of  llamas, 
and  in  embroidering  the  shirts  in  which  the  youths 
were  to  appear  when  they  went  to  the  hill  of 
Huanacauri.  The  shirts  were  made  of  fine 
yellow  wool  with  black  borders  of  still  finer  wool 
like  silk.  The  youths  also  wore  mantles  of  white 
wool,  long  and  narrow,  reaching  to  the  knees. 
They  were  fastened  round  the  neck  by  a  cord  from 
whence  hung  a  red  tassel.  The  youths  were 
clothed  in  this  dress,  shorn,  and  taken  to  the 
great  square  by  their  parents  and  relations.  The 
latter  wore  yellow  mantles  with  black  plumes  on 
their  heads  from  a  bird  called  guito.  Many 

i  All  agree  except  Betanzos,  who  has  Pucuy  Raymi,  and  Fernan- 
dez, Pura  Upiay,  or  '  double  drinking.' 

K 


130  HUARACHICU 

young  maidens  also  came,  aged  from  eleven  to 
fourteen,  of  the  best  families,  carrying  vases  of 
chicha.  They  were  called  Nusta  -  calli  -  sapa, 
or  princesses  of  unequalled  valour.  The  images 
of  the  deities  were  brought  out,  and  the  youths 
and  maidens,  with  their  relations,  were  grouped 
around. 

The  Inca  came  forth,  and  the  youths  obtained 
permission  from  him  to  sacrifice  to  Huanacauri. 
Each  had  a  llama  prepared  as  an  offering,  and  they 
all  marched,  with  their  relations,  to  the  sacred  hill. 
That  night  they  slept  at  a  place  called  Matahua,1 
at  the  foot  of  the  hill.  At  dawn  next  day  they 
delivered  up  their  offerings  to  the  TAEPUNTAY  and 
ascended  the  hill,  still  fasting.  This  was  the 
prayer  they  offered  to  the  Huanacauri: 

'  0  HUANACAURI,  our  Father,  may  the  Creator,  the 
Sun,  and  the  Thunder  ever  remain  young,  and  never 
become  old.  May  thy  son,  the  Inca,  ever  retain  his  youth, 
and  grant  that  he  may  prosper  in  all  his  undertakings. 
To  us,  thy  sons,  who  now  celebrate  this  festival,  grant 
that  we  may  be  ever  in  the  hands  of  the  Creator  and  in 
thy  hands/ 

Bags  called  chuspas  were  then  given  to  the 
youths,  and  breeches  made  of  aloe  fibre  and 
sinews  of  llamas,  called  Tiuara.  The  youths  then 
marched  to  a  ravine  called  Quirirmanta,*  where 
they  were  met  by  their  relations  and  severely  flogged 
to  try  their  endurance.  This  was  followed  by  the 

1  A  halting-place  of  the  Ayars.     See  p.  63, 
3  Ibid.     See  p.  52. 


HUARACHICU  131 

song  called   Huari,  the  youths  standing  and  the 
rest    of    the    people    seated.     They   returned   to 
Cuzco,  where  the  youths  were  flogged  again  in 
the    great    square.     Then    there    was    a    curious 
ceremony.     The  shepherd  of  the  llamas  dedicated 
to  the  feast  came  with  a  llama,  called  Napa,  draped 
in  red  cloth  with  golden  earrings.1    It  was  pre- 
ceded by  men  blowing  through  sea-shells.      The 
Suntur  Paucar,  insignia  of  the  Inca,  was  brought 
out,   and  a  dance  was  performed.     The  youths 
and  their  relations  then  returned  to  their  homes  and 
fexi  upon  the  roasted  flesh  of  the  sacrificial  llamas. 
The  business  of  initiation  continued  through 
the  month.    The  next  event  was  the  great  foot-race. 
The  youths  passed  the  night  in  a  gorge  called 
Quilli-yacolvaca,  the  starting-place    being  a  hill, 
two  leagues  from  Cuzco,  called  Anahuarqui.    Each 
held  a  staff  called  Tupac    Yauri,  mounted  with 
gold  or  bronze.    Here  five  lambs  were  sacrificed 
to  the  Creator  and  the  sun,  followed  by  songs. 
The  course  was  a  very  long  one,  as  far  as  Huana- 
cauri,  where  the  maidens  were  stationed,  called 
Nusta-calU-sapa,    with     supplies     of    chicha    to 
refresh  the  exhausted  runners.    They  kept  singing 
a  refrain  :    '  Come  quickly,  youths,  we  are  waiting 
for  you/    The  youths  stood  in  a  row  at  the  foot 
of    the    hill,  numbering    several    hundreds.     The 
starter  was  an  official  gorgeously  attired,  and  as 
he  dropped  the  Yauri  about  eight  hundred  aspirants 

i  Huaman  Poma  has  a  drawing  representing  the  Inca  speaking 
to  the  Napa,  or  sacred  llama. 

K  2 


132  HUARACHICU 

ran  like  deer  across  the  plain — a  thrilling  sight.  Few 
people,  in  the  new  or  old  world,  could  equal  the 
Peruvians  in  speed,  and  the  competition  to  be 
the  first  to  receive  drinks  from  the  hands  of  beauty 
was  very  close.  There  were  more  songs  and 
disciplinary  flogging,  and  in  the  evening  the  grand 
procession  was  formed  to  return  to  Cuzco,  headed 
by  the  Suntur  Paucar  of  the  Inca  and  the  Raymi 
Napa,  or  golden  llama. 

On  the  next  day  the  rewards  were  distributed  by 
the  Inca  in  person,  on  the  hill  called  Raurana. 
The  aspirants  had  passed  the  night  in  a  place 
called  Huaman  Cancha  (place  of  falcons),  at  the 
foot  of  the  hill,  which  is  two  miles  from  Cuzco. 
The  Inca  proceeded  to  the  summit  of  the  hill, 
where  stood  the  huaca  called  Raurana,  consisting 
of  two  falcons  carved  in  stone,  upon  an  altar. 
The  priest  of  the  huaca  officiated  at  the  pre- 
liminary prayers  and  sacrifices,  the  youths  standing 
in  rows  before  their  sovereign.  There  were  prayers 
that  the  aspirants  might  become  valiant  and 
enterprising  warriors.  The  haylli  was  sung  and, 
at  a  sign  from  the  Inca,  the  priest  presented  each 
of  the  youths  with  breeches  called  huarayuru, 
ear-pieces  of  gold,  red  mantles  with  blue  tassels, 
and  red  shirts.  They  also  received  diadems  with 
plumes  called  pilco  cassa,  and  pieces  of  gold 
and  silver  to  hang  round  their  necks.  Then 
followed  songs  and  hymns,  which  lasted  for  an 
hour.  The  return  to  Cuzco  was  in  the  same 
order  as  on  the  previous  day. 


HUARACHICU  133 

Next  there  was  a  grand  performance  in  the 
Huacay  Pata,  or  principal  square  of  Cuzco. 
The  skins  of  jaguars  and  pumas  had  been  prepared 
with  the  heads,  having  gold  pieces  in  their  ears, 
golden  teeth,  and  golden  rings,  called  chipana, 
on  their  paws.  Those  who  were  dressed  in  the 
skins,  with  many  other  men  and  women,  performed 
a  ceremonial  dance  to  the  music  of  drums.  The 
dance  was  performed  with  a  cable,  which  was 
kept  in  a  building  called  Moro  Urco,  near  the 
temple  of  the  sun.  The  cable  was  woven  in  four 
colours — black,  white,  red,  and  yellow.  At  the 
ends  there  were  stout  balls  of  red  wool.  All  over 
the  strands  small  plates  of  gold  and  silver  were 
sewn.  The  cable  was  called  Huascar.  Every 
one  took  hold  of  it,  men  on  one  side  disguised  in 
the  skins  and  heads  of  wild  beasts,  and  women  on 
the  other,  and  so,  to  the  sounds  of  wild  music, 
the  Yaqauyra  was  danced  through  a  great  part 
of  the  night,  round  and  round  until  the  dancers 
were  in  the  shape  of  a  spiral  shell,  and  then  un- 
winding. Finally  the  cable  was  taken  back  to  the 
Moro  Urco. 

Next,  in  the  third  week  of  the  month,  all  the 
youths  went  to  bathe  in  the  fountain  called  Calls 
Puquio,  about  a  mile  to  the  rear  of  the  fortress  of 
Cuzco,  in  the  ravine  of  the  Huatanay.  They 
returned  to  the  Huacay  Pata,  and  were  solemnly 
presented  with  their  arms,  the  sling,  the  club,  the 
axe,  and  the  shield,  the  ceremony  concluding  with 
prayers  and  sacrifices.  The  final  event  was  the 


134  HUARACHICU 

boring  of  the  ears,  which  completed  the  transition 
from  boys  to  fully  equipped  Orejones  and 
warriors.  Next  came  the  use  of  the  weapons. 

The  next  month,  from  January  22  to  February 
22,  was  called  Camay.1  It  was  the  month  of  exer- 
cises and  sham  fights.  The  youths  were  divided 
into  two  armies  of  Hanan  Cuzco  and  Hurin  Cuzco, 
and  on  the  very  first  day  they  came  into  the  great 
square  with  the  Huaracas,  or  slings,  and  began  to 
hurl  stones  at  each  other.  At  times  they  came  to 
close  quarters  to  try  the  strength  of  their  muscles. 
The  Inca  was  himself  present  in  person,  and 
preserved  order ;  seeing  also  that  the  young 
warriors  were  taught  to  march  together,  and  to  use 
the  axe  and  the  club.  During  these  exercises  the 
new  knights  wore  black  tunics,  fawn-coloured 
mantles,  and  a  head-dress  of  white  feathers  from 
a  bird  called  tocto.  After  the  exercises  there 
was  a  feast,  with  much  drinking  of  chicha. 

The  ninth  month  was  the  month  of  the  great 
ripening.  It  was  called  Hatun  Pucuy,  and 
was  represented  by  stalks  of  corn  with  curved 
baskets.3  Betanzos  has  Colla  Pucuy.  Both 
names  refer  to  the  ripening.3 

Pacha   Pucuy 4   was    the   tenth   month,    from 

1  All  agree  except  Betanzos,  who  has  GOYA  Qtns. 

2  The  baskets  are  exactly  as  represented  on  the  drawings  of 
Huaman  Poma. 

3  All  agree  except  Betanzos,  who  has  Colla  Pucuy ,  and  Fernandez, 
Cac  Mayquis.     Huaman  Poma  has  Paucar  Uara. 

4  Molina    has    Paucar  Uaray,  and  is  followed  by  Fernandez. 
The  rest  agree. 


FAMILY  FESTIVALS  135 

March  22  to  April  22,  at  the  autumnal  equinox. 
In  this  month  there  was  the  fourth  great  annual 
festival  called  the  Mosoc  Nina,  when  the  sacred 
fire  in  the  temple,  always  kept  burning,  was 
solemnly  renewed.  The  month  is  represented 
by  the  stone  and  the  spark. 

The  Ayrihua,1  from  April  22  to  May  22,  was 
the  beginning  of  harvest.  The  new  knights  went 
to  the  foot  of  the  fortress,  to  the  farm  called 
SAUSIRU.  The  tradition  was  that  here  the  wife  of 
the  Ayar  Manco  Ccapac  sowed  the  first  maize, 
^hey  returned  with  the  maize  in  small  baskets, 
singing  the  Yarahui. 

The  twelfth  and  last  month  of  the  year  was 
called  Aymuray,2  and  was  the  month  for  gathering 
in  the  harvests  and  conveying  the  corn  and 
other  produce  to  the  barns  and  store-houses. 
Huaman  Poma  gives  a  picture  of  the  busy  scene. 
The  month  is  represented  by  the  solstitial  sign, 
because  its  last  day  is  the  solstice.  Then  followed 
the  great  harvest-home  month  of  Intip  Raymi. 

Besides  the  great  festivals  which  came  round 
with  the  calendar,  the  Peruvians  had  their  family 
rites  and  ceremonies.  On  the  fourth  day  after  the 
birth  of  a  child,  all  the  relations  were  invited  to 
come  and  see  it,  in  its  Quirau  or  cradle.  When 
it  reached  the  age  of  one  year,  it  was  given  a 
name,  whether  boy  or  girl,  to  last  until  it  was  of 
age.  This  was  called  the  Rutuchicu.  The  child 

1  All  agree  except  Huaman  Poma,  who  has  Inca  Raymi. 

2  All  agree. 


136  FESTIVALS  OBSERVED 

was  then  shorn,  the  eldest  uncle  cutting  the 
first  hair.  At  the  Huarachicu  the  youth  dropped 
his  child  name,  and  received  another  name  to 
last  for  his  life.  Girls,  when  they  were  of  age, 
had  to  undergo  a  ceremony  called  Quicuchica. 
They  had  to  fast  for  three  days,  and  on  the  fourth 
they  were  washed  and  clothed  in  a  dress  called 
Ancalluasu,  with  shoes  of  white  wool.  Their 
hair  was  plaited  and  a  sort  of  bag  was  placed  on 
their  heads.  The  relations  then  came,  and  gave 
the  girl  the  name  she  was  to  bear  for  the  rest  of  her 
life.  They  presented  gifts,  but  there  were  no 
idolatrous  practices. 

In  all  this  we  see  how  the  family  rites,  and 
the  festivals  coming  round  with  the  months,  were 
woven  into  the  lives  of  the  people ;  and,  at  least 
at  Cuzco,  the  central  figure  of  the  sovereign  Inca 
rose  above  it  all,  constantly  seen  as  the  chief 
person  in  all  that  concerned  them. 

During  the  palmy  days  of  the  empire  the  festivals 
were  observed  in  each  province,  though,  of  course, 
with  less  magnificence,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Viceroys  and  Curacas. 


CHAPTER  X 

LANGUAGE  AND  LITERATURE   OF  THE  INCAS 

IT  was  the  wise  policy  of  the  Incas  to  try  to  estab- 
lish one  language  throughout  their  vast  dominions, 
and  they  had  an  excellent  instrument  for  their 
purpose.  Their  language  was  called  Runa-simi, 
literally,  the  '  man's  mouth/  or,  as  we  should  say, 
the  man's  tongue  or  the  human  speech.  It  was 
spoken,  in  its  perfection,  in  the  Inca  and  Quichua 
regions,  the  lands  watered  by  the  Vilcamayu 
and  the  Apurimac,  with  their  tributaries.  But 
the  speech  of  more  distant  tribes  was  closely 
allied,  and  merely  formed  dialects,  so  that  the 
establishment  of  the  use  of  the  Runa-simi  presented 
but  slight  difficulties.  Indeed,  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  the  separate  dialects  were  the  debris 
of  one  original  language  spoken  during  the  mega- 
lithic  age.  Differences  would  be  caused  by  the 
isolation  of  ayllus  in  valleys  difficult  of  access.  The 
same  words  would  receive  different  meanings,  while 
different  words  would  get  to  have  the  same  meaning. 
It  was  the  object  of  the  rulers  of  Peru  that  these 
differences  should  disappear,  and  this  useful  ad- 
ministrative measure  was  quickly  and  automatically 
nearing  completion.  The  Runa  -  simi  is  a  rich 

137 


138  THE  QUICHUA  LANGUAGE 

and  flexible  language.  It  would  be  tedious  to 
enter  into  much  detail,  but  a  few  peculiarities 
may  be  mentioned.  The  letters  B,  D,  F,  and  G 
(hard)  are  wanting,  and  the  vowels  E  and  0  are 
rarely  used.  But  there  are  some  forcible  gutturals, 
and  some  words  require  a  very  strong  emphasis 
on  the  initial  P  and  T.1  The  sound  Ch  is  frequent. 
In  the  grammar  there  are  no  genders,  no  articles, 
and  the  particle,  which  forms  the  plural  of  nouns, 
is  declined.  The  verbs  have  two  first  persons 
plural,  inclusive  and  exclusive,  and  particles  which 
have  the  effect  of  indicating  transition  from  the 
first  person  to  the  second,  second  to  third,  third 
to  first,  and  third  to  second.  But  the  peculiarity 
in  the  language  which  gives  it  such  great  power 
of  expression  and  flexibility  is  the  use  of  nominal 
and  verbal  particles.  They  are  exceedingly 
numerous,  serving  to  alter  the  parts  of  speech, 
and  to  modify  the  meanings  of  words  in  an  infinite 
number  of  ways.  As  is  the  case  with  some  other 
American  languages,  there  is  a  great  variety  of 
names  for  degrees  of  relationship.  For  instance, 
there  is  a  different  word  for  the  sister  of  a  brother 
and  the  sister  of  a  sister,  and  vice  versa. 

The  Runa-simi  was  well  adapted  for  adminis- 
trative purposes,  such  as  promulgating  decrees, 
recording  statistics,  and  keeping  accounts.  For 
the  latter  purposes  the  Peruvians  resorted  to  the 

1  Caca  has  a  meaning  quite  different  from  Ccaca,  the  latter 
representing  a  stronger  guttural.  Tanta  and  ttanta,  pacha  and 
ppacha  have  very  different  meanings. 


THE  QUIPUS  139 

use  of  quipus.  I  am  unable  to  throw  any  new  light 
on  the  extent  to  which  this  system  could  be  made 
to  record  events,  except  that  further  evidence  has 
been  forthcoming  that  they  were  actually  used  for 
such  purposes.  For  administrative  work  their  utility 
cannot  be  doubted,  and  they  served  their  purpose 
admirably.  The  quipu  was  a  rope  to  which  a 
number  of  strings  were  attached,  on  which  knots 
were  made  to  denote  numbers — units,  tens,  hund- 
reds, &c.  The  Peruvians  had  a  complete  system  of 
numeration.  The  colours  of  the  strings  explained 
th&-  subjects  to  which  the  numbers  referred.  The 
accounts  were  in  charge  of  trained  officials  called 
Quipucamayoc,  and  by  this  method  the  complicated 
business  of  a  great  empire  was  conducted. 

It  is  quite  conceivable  that,  with  a  sufficient 
staff  of  trained  and  competent  officials,  such  a 
system  might  be  made  to  work  efficiently.  Indeed, 
we  know  that  this  was  the  case.  The  difficulty  is 
to  understand  how  traditions  could  be  preserved 
and  historical  events  recorded  by  the  use  of  quipus. 
Bias  Valera  refers,  as  his  authorities  for  various 
statements  respecting  rites  and  ceremonies,  to  the 
quipus  preserved  in  different  provinces,  and  even 
by  private  persons.1 

There  must,  however,  have  been  interpreters  of 
the  quipus,  those  who,  with  knowledge  derived 

i  He  refers  to  the  quipus  of  Cuzco,  Caxamarca,  Quito,  Huama- 
chuco,  Pachacamac,  Chincha,  Sacsahuaman,  Cunti-suyu  and  Colla- 
suyu,  and  to  those  in  the  possession  of  Luis  and  Francisco  Yutu 
Inca  and  Juan  Hualpa  Inca,  as  his  authorities. 


140  RECORD  OF  EVENTS 

from  other  sources,  could  use  the  knots  as  re- 
minders and  suggesters  by  which  an  event  could 
be  kept  in  memory  with  more  accuracy.  These 
were  the  Amautas,  or  learned  men  and  councillors. 
For  them  the  quipus  formed  a  system  of  reminders, 
giving  accuracy  to  knowledge  derived  from  other 
methods  of  recording  events  and  traditions.  For 
it  cannot  be  supposed  that  the  system  of  different 
coloured  knots  could  do  more  than  supply  a  sort 
of  aid  to  memory,  or  a  memoria  technica.  It  is, 
however,  certain  that  the  traditions  and  records 
of  events  were  preserved  by  the  Amautas  with 
considerable  exactness.  There  is,  for  instance,  the 
Paccari-tampu  myth.  It  is  told  by  Garcilasso  de 
la  Vega,  Cieza  de  Leon,  Betanzos,  Balboa,  Morua, 
Montesinos,  Salcamayhua  and  Sarmiento,  all  agree- 
ing sufficiently  closely  to  prove  that  precisely  the 
same  tradition  had  been  handed  down,  with  the 
same  details,  to  their  various  informants.  Similarly 
the  details  of  the  Chanca  war  and  other  principal 
events  were  preserved. 

Sarmiento  tells  us  how  this  was  done  on  the 
highest  authority.  He  examined  thirty-two  wit- 
nesses of  the  Inca  family  in  1571,  and  his  first 
inquiry  was  respecting  the  way  in  which  the  memory 
of  historical  events  was  preserved.  He  was  in- 
formed that  the  descendants  of  each  sovereign 
formed  an  ayllu  or  family,  whose  duty  it  was  to 
keep  the  records  of  the  events  of  his  reign.  This 
was  done  by  handing  down  the  histories  in  the  form 
of  narratives  and  songs  which  the  Amautas  of  each 


PICTURES  141 

ayllu,  specially  trained  for  the  duty,  learnt  by 
heart  from  generation  to  generation.  They  had 
help  by  means  of  the  quipus,  and  also  by  the  use 
of  pictures  painted  on  boards.  These  pictures,  it 
was  stated,  were  preserved  with  great  care.  But 
none  have  come  down  to  us.  Pictures  are  mentioned 
by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  and  there  are  entries  in 
the  recently  discovered  manuscript  of  Huaman 
Poma  which  make  it  almost  certain  that  portraits 
of  the  Incas  and  their  queens  once  existed.  Hua- 
man Poma  gives  clever  pen-and-ink  sketches  of  the 
Incas  and  Ccoyas,  with  a  page  of  description  for  each. 
In  the  descriptions  he  not  only  gives  an  account 
of  the  personal  appearance,  but  also  mentions  the 
colour  of  the  tunic  and  mantle  of  each  Inca,  and 
of  the  acsu1  and  lUctta2  of  each  Ccoya.  Now  this 
would  be  quite  out  of  place  for  pen-and-ink  sketches. 
It  is,  therefore,  fairly  certain  that  Huaman  Poma 
alluded  to  coloured  pictures,  or  to  the  tradition  of 
them,  and  that  such  pictures  were  used  to  assist 
and  confirm  the  traditions  handed  down  in  the 
ayllus,  with  the  aid  of  the  quipus.  The  preserva- 
tion of  the  traditions  and  lists  of  the  ancient  kings, 
as  well  as  of  the  historical  events  in  the  reigns  of 
the  Incas,  were  secured  by  these  means.  Sarmiento 
tells  us  that  the  most  notable  historical  events  were 
painted  on  great  boards  and  deposited  in  the  hall 
of  the  temple  of  the  sun.  Learned  persons  were 
appointed,  who  were  well  versed  in  the  art  of 
understanding  and  explaining  them. 

I  Skirt.  2  Mantle. 


142  RELIEF  MAPS— SCHOOLS 

The  Peruvians  appear  to  have  been  advanced 
in  the  study  of  geography  and  in  the  use  of  relief 
maps.  The  provinces  were  measured  and  surveyed, 
and  the  natural  features  were  shown  by  means  of 
these  relief  maps  moulded  in  clay.1  They  were 
used  by  the  Incas  for  administrative  purposes,  and 
especially  for  deciding  the  destinations  of  colonists. 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  had  the  great  advantage  of 
seeing  one  of  these  relief  maps.  It  was  made  of 
clay,  with  small  stones  and  sticks,  and  was  a  model 
of  the  city  of  Cuzco,  showing  the  four  main  roads. 
It  was  according  to  scale,  and  showed  the  squares 
and  streets,  and  the  streams,  and  the  surrounding 
country  with  its  hills  and  valleys.  The  Inca 
declares  that  it  was  well  worthy  of  admiration, 
and  that  the  best  cosmographer  in  the  world  could 
not  have  done  it  better.  It  was  constructed  at 
Muyna,  a  few  leagues  south  of  Cuzco,  where 
Garcilasso  saw  it. 

There  were  Yacha  Huasi,  or  schools,  at  Cuzco, 
said  to  have  been  founded  by  Inca  Rocca,  where 
youths  were  trained  and  instructed  as  Amautas 
and  Quipucamayocs.  The  former  were  in  close 
touch  with  the  hierarchy,  and  were  usually  either 
priests  or  councillors  of  the  sovereign.  The 
Harahuecs,  or  bards,  were  also  trained  at  these 
institutions. 

The  Runa-simi  was  nobly  and  abundantly  used 
in  preserving  the  origins  and  developments  of 
Andean  civilisation,  although  the  want  of  knowledge 

1  Sarmiento,  p.  120. 


HYMNS  AND  SONGS  143 

of  an  alphabet  and  the  Spanish  cataclysm  have  only 
allowed  that  preservation,  so  complete  when  the 
end  came,  to  reach  us  in  scattered  fragments. 
Probably  the  most  ancient  relic  we  possess  is  the 
mythical  song  given  by  Valera,  and  handed  down 
to  us  by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  It  is  a  fanciful 
idea,  referring  the  noise  of  thunder  to  the  shattering 
of  a  sister's  bowl  by  a  brother ;  a  slight  thing  in 
itself,  but  showing  the  play  of  fancy  in  the  imagina- 
tive minds  of  these  people.  Of  equal  antiquity 
are  the  prayers  which  have  been  preserved  by 
Molina,  and  those  hymns  to  the  Supreme  Being 
handed  down  to  us  by  Salcamayhua.  A  pretty 
harvest  song,  a  hunting  song  to  accompany  a  dance, 
a  love  ditty,  and  a  remarkable  song  supposed  to  be 
sung  by  a  condemned  man  before  execution,  are 
undoubtedly  ancient,  for  they  are  found  in  the 
manuscript  of  Huaman  Poma.  They  throw  much 
light  on  the  simple  character  of  the  people,  on 
their  fancies  and  turns  of  thought.  The  love  song 
is  imaginative,  and  has  some  pretty  fancies.  There 
were  many  such  songs  in  the  collection  of  Dr. 
Justiniani,  and  some  occur  in  the  drama  of  Ollantay. 
The  most  interesting  and  complete  relic  of 
Peruvian  literature  is  the  drama  of  Ollantay,  over 
which  there  has  been  much  controversy  with  refer- 
ence to  its  antiquity.  It  was  first  made  known 
through  the  account  of  it  given  in  the  '  Museo 
Erudito'  of  Cuzco,  in  1837. l  In  1853  the  present 

i  By  Don  Manuel  Palacios ;  Nos.  5  to  9,  reproduced  by  Dr. 
Don  Pio  Mesa  in  his  Anales  del  Cuzco, 


144  THE  CURA  OF  LARIS 

writer  made  search  for  the  original  text  of  the 
drama,  and  for  the  best  sources  of  information. 
In  those  days  an  intelligent  and  learned  scholar, 
Dr.  Julian  Ochoa,  was  Rector  of  the  University  of 
San  Antonio  Abad  at  Cuzco,1  and  there  also  resided 
in  the  ancient  city  of  the  Incas  a  venerable  lady 
who  remembered  the  insurrection  of  Pumacagua, 
and  whose  intimate  relations  with  the  leading 
Indians  of  those  times,  and  profound  knowledge  of 
the  folklore  and  language  of  her  countrymen,  placed 
her  in  the  first  rank  as  an  exponent  of  tradition. 
It  was  under  the  guidance  of  these  two  high 
authorities  that  the  present  writer  conducted  his 
researches. 

They  told  him  of  the  existence  of  a  last  descend- 
ant of  the  Incas,  living  in  one  of  the  most  secluded 
valleys  of  the  eastern  Andes,  and  possessing  the 
original  text  of  the  old  Inca  drama,  and  many  other 
documents  of  interest.  It  was  necessary  to  cross 
the  lofty  range  of  mountains  which  bounds  the 
lovely  vale  of  the  Vilcamayu,  to  pass  over  grassy 
plateaux  at  a  great  elevation,  where  the  sapphire 
blue  of  the  small  alpine  lakes  contrasted  with  the 
dark  surfaces  of  the  precipitous  cliffs,  and  then  to 
descend,  by  winding  paths,  into  the  secluded  vale 
of  Laris.  Here  there  was  a  small  church,  a  few 
huts,  and  a  house  consisting  of  buildings  on  two 
sides  of  a  courtyard,  with  the  church  tower  seen 
over  the  roof.  Away  in  one  direction  there  was  a 
wooded  glen  of  great  depth,  containing  one  small 

i  Afterwards  Bishop  of  Cuzco. 


DR.  JUSTINIANI  145 

house  built  over  a  spring,  which  consists  of  medicinal 
waters  of  special  virtue  for  various  complaints.  A 
small  stream  flowed  down  another  ravine  of  wonder- 
ful beauty,  with  lofty  mountains  on  either  side.  In 
those  days  the  downward  course  of  the  river,  called 
the  Yanatilde,  was  unknown.  Recently  it  has 
been  explored,  and  found  to  be  a  tributary  of  the 
Vilcamayu. 

Such  was  Laris,  where  the  descendant  of  the 
Incas  lived  as  cura  of  the  parish,  with  his  grand- 
niece.  His  name  was  Dr.  Pablo  Justiniani,  in 
direct  descent  from  the  Princess  Maria  Usca,1 
married  to  Pedro  Ortiz  de  Orue,  the  Encomendero 
of  Maras.  It  will  perhaps  be  remembered  that 
Maras  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  tribes  which 
followed  the  Ayars  from  Paccari-tampu.  Dr.  Justi- 
niani was  a  very  old  man.  He  could  remember  the 
great  rebellion  of  Tupac  Amaru  in  1782,  and  was 
a  friend  of  Dr.  Antonio  Valdez,  who  reduced  the 
drama  of  Ollantay  to  writing. 

His  house  consisted  of  a  long  room  opening  on 
the  courtyard,  with  small  rooms  at  each  end,  and 
a  kitchen  in  the  other  building.  The  furniture  was 
a  long  table,  some  very  old  chairs,  an  inlaid  cabinet, 
and  two  ancient  chests.  Round  the  walls  hung 

i  Maxia  Usca  was  the  daughter  of  the  Inca  Manco,  and  grand- 
daughter of  Huayna  Ccapac.  Her  brothers  were  the  three  last 
Incas — Sayri  Tupac,  Cusi  Titu  Yupanqui,  and  Tupac  Amaru, 
Her  daughter,  Catalina  Ortiz  de  Orue,  married  Don  Luis  Justiniani, 
the  great-great-grandfather  of  Dr.  Don  Pablo  Policarpo  Justiniani, 
cura  of  Laris.  One  of  Dr.  Don  Pablo's  great-great-grandmothers 
was  of  the  ayllu  of  the  great  Inca,  Tupac  Yupanqui. 


146  DR.  JUSTINIANI 

portraits  of  all  the  Incas  from  Manco  Ccapac  to 
Tupac  Amaru,  including  the  Princess  Maria  Usca. 
Under  the  portrait  of  Tupac  Amaru  was  the 
sentence  in  Quichua :  '  0  Lord !  behold  how  my 
enemies  shed  my  blood/  There  were  also  the 
coats  of  arms  of  the  Incas  granted  by  the  Emperor 
Charles  V,  of  Ortiz  de  Orue,  Gonzalez,  Carbajal, 
and  Justiniani. 

The  old  cura  talked  of  the  drama  of  Ollantay, 
of  Inca  literature,  and  of  the  rebellions  of  Tupac 
Amaru  and  Pumacagua.  His  guest,  in  the  intervals 
of  copying  manuscripts,  took  long  rambles  down 
the  beautiful  vale  of  Yanatilde,  and  rejoiced  to 
see  the  friendly  relations  that  existed  between 
the  old  cura  and  his  parishioners,  who  raised 
crops  of  potatoes  and  ocas,  and  kept  flocks  of 
llamas  which  found  pasturage  on  the  mountain 
slopes.  Bright  and  full  of  conversation  in  the 
daytime,  the  old  cura  sometimes  suffered  from 
headaches  in  the  evenings.  His  niece  then  stuck 
coca  leaves  all  over  his  forehead,  which  drove 
away  the  pain,  so  that  he  literally  enjoyed  a  green 
old  age.  This  was  before  the  discovery  of  the 
virtues  of  cocaine. 

Out  of  the  old  cabinet,  inlaid  with  mother-of- 
pearl  and  haliotis,  Dr.  Justiniani  brought  the 
pedigree  showing  his  descent  from  the  Incas, 
another  pedigree  showing  his  descent  from  the 
Emperor  Justinian  through  the  Genoese  family, 
a  volume  of  old  Quichua  songs,  and  the  text  of 
the  drama  of  Ollantay.  All  these  precious  docu- 


THE  INCA  DRAMA  147 

ments  were  diligently  copied.  He  gave  me  an 
account  of  the  reduction  of  the  drama  to  writing, 
and  of  the  existing  copies. 

It  will  be  well  to  quote  what  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  and  others  say  on  the  subject  before  giving 
the  information  received  from  Dr.  Justiniani: 
'  The  Amautas  composed  both  tragedies  and 
comedies,  which  were  represented  before  the  Inca 
and  his  court  on  solemn  occasions.  The  subject 
matter  of  the  tragedy  related  to  military  deeds 
and  the  victories  of  former  times ;  while  the 
arguments  of  the  comedies  were  on  agricultural 
and  familiar  household  subjects.  They  under- 
stood the  composition  of  long  and  short  verses, 
with  the  right  number  of  syllables  in  each.  They 
did  not  use  rhymes  in  the  verses/ 1  Salcamayhua 
also  bears  witness  to  the  existence  of  the  ancient 
drama,  and  gives  the  names  for  four  different 
kinds  of  plays  called  A  nay  Sauca,  a  joyous  repre- 
sentation, Hayachuca,  Llama-llama,  a  farce,  and 
Hanamsi,  a  tragedy.  There  is  a  clear  proof  that 
the  memory  of  the  old  dramatic  lore  was  preserved, 
and  that  the  dramas  were  handed  down  by  memory 
after  the  Spanish  conquest.  It  is  to  be  found  in 
the  sentence  pronounced  on  the  rebels  at  Cuzco, 
by  the  Judge  Areche,  in  1781.  It  prohibited  *  the 
representation  of  dramas,  as  well  as  all  other 
festivals  which  the  Indians  celebrated  in  memory 
of  their  Incas/ 

There  then  can  be  no  doubt  that  these  Inca 

1  In  this  Garcilasso  was  mistaken.  They  occasionally  used  rhymes. 

L  2 


148  DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY 

dramas  had  been  handed  down.  Dr.  Justinian! 
told  me  that  the  Ollantay  play  was  put  into 
writing  by  Dr.  Don  Antonio  Valdez,  the  cura  of 
Sicuani,  from  the  mouths  of  Indians.  He  divided 
it  into  scenes,  with  a  few  stage  directions,  and 
it  was  acted  before  the  unfortunate  Tupac  Amaru, 
a  friend  of  Valdez,  who  headed  an  insurrection 
against  the  Spaniards  in  1782.  It  would  appear 
that  Valdez  was  not  the  first  to  reduce  the  play  to 
writing,  for  there  is  or  was  a  version  of  1735,  and 
others  dating  from  the  previous  century.1 

The  father  of  Dr.  Justiniani  was  a  friend  of 
Dr.  Valdez,  and  he  made  a  copy  of  that  learned 
Quichua  scholar's  manuscript.  This  is  the  one 
which  I  copied.  Dr.  Valdez  died  in  1816,  and  in 
1853  the  original  Valdez  manuscript  was  possessed 
by  his  nephew  and  heir,  Don  Narciso  Cuentas  of 
Tinta.  I  ascertained  the  existence  of  another 
copy  in  the  possession  of  Dr.  Rosas,  the  cura  of 
Chinchero,  and  there  was  another  in  the  monastery 
of  San  Domingo  at  Cuzco,  which  was  nearly 
illegible  from  damp.  But  the  literature  on  the 
subject  of  the  drama  of  Ollantay  is  extensive. 

The  period  of  the  drama  is  during  the  reigns  of 
the  Inca  Pachacuti  and  his  son  Tupac  Yupanqui. 
The  hero  is  a  warrior  named  Apu  Ollantay,2  who 
was  Viceroy  of  the  province  of  Anti-suyu.  Though 

1  Von  Tschudi. 

2  The  name  of  OLLANTAY  occurs  in  the  list  of  witnesses  who 
were  examined,  by  order  of  the  Viceroy  Toledo,  respecting  the 
history   of   the   Incas.      He   belonged  to   the   Antasayac   ayllu. 
I  have  not  met  with  it  in  any  other  place. 


DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY  149 

not  of  the  blood-royal,  this  young  nobleman 
entertained  a  sacrilegious  love  for  a  daughter  of 
the  Inca  named  Cusi  Coyllur,  or  the  *  joyful  star/ 
The  play  opens  with  a  dialogue  between  Ollantay 
and  his  servant  Piqui  Chaqui,  a  witty  and  facetious 
lad  whose  punning  sallies  form  the  comic  vein 
which  runs  through  the  piece.  Their  talk  is  of 
Ollantay's  love  for  the  princess,  and  to  them 
enters  the  High  Priest  of  the  Sun,  who,  by  per- 
forming a  miracle,  endeavours  to  dissuade  the 
audacious  warrior  from  his  forbidden  love. 
:  ^In  the  second  scene  the  princess  herself  laments 
to  her  mother  the  absence  of  Ollantay.  The 
Inca  Pachacuti  enters,  and  expresses  warm  affection 
for  his  child.  Two  songs  are  introduced,  the 
first  being  a  harvest  song  with  a  chorus  threatening 
the  birds  that  rob  the  corn,  and  the  second  a 
mournful  love  elegy. 

The  lover  presses  his  suit  upon  the  Inca  in  the 
third  scene,  and  is  scornfully  repulsed.  He  bursts 
out  into  open  defiance  in  a  soliloquy  of  great  force. 
Then  there  is  an  amusing  dialogue  with  Piqui 
Chaqui,  and  another  love  song  concludes  the  act. 
Ollantay  collects  an  army  of  Antis,  and  occupies 
the  impregnable  fortress  in  the  valley  of  the 
Vilcamayu,  since  called  Ollantay-tampu,  accom- 
panied by  two  other  chiefs  named  Urco  Huaranca 
and  Hanco  Huayllu.  Meanwhile  Cusi  Coyllur  gave 
birth  to  a  female  child  named  Yma  Sumac  (How 
beautiful),  a  crime  for  which  she  was  immured  in  a 
dungeon  by  her  enraged  father,  the  Inca  Pachacuti. 


150  OLLANTAY-TAMPU 

The  child  is  brought  up  in  the  same  building, 
without  being  aware  of  the  existence  of  her 
mother. 

Ollantay-tampu,  at  the  entrance  of  a  ravine 
descending  to  the  valley  of  the  Vilcamayu,  rises 
amidst  scenery  of  indescribable  loveliness.  The 
mountain  of  the  principal  ruins  is  very  lofty  and 
in  the  form  of  a  sugar  loaf,  but  with  narrow  plateaux 
breaking  the  steep  slope,  and  giving  room  for  the 
buildings.  There  is  now  little  left,  and  their  un- 
usual arrangement,  which  was  made  a  necessity 
by  the  peculiarity  and  narrowness  of  the  sites, 
makes  it  difficult  to  comprehend  the  original  plan. 
Moreover  the  ruins  are  of  different  periods,  some 
certainly  belonging  to  the  megalithic  age. 

Ollantay-tampu  was  the  fortress  defending  the 
sacred  valley  from  the  incursions  of  wild  tribes 
from  the  north.  It  is  the  most  interesting  ruin 
in  Peru,  whether  from  an  historical  or  a  legendary 
point  of  view.  It  was  the  scene  of  this  famous 
Inca  drama,  and  here  the  gallant  young  Inca 
Manco  repulsed  the  attack  of  the  Spaniards  under 
Hernando  Pizarro. 

A  fairly  wide  ravine,  called  Marca-cocha, 
descends  from  the  heights  of  the  Andes  to  the 
Vilcamayu  valley,  and  at  its  entrance  two  lofty 
mountains  rise  on  either  side,  with  the  little  town 
of  Ollantay-tampu  between  them.  A  steep  path 
leads  up,  for  300  feet,  to  the  first  small  plateau 
covered  with  ruins.  On  this  little  level  space 
there  are  five  immense  stone  slabs,  upright  against 


OLLANTAY-TAMPU  151 

the  mountain  side.  They  stand  endways,  twelve 
feet  high,  united  by  small  smooth  pieces  fitted 
between  them.  At  their  bases  there  are  other 
blocks  of  huge  dimensions,  one  fifteen  feet  long. 
I  believe  this  to  have  been  the  great  hall  of  the 
fortified  palace  of  Ollantay.  A  stone  staircase 
leads  down  to  a  small  plateau,  which  was  another 
part  of  the  interior. 

Immediately  below  these  plateaux  there  is  a 
very  remarkable  terrace,  with  a  wall  of  polygonal 
stones  fitting  exactly  into  each  other,  the  lower 
course  formed  of  blocks  of  immense  size.  In  the 
wall  there  are  nine  recesses,  2  ft.  2  ins.  high  by 
1  ft.  4  ins.  by  1  ft.  1  in.  deep,  to  hold  the  household 
gods.  At  the  further  end  the  terrace  is  approached 
by  a  handsome  doorway  with  a  monolithic  lintel, 
the  side  of  immense  stones  sloping  slightly  inwards. 
A  long  staircase,  hewn  out  of  the  solid  rock,  leads 
down.  This  doorway  and  terrace  were  the  chief 
entrance  and  vestibule  of  the  palace.  Below  the 
terrace  there  is  a  succession  of  well-constructed 
andeneria,  or  cultivated  terraces,  sixteen  deep, 
descending  to  the  valley.  They  would  have 
supplied  the  garrison  with  provisions. 

Beyond  the  second  plateau,  which  I  believe  to 
have  been  an  interior,  there  is  an  open  space  which 
formed  a  court  in  front  of  the  palace,  and  extended 
to  the  brink  of  a  precipice  which  is  partly  revetted 
with  masonry,  whence  there  is  a  lovely  view  over 
the  valleys.  High  up,  above  the  palace,  was  the 
Inti-huatana,  or  circle  and  pillar  for  observing  the 


152  DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY 

equinox,  like  that  which  was  formerly  in  the  Inti- 
pampa  at  Cuzco. 

About  half  a  mile  up  the  Marca-cocha  ravine  the 
cliff  becomes  perpendicular,  and  here  giant  seats 
have  been  excavated,  having  canopies  and  steps 
up  to  them,  with  connecting  galleries,  all  hewn 
out  of  the  solid  rocks.  One  is  called  Nusta-tiana 
(the  princess's  seat),  the  other  Inca-misana,  from 
its  resemblance  to  an  altar.  On  the  road  from 
the  quarry  there  are  two  hewn  stones  called  the 
saycusca  rumi-cuna  (tired  stones).  One  is  9  ft. 
8  ins.  by  7  ft.  8  ins.,  the  other  20  ft.  by  15  ft.  by 
3  ft.  6  ins.  The  excavations,  the  tired  stones,  and 
parts  of  the  ruins  date  from  the  megalithic  age. 
The  rest  may  be  of  the  period  of  Ollantay. 

The  second  act  finds  Ollantay  in  open  rebellion, 
and  fully  established  in  this  wonderful  palace, 
where  he  was  engaged  in  building  and  fortifying 
for  several  years.  The  name  may  be  either  from 
the  drama  or  from  an  actual  event  handed 
down  by  tradition,  but  most  of  the  early  writers 
only  call  the  fortress  '  Tampu '  without  any 
prefix.  Molina  and  Salcamayhua  have  the  complete 
name,  Ollantay-tampu.  The  second  act  opens  with 
Ollantay  in  his  stronghold,  hailed  as  Inca  by  his 
followers.  In  the  next  scene  Yma  Sumac,  the 
child  of  Ollantay  and  Cusi  Coyllur,  who  had  been 
brought  up  without  being  aware  of  her  mother's 
existence,  is  conversing  with  her  attendant,  Pitu 
Salla.  The  girl  tells  of  the  groans  and  sighs  she 
has  heard,  when  she  has  been  walking  in  the 


LARGE    MONOLITH    ON    CITADEL    OF   OLLANTAY-TAMPU 


UPPER    TERRACE    ON    CITADEL    OF    OLLANTAY-TAMPU 


DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY  153 

garden,  and  of  the  strange  feelings  with  which 
they  fill  her  mind.  Her  speech  is  the  finest  passage 
in  the  play.  There  is  an  amusing  dialogue  between 
Rumi-naui,  the  general  of  Colla-suyu,  and  the 
scapegrace  Piqui  Chaqui,  in  the  third  scene,  during 
which  the  death  of  the  Inca  Pachacuti  is  announced. 
He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Tupac  Yupanqui,1  who 
had  been  absent  for  many  years,  engaged  in  con- 
quests, and  is  supposed  to  have  been  imperfectly 
informed  of  the  events  that  had  taken  place  round 
Cuzco.  The  new  Inca  gave  the  command  of  an 
anny  to  Rumi-naui,  with  the  duty  of  reducing  the 
rebel  forces  under  Ollantay  to  subjection. 

In  the  last  act  Rumi-naui  adopted  a  cunning 
stratagem.  Concealing  his  army  in  the  neighbour- 
ing ravine  of  Yana-huara,  he  came  to  the  strong- 
hold of  the  rebels,  and  appeared  before  Ollantay 
with  his  face  covered  with  blood.  He  declared 
that  he  had  been  ill-treated  by  the  Inca,  and  that 
he  wished  to  join  the  insurrection.  With  regard  to 
this  incident,  it  is  recorded  that,  in  1837,  an  Indian 
presented  to  Don  Antonio  Maria  Alvarez,  the 
political  chief  of  Cuzco,  an  earthen  vase  with  a  face 
moulded  on  it.  The  portrait  must  have  been  that 

i  In  the  Museo  Erudito  a,  doubt  is  thrown  on  the  authenticity 
of  the  drama  because  Pachacuti  is  said  to  have  been  succeeded  by 
Tupac  Yupanqui ;  for  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  places  an  Inca  Yupanqui 
between  Pachacuti  and  Tupac  Yupanqui.  At  that  time  Garcilasso 
was  accepted  as  the  best  authority.  But  it  has  since  been  proved 
that  Garcilasso  was  mistaken,  and  that  Tupac  Yupanqui  was  the 
son  and  ""successor  of  Pachacuti,  so  that  what  seemed  to  be  an 
argument  against  the  authenticity  of  the  drama  has  become  an 
argument  in  its  favour, 


154  DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY 

of  a  general,  from  the  mascapaycha,  or  head-dress, 
and  there  were  cuts  on  the  face.  The  Indian 
declared  that  it  had  been  handed  down  in  his 
family,  from  generation  to  generation,  as  the 
likeness  of  the  general  Rumi-naui.1 

Rumi-iiaui  was  received  as  an  old  friend  and 
companion  by  Ollaritay.  A  few  days  afterwards 
the  great  festival  of  Intip  Raymi  was  celebrated. 
Rumi-naui  encouraged  the  drunken  orgies,  keeping 
sober  himself,  and  when  all  were  heavy  with 
liquor  he  opened  the  gates  to  admit  his  own 
men,  and  made  prisoners  of  Ollantay  and  all  his 
followers. 

In  the  next  scene  there  is  a  touching  dialogue 
between  Yma  Sumac  and  Pitu  Salla,  which  ends 
in  the  child  being  allowed  to  visit  her  mother  in  the 
dungeon. 

The  successful  stratagem  of  Rumi-naui  is 
reported  to  the  Inca,  in  the  next  scene,  by  a 
messenger.  Ollantay  and  his  companions  are 
then  brought  in  as  prisoners  by  the  victorious 
general,  who  recommends  that  they  should  be 
put  to  death.  But  the  magnanimous  Inca  not 
only  pardons  them,  but  restores  Ollantay  to  all 
his  honours.  In  the  midst  of  the  ceremonies' of 
reconciliation,  the  child  Yma  Sumac  bursts  into  the 
presence  and  entreats  the  Inca  to  save  the  life  of 
his  sister  and  her  mother.  All  proceed  to  the 
dungeon  of  Cusi  Coyllur,  who  is  supposed  to  have 
been  long  since  dead.  The  unfortunate  princess 

1  Museo  Erudite,  No.  5. 


OTHER  QUICHUA  DRAMAS  155 

is  restored  to  the  arms  of  her  lover,  and  they 
receive  the  blessing  of  their  sovereign. 

The  drama  of  Ollantay  is  not  alone  in  allowing 
a  romantic  passion  to  transgress  the  usages  of  the 
Inca  court.  We  have  another  instance  in  the 
loves  of  Quilacu  and  Curi  Coyllur,  which  are  told  in 
a  subsequent  chapter,1  and  another  given  by  Morua, 
in  the  love  of  the  Princess  CHUQUI-LLANTU  for  the 
shepherd-boy  ACOYA-NAPA.  It  is  most  fortunate  that 
this  ancient  drama  has  been  preserved  through 
having  been  reduced  to  writing  by  an  appreciative 
sqholar.  The  Inca  Indians  had  a  remarkable 
aptitude  for  dramatic  representation,  of  which  the 
Spanish  priests  took  advantage.  They  collected 
Inca  dramatic  traditions  and  songs  and  compiled 
religious  plays  from  them,  in  imitation  of  the 
Autos  Sacramentales  then  in  vogue.  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega  mentions  these  religious  plays,  and 
adds  that  the  '  Indian  lads  repeated  the  dialogues 
with  so  much  grace,  feeling,  and  correct  action, 
that  they  gave  universal  satisfaction  and  pleasure, 
and  with  so  much  plaintive  softness  in  the  songs, 
that  the  audience  shed  tears  of  joy  at  seeing  their 
skill  and  ability/ 

I  have  two  of  these  plays  in  my  possession, 
written  in  the  Quichua  language.  One  was 
arranged  by  Dr.  Lunarejo,  a  native  of  Cuzco  and 
a  celebrated  Quichua  scholar  of  the  eighteenth 
century ;  but  the  date  is  1707,  before  his  time. 
It  is  entitled  '  El  pobre  mas  rico/  and  was  acted 

1  See  p.  244 


156  OTHER  INCA  DRAMAS 

by  Indians  at  Cuzco,  where  the  scene  is  laid,  in  the 
days  of  the  Incas.     The  dramatis  persona  are : 

Nina  Quiru  Inca  Cora  Siclla  ftusta 

Yauri  Titu  Inca  Cora  Umina  ftusta 

Amaru  Inca  An  Angel 

Quespillo  (a  droll)  Demons. 

The  other  Quichua  drama,  entitled  '  USCA 
PAUCAK/  is  more  ancient,  and  was  given  to  me 
by  Dr.  Julian  Ochoa  of  Cuzco ;  but  it  is  strictly 
an  Auto  Sacramental.  The  dramatis  persona 
are : 

Usca  Paucar  Cheque  Apu  (an  old  man) 

Quespillo  (a  droll)        Ccori-ttica 
Luzvel  Yuncanina      An  Angel. 

I  also  have  copies  of  twenty  songs  from  the 
collection  of  Dr.  Justiniani,  and  several  others 
received  from  Quichua  scholars  in  Ayacucho, 
Cuzco,  and  Puno.  Nearly  all  are  love  songs,  a  few 
bright  and  cheerful,  but  the  majority  are  elegies 
breathing  sorrow  and  despair. 

The  Incas  were  able  to  preserve  the  pedigrees 
and  events  of  the  reigns  of  sovereigns  for  many 
generations,  by  the  means  that  have  been  described. 
In  their  dramas  and  songs  they  had  made  great 
advances  in  the  poetic  art,  not  only  using  verses  to 
give  expression  to  the  passions  of  love  and  despair, 
but  also  to  preserve  fanciful  myths  and  legends. 
In  astronomy  their  knowledge  sufficed  to  fix  the 
periods  of  the  solar  year.  The  Amautas  also  had 


INCA  PHYSICIANS  157 

an  extensive  knowledge  of  the  use  of  medicinal 
herbs  and  roots,  and  their  advances  in  surgery 
are  attested  by  the  discovery  of  skulls  at  Yucay 
and  elsewhere  on  which  the  trepanning  operation 
has  been  performed.  They  used  infusions  of 
several  herbs  as  purgatives  and  stomachics,  as  well 
as  the  root  of  a  convolvulus ;  other  herbs  were  used 
for  colds  and  pulmonary  complaints,  and  salves 
were  used,  consisting  of  leaves  and  seeds  of  certain 
plants  dried,  pounded,  and  mixed  with  lard, 
some  for  wounds,  others  for  rheumatism.  For 
fearers  they  used  several  tonics,  including  a  gentian. 
The  chinchona  plant  was  certainly  used  locally  as 
a  febrifuge,  but  not,  I  think,  universally.  In  the 
Loxa  province  the  bark  was  used,  and  known  as 
Quina-quina.  In  the  forests  of  Caravaya  an  infu- 
sion of  the  Chinchona  flowers  was  given  for  ague, 
and  called  Yara  chiicchu.  The  name  of  cdlisaya, 
the  species  richest  in  quinine,  is  derived  from  two 
Quichua  words :  Ccali,  strong,  and  sayay,  to  stand. 
From  time  immemorial  men  of  a  tribe  called 
Collahuaya  or  Charasani,  from  Upper  Peru,  have 
collected  medicinal  herbs  and  roots,  and,  as  itiner- 
ant doctors,  have  carried  them  all  over  the  empire 
of  the  Incas.  I  have  collected  all  the  names  of 
medicinal  herbs  and  roots  from  ancient  authors, 
especially  Cobos.  I  have  also  received  information 
on  the  same  subjects  from  people  with  whom  I 
came  in  contact  who  were  likely  to  know  the 
herbs  now  used  by  the  Indians  ;  and  I  have  exam- 
ined the  bags  of  the  Collahuayas  at  Lampa  and  other 


158  MEDICINAL  PLANTS 

places.  It  is  an  interesting  fact  that  many  of  the 
remedies  mentioned  by  ancient  writers  are  still  to 
be  found  in  the  bags  of  modern  itinerant  doctors. 
The  Inca  Garcilasso  says  that  his  mother's  people 
used  many  medicinal  plants,  but  he  had  forgotten 
their  names.  He,  however,  mentions  the  extra- 
ordinary effects  of  one  called  matecllu,  which  are 
described  in  the  chapter  on  the  Inca's  life  at 
page  268. 


CHAPTER  XI 

CONDITION  OF  THE  PEOPLE 

THE  history  of  the  people  who  formed  the  empire 
of  the  Incas,  in  their  earlier  development,  is  well 
worthy  of  careful  study.  Sarmiento's  version  of 
what  he  was  told  by  the  Amautas  was  that  the 
people  were  broken  up  into  small  tribes,  living 
in  what  the  Spaniards  call  behetria,  without  any 
government  except  in  time  of  war,  when  a  tempor- 
ary chief,  called  Sinchi,  was  elected.  But  this  is 
a  very  inadequate  and  misleading  account  of  what 
must  have  been  told  him.  The  mountainous  nature 
of  the  Andean  region,  cut  up  by  such  gorges  as 
those  of  the  Apurimac  and  the  Pampas,  led  to  the 
formation  of  numerous  separate  communities, 
and  this  would  equally  be  the  state  of  affairs  in  the 
valleys  on  the  coast,  which  are  separated  from  each 
other  by  sandy  deserts. 

These  communities  were  not  without  govern- 
ment, as  Sarmiento  supposed.  From  remote 
antiquity  they  consisted  of  families,  all  being  related, 
like  the  Roman  gens.  A  single  community,  occupy- 
ing part  of  a  valley  or  a  limited  area,  was  called  an 
ayllu.  It  was  an  organised  family  something  on 
the  lines  of  the  village  communities  in  India.  The 

159 


160  SYSTEM  OF  AYLLUS 

necessity  for  agricultural  and  pastoral  industries 
led  inevitably  to  a  life  of  social  intercourse,  and  to  a 
patriarchal  system  under  which,  the  land  belonged 
to  the  ayllu.  The  arable  land  was  assigned  annually 
to  the  heads  of  families,  while  the  pasture  and  wood- 
land continued  to  be  the  common  property  of  the 
ayllu.  There  were  doubtless  frequent  wars 
respecting  boundaries  and  rights  of  pasturage  with 
neighbouring  ayllus,  but  there  were  also  confedera- 
tions of  ayllus  for  defence,  and  for  the  construc- 
tion of  works  for  the  common  good,  which  would 
be  beyond  the  powers  of  a  single  ayllu — such  as 
works  of  irrigation,  and  terraced  cultivation.  The 
unit  was  the  head  of  a  family,  called  puric,  the 
united  purics  formed  the  ayllu,  which  occupied  the 
cultivable  land  called  marca. 

There  is  abundant  evidence  that  this  patri- 
archal system,  with  rules  established  by  long 
custom,  had  existed  from  remote  antiquity.  The 
development  of  agriculture  and  the  domestication 
of  animals  could  not  have  been  continued  for 
centuries  without  the  existence  of  an  ordered 
social  life,  pointing  to  a  head  or  heads  to  rule  and 
direct.  Moreover,  the  traditions  and  ancestral 
descents  of  the  ayllus  were  most  carefully  pre- 
served down  to  the  very  last,  and  this  no  doubt  led 
to  the  worship  of  ancestors,  and  to  all  the  ceremonial 
services  which  it  involved. 

In  course  of  time  the  neighbouring  ayllus,  in 
many  instances,  united  not  only  for  purposes  of 
defence,  but  also  for  social  and  industrial  objects, 


THE  PURIC  161 

thus  forming  a  clan  composed  of  several  ayllus  or 
families.  Then  several  clans  united  and  became  a 
powerful  tribe  with  an  hereditary  chief.  Finally  there 
arose  great  confederations  like  those  of  the  Incas, 
the  Chancas,  and  the  Collas ;  ending,  after  fierce 
and  prolonged  wars,  in  the  supremacy  of  the  Incas. 

The  Incas  respected  the  organisations  they 
found  among  the  people  who  came  under  their  rule, 
and  did  not  disturb  or  alter  the  social  institutions 
of  the  numerous  tribes  they  conquered.  Their 
statesmanship  consisted  in  systematising  the 
institutions  which  had  existed  from  remote 
antiquity,  and  in  adapting  them  to  the  requirements 
of  a  great  empire. 

Under  the  Incas  the  ayllu  became  a  pachaca  (100 
families),  over  which  was  placed  a  Llacta-camayoc 
or  village  officer,  whose  duty  it  was  to  divide  the 
marca  annually  into  topits,  three  being  assigned  to 
each  puric  or  head  of  a  family,  sufficient  for  the 
maintenance  of  himself  and  his  people,  and  for  the 
payment  of  tribute  to  the  state  and  to  religion ; 
one  third  to  each. 

The  puric  was  responsible  for  the  maintenance 
of  his  family  connections,  who  were  divided  into 
ten  classes,  with  their  women  : 

1.  Punuc  rucu    (old  man  sleeping),    sixty   years  and 
upwards. 

2.  Chaupi  rucu  ('  half  old '),  fifty  to  sixty  years.     Doing 
light  work. 

3.  Puric  (able-bodied),  twenty-five  to  fifty.      Tribute 
payer  and  head  of  the  family. 


162  SYSTEM  OF  ADMINISTRATION 

4.  Yma  huayna  (almost  a  youth),  twenty  to  twenty- 
five.    Worker. 

5.  Coca     palla    (coca     picker),    sixteen    to    twenty. 
Worker. 

6.  Pucllac  huamra,  eight  to  sixteen.    Light  work. 

7.  Ttanta  raquizic  (bread  receiver),  six  to  eight. 

8.  Macta  puric,  under  six. 

9.  Saya  huamrac,  able  to  stand. 

10.  Mosoc  caparic,  baby  in  arms. 

From  all  the  classes  younger  than  the  puric, 
male  and  female,  a  certain  number  were  taken 
annually  for  the  service  of  the  state  and  of  religion. 
The  population  appears  to  have  increased  rapidly. 
In  the  pachaca,  or  old  ayllu,  there  were  a  hundred 
purics.  The  Llacta-camayoc  or  head  of  the  pachaca 
had  to  see  that  all  were  properly  nourished  and  to 
register  births  and  deaths. 

Ten  pachacas  formed  a  huaranca  (1000 
families),  with  a  chief  selected  from  among  the 
llacta-camayocs.  The  whole  valley  or  district 
comprised  a  varying  number  of  huarancas  which 
was  called  a  hunu,  and  the  old  hereditary  native 
chiefs,  with  the  name  of  curacas,  retained  some 
judicial  power  and  were  free  from  tribute.  But 
over  every  four  hunus  there  was  an  imperial  officer 
called  a  Tucuyricoc,  the  literal  meaning  of  which  is 
'  He  who  sees  all.'  His  duty  as  overseer  was  to  see 
that  the  whole  complicated  system  of  administra- 
tion worked  with  regularity,  and  that  all  the  re- 
sponsible officials  under  him  performed  their 
duties  efficiently.  The  later  Incas  had  a  Viceroy 


SYSTEM  OF  ADMINISTRATION  163 

of  the  blood-royal,  called  Ccapac  Apu,  for  each  of 
the  four  great  provinces. 

There  was  also  a  system  of  periodical  visitors 
to  overlook  the  census  and  the  tribute,  and  to 
examine  minutely  and  report  upon  the  state  of 
affairs  in  each  district.  Other  visitors,  in  consulta- 
tion with  the  local  officials,  selected  young  people 
of  both  sexes  from  the  households  of  the  purics 
for  employments  in  the  service  of  the  State  and 
of  religion,  according  to  their  several  aptitudes. 
Marriages  were  also  arranged  by  the  visiting  officials. 
JFrom  the  ranks  of  the  people,  men  and  women 
were  needed  for  many  purposes  of  state,  each 
chosen  from  out  of  a  puric  household.  First 
there  were  the  shepherds.  A  census  was  taken  of 
all  the  llamas  and  alpacas  in  each  district  and  they 
were  divided  into  flocks  for  the  state,  for  religion 
and  sacrifices,  and  for  the  curacas.  They  were  sent 
to  the  best  pastures  in  charge  of  the  shepherds, 
and  each  puric  received  two  couples  for  breeding 
purposes.  Other  youths  were  required  as  hunters, 
soldiers,  chasquis  or  messengers,  road  -  makers, 
builders,  miners,  artificers,  and  for  the  service  of 
religion.  Maidens  were  taken  for  the  special  service 
of  the  sun,  selected  by  an  official  called  Apu- 
panaca.  Servants,  called  yana-cuna,  were  latterly 
chosen  in  a  different  way.  It  appears  that  a  small 
tribe,  living  on  the  banks  of  a  stream  called 
Yana-mayu  (black  river),  had  been  guilty  of  some 
shocking  treason  to  Tupac  Inca,  and  was  to  be 
annihilated.  But  the  queen  interceded  for  them, 

M   2 


164  YANA-CUNA-MITIMAES 

and  the  sentence  was  commuted  to  servitude  for 
themselves  and  their  descendants.  They  were  called 
yana-mayu  cuna,  which  was  soon  corrupted  into 
yana-cuna ;  and  yana  became  the  word  for  a 
domestic  servant,  as  well  as  for  the  colour  Hack. 
This  institution  of  yana-cuna  as  domestic  servants 
was  quite  exceptional,  and  no  part  of  the  regular 
Incarial  system. 

Not  the  least  important  part  of  that  system 
was  the  policy  of  planting  colonists,  called  mitimaes, 
especially  in  provinces  recently  conquered  or 
supposed  to  be  disaffected.  Married  young  men 
from  the  yma  huayna  class,  with  their  wives, 
were  collected  from  a  particular  district  and  con- 
veyed to  a  distant  part  of  the  empire,  where  their 
loyalty  and  industry  would  leaven  a  disaffected 
region.  Vast  numbers  from  recently  conquered 
provinces  were  transported  to  localities  where 
they  would  be  surrounded  by  a  loyal  population, 
or  to  the  eastern  forests  and  unoccupied  coast 
valleys.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  the 
Collas,  many  of  whom  were  sent  as  mitimaes  or 
colonists  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Quito.  The 
Lupacas,  on  the  western  shores  of  Lake  Titicaca, 
were  exiled  in  great  numbers  to  the  southern  coast 
valleys  of  Moquegua  and  Tacna.  Their  places 
were  filled  by  loyal  colonists  from  the  Inca  districts 
of  Aymara,  Cotapampa,  and  Chumpivilca. 

This  colonising  policy  served  more  than  one 
purpose.  Its  most  obvious  effect  was  to  secure  the 
quiet  and  prosperity  of  recently  annexed  provinces. 


ANTIQUITY  OF  THE  SYSTEM  165 

It  also  led  to  the  increased  well-being  and  comfort 
of  the  whole  people,  by  the  exchange  of  products. 
Mitimaes  in  the  coast  valleys  sent  up  cotton,  aji,1 
and  fruits  to  their  former  homes,  and  received 
maize,  potatoes,  or  wool  in  exchange.  The 
mitimaes  in  the  eastern  forests  sent  up  supplies 
of  coca,  and  of  bamboos  and  chonta  wood  for 
making  weapons,  and  received  provisions  of  all 
kinds.  This  system  of  exchanges  was  carried 
on  by  means  of  chasquis  or  couriers,  constantly 
running  over  excellent  roads.  A  third  important 
enjl  secured  by  the  system  of  mitimaes  was  the 
introduction  of  one  language  to  be  used  throughout 
the  whole  empire,  a  result  which  followed  slowly 
and  surely.  The  Runa-simi,  or  one  general  lan- 
guage, was  an  immense  help  in  facilitating  the 
efficient  working  of  a  rather  complicated  system 
of  government. 

The  Inca  organisation  was  not  a  creation  by  a 
succession  of  able  princes.  Such  a  result  would 
be  impossible  in  the  course  of  only  a  few  generations. 
The  Incas  found  the  system  of  village  communities 
prevailing  among  the  tribes  they  conquered,  and 
made  as  little  alteration  as  was  compatible  with 
the  requirements  of  a  great  empire.  Their  merit 
as  statesmen  is  that  they  saw  the  wisdom  of 
avoiding  great  changes,  and  of  adapting  existing 
institutions  to  the  new  requirements.  They  did 
this  with  a  skill  and  ability  which  has  seldom  been 
approached,  and  with  a  success  which  has  never 

i  Capsicum. 


166  THE  RULE  OF  THE  INCAS 

been  equalled.  Their  system  was  necessarily 
complicated,  but  it  was  adjusted  with  such  skill 
and  ingenuity  that  it  worked  without  friction  and 
almost  automatically,  even  when  the  guiding 
head  was  gone.  An  instance  of  this  is  recorded 
by  Cieza  de  Leon,  a  soldier  of  the  Spanish  conquest. 
One  of  the  details  of  the  system  was  that  when 
any  calamity  overtook  a  particular  district,  there 
was  another  neighbouring  district  told  off  to 
bring  succour  and  supply  its  proportion  of  new 
inhabitants.  Cieza  de  Leon  testified  that  he  saw 
this  arrangement  actually  at  work.  When  the 
Spaniards  massacred  inhabitants,  burnt  dwellings, 
and  destroyed  crops  in  one  district  of  the  Jauja 
valley,  he  saw  the  right  people  come  from 
the  right  district  to  succour  the  sufferers,  and 
help  to  rebuild  the  dwellings  and  re-sow  the 
crops. 

The  Incarial  system  of  government  bears 
some  general  resemblance  to  a  very  beneficent 
form  of  Eastern  despotism  such  as  may  have 
prevailed  when  Jamshid  ruled  over  Iran.  There 
was  the  same  scheme  of  dividing  the  crops  between 
the  cultivator  and  the  State,  the  same  patriarchal 
care  for  the  general  welfare;  but  while  the  rule 
of  Jamshid  was  a  legend,  that  of  the  Incas  was 
an  historical  fact.  The  Incarial  government  finds 
a  closer  affinity  in  the  theories  of  modern  socialists  ; 
and  it  seems  certain  that,  under  the  very  peculiar 
condition  of  Peru  when  the  Incas  ruled,  the  dreams 
of  Utopians  and  socialists  became  realities  for 


THE  PEOPLE  167 

a  time,  being  the  single  instance  of  such  realisation 
in  the  world's  history. 

The  condition  of  the  people  under  the  Incas, 
though  one  of  tutelage  and  dependence,  at  the 
same  time  secured  a  large  amount  of  material 
comfort  and  happiness.  The  inhabitants  of  the 
Andean  region  of  Peru  and  of  the  southern  half  of 
the  coast  valleys  were  practically  one  people. 
Slightly  built,  with  oval  faces,  aquiline,  but  not 
prominent  noses,  dark  eyes,  and  straight  black 
hair,  the  Inca  Indian  had  a  well-proportioned 
figure,  well-developed  muscular  limbs,  and  was 
capable  of  enduring  great  fatigue.  He  was  very 
industrious,  intelligent,  and  affectionate  among 
his  own  relations ;  at  the  same  time  he  was  fond 
of  festivity,  and  of  indulgence  in  drinking  bouts. 
The  puric,  with  his  family  about  him,  went  joyfully 
to  his  field  work.  Idleness  was  unknown,  but 
labour  was  enlivened  by  sowing  and  harvest  songs, 
while  the  shepherd-boys  played  on  their  pincullu, 
or  flutes,  as  they  tended  the  flocks  on  the  lofty 
pastures.  Wool  was  supplied  to  the  people  for 
their  clothing,  and  hides  for  their  usutas,  or  sandals, 
and  even  some  luxuries,  such  as  coca,  reached 
them  through  the  continuous  ebb  and  flow  of 
commercial  exchanges  by  the  mitimaes.  Periodical 
festivities  broke  the  monotony  of  work,  some  of 
a  religious  character,  others  in  celebration  of 
family  events.  The  rutu-chicu  was  a  festival 
when  a  child  attained  the  age  of  one  year  and 
received  a  name.  Others  came  round  when  a 


168  CEREMONIES  AND  FESTIVITIES' 

boy  or  girl  ceased  to  be  nursed.  This  event  was 
called  huarachicu  for  a  boy,  and  quicuchicu  for 
a  girl.  The  greatest  festival  of  the  year  was  at 
harvest  time,  when  the  puric  hung  the  fertile  stalks 
of  maize  on  the  branches  of  trees,  and  his  family 
sang  and  danced  the  ayrihua  beneath  them.  The 
people  were  taught  to  worship  the  sun  and  the 
heavenly  bodies,  but  the  chief  trust  of  the  labouring 
classes  was  in  their  conopas  or  household  gods, 
representing,  as  they  believed,  the  essential  essences 
of  all  that  they  depended  upon  for  their  well-being — 
their  llamas,  their  maize,  or  their  potatoes.  These 
they  prayed  to  fervently,  not  forgetting  the  Tiuacas 
or  idols  of  which  there  were  some  in  every  district, 
and  above  all  never  neglecting  the  ceremonial 
burial  of  llama  idols,  with  small  offerings,  in  the 
fields,  to  propitiate  the  good  earth  deity. 

A  proof  of  the  general  well-being  of  the  people 
is  the  large  and  increasing  population.  The 
andeneria  or  steps  of  terraced  cultivation  extending 
up  the  sides  of  the  mountains  in  all  parts  of  Peru, 
and  now  abandoned,  are  silent  witnesses  of  the 
former  prosperity  of  the  country.  The  people 
were  nourished  and  well  cared  for,  and  they 
multiplied  exceedingly.  In  the  wildest  and  most 
inaccessible  valleys,  in  the  lofty  punas  surrounded 
by  snowy  heights,  in  the  dense  forests,  and  in  the 
sand-girt  valleys  of  the  coast,  the  eye  of  the  central 
power  was  ever  upon  them,  and  the  never-failing 
brain,  beneficent  though  inexorable,  provided  for 
all  their  wants,  gathered  in  their  tribute,  and 


SOCIALISM  169 

selected  their  children  for  the  various  occupations 
required  by  the  State,  according  to  their  several 
aptitudes. 

This  was  indeed  socialism  such  as  dreamers 
in  past  ages  have  conceived,  and  unpractical 
theorists  now  talk  about.  It  existed  once  because 
the  essential  conditions  were  combined  in  a  way 
which  is  never  likely  to  occur  again.  These  are 
an  inexorable  despotism,  absolute  exemption  from 
outside  interference  of  any  kind,  a  very  peculiar 
and  remarkable  people  in  an  early  stage  of  civilisa- 
tion, and  an  extraordinary  combination  of  skilful 
statesmanship. 

It  was  destroyed  by  the  Spanish  conquest,  and 
the  world  will  never  see  its  like  again.  A  few 
of  the  destroyers,  only  a  very  few,  could  appreciate 
the  fabric  they  had  pulled  down,  its  beauty  and 
symmetry,  and  its  perfect  adaptation  to  its  environ- 
ment. But  no  one  could  rebuild  it.  The  most 
enlightened  among  the  destroyers  were  the  lawyers 
who  were  sent  out  to  attempt  some  sort  of  recon- 
struction— men  like  Ondegardo,  Matienza,  and 
Santillan.  But  they  could  only  think  hopelessly 
what  Santillan  wrote  :  '  There  was  much  in  their 
rule  which  was  so  good  as  to  deserve  praise  and 
be  even  worthy  of  imitation/  There  were  even 
some  faint  attempts  at  imitation,  but  they  failed 
utterly,  and  the"  unequalled  fabric  disappeared 
for  ever. 


170  WORK  BY  BELAUNDE 


NOTE  TO  THE  CHAPTER  ON  THE  CONDITION 
OF  THE  PEOPLE 

Writers  on  Peruvian  civilisation  from  the  time  of  Robert- 
son and  Prescott  have  assumed  that  the  whole  fabric  was 
originated  and  matured  by  the  Incas,  constructed,  as  it 
were,  out  of  chaos.  But  a  more  recent  school  of  thinkers 
has  seen  the  impossibility  of  such  a  creation,  and  holds 
that  the  Incas  systematised  tribal  and  social  organisa- 
tions which  had  existed  from  remote  antiquity,  and  did 
not  create  them. 

A  very  able  review  of  the  works  of  those  writers  who 
have  adopted  the  opinion  that  the  Incas  did  not  create  a 
system,  but  adapted  one  which  had  long  been  in  exist- 
ence, was  published  at  Lima  in  1908 — '  El  Peru  antiguo  y 
los  modernos  sociologos/  The  author,  Victor  Andres 
Belaunde,  is  thoroughly  master  of  his  subject.  He  first 
explains  the  conclusions  of  the  German  sociologist  Cunow, 
in  his  '  Organisation  of  the  Empire  of  the  Incas — Investiga- 
tions into  their  Ancient  Agrarian  Communism.'  According 
to  Cunow  there  had  existed,  from  remote  antiquity, 
separate  groups  organised  on  the  same  base  as  the  village 
communities  of  India,  and  the  German  mark.  These 
were  the  ayllus.  He  holds  that  the  ayllus,  as  village 
communities,  existed  before  the  empire  of  the  Incas.  The 
Incas  respected  this  ayllu  organisation,  and  all  they  did 
was  to  systematise  it.  Belaunde  holds  that  this  hypothesis 
has  caused  a  complete  revolution  in  the  manner  of  con- 
sidering the  rule  of  the  Incas.  The  communistic  organi- 
sation did  not  originate  in  the  constitution  of  the  Inca 
monarchy,  but  was  anterior  to  it.  Communism  was  not 
here  the  result  of  a  special  political  organisation,  nor  the 
realisation  of  a  plan  of  state  socialism.  It  was  simply  the 
result  of  the  union  of  the  numerous  ayllus ,  who  thus. 


VIEWS  OF  CUNOW  AND  OTHERS         171 

collectively  held  the  land  under  the  domination  of  the 
most  powerful  among  them.  So  that  Peru  is  not  the  proto- 
type of  a  paternal  monarchy.  Communism  was  not  im- 
posed by  the  Incas.  It  was  not  a  system  conceived  by 
them,  and  brought  into  practice  by  means  of  conquests 
and  clever  alliances.  Ancient  Peru  was  not  the  archetype 
of  socialism,  but  a  vast  agglomeration  of  village  communi- 
ties. After  the  publication  of  Cunow's  work  there  appeared 
'  The  Evolution  of  Political  Doctrines  and  Beliefs  '  by  the 
Belgian  sociologist  William  de  Greef,  who  devotes  an 
interesting  chapter  to  Peru.  His  view  is  practically  the 
same  as  that  of  Cunow. 

Belaunde  then  explains  the  views  of  two  eminent 
Soiith  American  writers,  Don  Bautista  Saavedra,  a  Bolivian, 
and  Don  Jose  de  la  Riva  Aguero,  a  Peruvian. 

Saavedra  in  his  work  '  El  Ayllu '  also  holds  that  the 
ayllus,  as  communities,  existed  before  the  rise  of  the  Inca 
empire.  Riva  Aguero  describes  the  gradual  aggregation 
of  the  constituent  tribes. 

Belaunde  proceeds  to  discuss  the  views  of  Prescott, 
Lorente,  Letourneau,  Wiener,  D'Orbigny,  Desjardins, 
Spencer,  and  Bandelier,  and  of  the  present  writer  in  his 
essay  written  for  Winsor's  narrative  and  critical  history  of 
America.  The  earlier  writers  have  not  attempted  to  dis- 
cuss the  condition  of  things  previous  to  the  rise  of  the  Incas, 
and  Spencer's  theories  respecting  Peruvian  civilisation, 
in  his  great  work  on  sociology,  are  based  on  misconceptions 
and  inaccurate  information. 

The  present  writer,  in  the  course  of  his  studies,  was 
gradually  approaching  the  discovery  that  Peruvian  social- 
ism was  not  a  conception  of  the  Incas,  but  the  result  of 
much  more  ancient  organisations  recognised  and  adopted 
by  the  Incas.  As  will  be  seen  from  the  present  chapter, 
he  has  practically  come  to  the  same  conclusions  as  Cunow 
and  others  who  are  in  agreement  with  him,  which  are  so 


172          STATESMANSHIP  OF  THE  INCAS 

admirably  summed  up  by  Belaunde  in  his  extremely 
interesting  and  able  review.  But  at  the  same  time  he 
does  not  consider  that  this  pre-existence  of  communities 
holding  land  in  common  at  all  detracts  from  the  admiration 
that  is  due  to  the  government  of  the  Incas.  The  wisdom 
which  led  the  Incas  to  respect  the  institutions  of  the  various 
tribes  brought  under  their  rule,  and  the  skill  with  which 
they  adapted  those  institutions  to  the  requirements  of  a 
great  empire,  are  evidences  of  no  ordinary  statesmanship. 
Their  wise  policy  explains  the  rapidity  of  the  rise  of  their 
empire,  and  the  slight  resistance  to  it. 


CHAPTEK  XII 

TTAHUA-NTIN-SUYU 
I 

CUNTI-SUYU 

THE  official  name  of  the  Empire  of  the  Incas  was 
Ttqhua-ntin-suyu,  the  word  ttahua  meaning  four, 
ntin  a  collective  plural,  and  suyu  province. 
'  The  four  combined  provinces/  with  reference 
to  the  dominions  west,  north,  south,  and  east  of 
the  central  land  of  the  Incas.  The  western 
division  was  called  Cunti-suyu,  and  included  the 
country  from  the  Apurimac  to  the  maritime 
cordillera  and  the  coast.  Chinchay-suyu  was 
the  northern  division  including  Huamanca,  the 
valley  of  the  Jauja,  Haunuco,  Caxamarca,  as  far 
as  Quito,  with  the  coast  valleys.  The  Colla-suyu, 
or  southern  division,  was  the  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca, 
and  Charcas,  as  far  as  Tucuman,  Chile,  and  the 
valleys  of  Arequipa,  Moquegua,  and  Tacna.  The 
country  to  the  east  of  the  land  of  the  Incas  and 
all  that  was  known  of  the  Amazonian  forests 
was  Anti-suyu. 

From  a  geographical  point  of  view  the  Cunti- 
suyu  division  is  formed  of  three  regions  west  of  the 
Apurimac,  within  the  meridians  of  70°  and  76°  W., 

173 


174  THE  QUICHUAS 

all  watered  by  tributaries  of  the  Apurimac.  The 
first  lies  between  the  Apurimac  and  the  Pachachaca 
rivers,  the  second  between  the  Pachachaca  and 
the  Pampas,  and  the  third  includes  the  maritime 
cordillera  between  those  meridians.  They  may 
be  called,  after  their  chief  ayllus  or  tribes,  the 
Quichua,1  Chanca,  and  Lucana  regions. 

The  Quichuas  occupied  the  beautiful  valley 
of  Apancay,3  and  some  valleys  in  the  mountains 
as  far  as  the  fortress  of  Curamba,  beyond  the 
Pachachaca.  Their  position  is  partly  defined  in 
the  account  of  Tupac's  first  campaign,  when  he 
occupied  the  Quichua  strongholds  of  Tuyara,3 
Cayara,4  and  Curampa.  The  Quichuas  were  very 
closely  allied  to  the  Inca  people  in  race,  and  their 
language  was  the  same.  Indeed,  the  first  Spanish 
grammarian  of  the  general  language  of  the  Incas 
called  it  Quichua,  probably  from  having  studied 
it  in  their  country.  Mossi  gives  a  definition  of 
the  word  from  the  passive  participle  of  quehuini 
(I  twist),  which  is  quehuisca  (twisted)  and  ichu 
(grass),  that  is  quehuisca-ychu  (twisted  grass),  by 
syncope  quichua.  It  came  to  mean  a  temperate 
region,  neither  too  hot  nor  too  cold. 

1  Quichua  (Khechua,  Mossi)  means  a  temperate  region.    For 
derivation  Mossi  suggests  qquehuini  (twist),  whence  qquehuiscca 
(twisted),  with   Ichu  (straw),  qquehuiscca  ichu  (twisted  straw),  by 
syncope  Quichua. 

2  Apani,   I  carry ;  apana,  a  load ;    cay,  a   particle  giving   an 
abstract  idea.     Perhaps  the  place  of  loading  or  of  loads. 

3  Tuya,  a  finch ;    roc,  even. 

4  Ccaya,  after,  future. 

s  Sarmiento,  p,  130.     Cu,  reflective  form ;   rampa,  a  litter. 


THE  QUICHUAS  175 

The  Apancay  valley  presents  scenes  of  great 
beauty.  On  the  mountain  to  the  south  the 
products  of  almost  every  clime  may  be  seen  at  one 
glance.  The  rapid  little  river  flows  along  at  its 
base,  amongst  waving  maize  crops  and  fruit  trees. 
On  the  steep  slopes  immediately  above  there  are 
crops  of  potatoes  and  other  edible  roots,  then 
pastures  on  the  steep  mountain  side  with  rocks 
cropping  out,  and  higher  the  peaks  shooting  up 
into  the  sky.  On  the  other  side  of  Apancay  there 
are  terraced  slopes,  and  cultivated  tracts  sloping 
down  to  the  banks  of  the  Pachachaca.  Higher 
up  the  Pachachaca  and  other  tributaries  of  the 
Apurimac,  the  mountain  gorges  and  lofty  punas 
were  inhabited  by  four  ayllus  of  hardy  mountain- 
eers closely  allied  to  the  Quichuas.  These  were 
the  Chumpi-uilcas,  Cotapampas,  Umasayus,  and 
Aymams.1 

The  beauty  of  the  scenery  between  the  rivers 
Pachachaca  and  Pampas  is  most  striking  as  the 
summit  ridges  are  reached,  and  the  eye  ranges  over 
such  valleys  and  gorges  as  are  presented  by 
Angamos,  Pincos,  and  Huancarama.2  On  a  grassy 
plateau,  commanding  the  road,  is  the  ancient 
fortress  of  Curamba,  a  stronghold  of  the  Quichuas. 
It  consists  of  three  terraces,  one  above  the  other 
with  stone  revetments,  and  a  ramp  on  the  east  side 

1  Chumpi,   a   cairn ;     uilca,   sacred ;     cuta,    ground ;   pampa, 
plain ;     uma,    head  ;    sayu,   landmark  ;    ayma,    a  song ;     aray, 
masked. 

2  Anca,    eagle ;     ma,    let    us    see ;      pincu,     roof ;     huanca, 
song  of  women  working  in  the  fields ;    ramca,  dream. 


176  SORAS  AND  LUCANAS 

forming  a  sloping  way  to  each  terrace.  There 
were  no  doubt  stockaded  defences  when  it  was 
used  for  operations  of  war.  The  great  feature  of 
this  Chanca  region  is  the  extensive  and  fertile 
valley  of  Andahuaylas,1  capable  of  sustaining  a 
very  large  population.  There  are  other  fertile 
valleys  between  Andahuaylas  and  the  river  Pampas 
which,  like  the  Apurimac,  flows  through  a  gorge 
so  profound  that  the  vegetation  on  the  river  banks 
is  quite  tropical. 

Beyond  the  Pampas,  in  the  valleys  formed  by 
its  tributaries  flowing  from  the  maritime  cordillera, 
and  on  the  Pacific  slopes,  there  dwelt  two  powerful 
mountain  tribes  called  Soras  and  Lucanas.2  They 
seem  to  have  been  more  advanced  in  civilisation 
than  their  neighbours,  for  there  are  ruins  of  im- 
portant edifices  in  the  Sora  country,  called  Vilcas- 
huaman.  This  was  a  palace  of  the  Incas  and  their 
principal  station  in  Cunti-suyu,  but  it  existed 
before  the  annexation,  for  Montesinos  mentions  a 
king  of  Vilcas,  and  the  Soras  did  not  submit 
without  making  some  resistance.  Their  neigh- 
bours, the  Lucanas,  occupied  both  slopes  of  the 
cordillera.  On  the  Pacific  side  there  is  a  large 
alpine  lake  frequented  by  flamingoes  called 
Parihuana-cocha,5  round  the  banks  of  which 
their  principal  seat  appears  to  have  been.  Below 
is  the  lovely  coast  valley  of  Nasca,4'  owing  its 

1  Anta  or  Anda,  terrace  ;   hualla,  green,  fresh. 

2  Sora,  a  liquor  stronger  than  chicha ;   rucana,  finger. 

3  Parihuana,  flamingo ;   cocha,  lake. 

4  Nanasca,  hurt. 


NASCA  177 

fertility  to  the  most  remarkable  system  of  irrigation 
in  Peru,  which  I  believe  to  have  been  due  to  the 
skill,  intelligence,  and  industry  of  the  Lucanas. 
These  mountaineers  were  remarkable  for  their 
strength,  as  well  as  for  their  skill  and  industry. 
In  later  times  it  was  their  special  privilege  to 
carry  the  imperial  litter. 

The  Nasca  valley  is  one  of  the  most  striking 
monuments  of  Andean  civilisation.  The  fertilising 
water  is  led  from  the  mountains  of  Lucanas  by  sub- 
terraneous channels,  built  of  stone  and  the  height 
of  a  man.  Their  origin  in  the  mountains  is  now 
unknown.  The  water  flows  down  them  perennially, 
and  is  eventually  spread  over  the  valley  by  smaller 
channels,  converting  a  coast  desert  into  an  earthly 
paradise.  Pottery  of  a  peculiar  design,  and  believed 
to  be  of  great  antiquity,  has  recently  been  found 
in  the  valley  of  Nasca. 

II 

CHINCHAY-SUYU 

V 

Chinchay-suyu,  the  northern  division  of  the 
empire,  includes  the  two  great  ranges  of  the  Andes, 
and  the  rich  and  fertile  valleys  between  them.  The 
direction  becomes  nearly  north  and  south,  following 
the  trend  of  the  coast,  not  east  and  west  as  in 
Cunti-suyu.  The  valleys  supported  very  large 
populations,  and  the  mountains  were  inhabited  by 
tribes  of  hardy  mountaineers. 


178  FLIGHT  OF  THE  CHANCAS 

When  the  Inca  Pachacuti  sent  the  first  army 
for  the  conquest  of  Chinchay-suyu,  it  included  a 
large  contingent  of  the  conquered  Chancas,  led  by 
one  of  their  own  chiefs  named  Anco-ayllu.  They 
fought  well  for  the  Incas,  but  their  leader  chafed 
at  his  subjection,  and  incited  his  men  to  desert. 
A  plot  was  arranged,  and  on  a  day  settled  before- 
hand the  Chanca  contingent  left  the  camp  and, 
led  by  Anco-ayllu,  they  proceeded  by  forced 
marches  into  the  Amazonian  forests.  This  exodus 
was  commenced  at  a  place  called  Huarac-tampu, 
near  Huanuco.  They  were  soon  beyond  the 
reach  of  pursuit,  and  it  is  believed  that  they 
settled  in  valleys  along  the  lower  course  of  the 
Huallaga.  They  were  found  there  by  a  Spanish 
expedition  in  1556,  and  a  recent  traveller  has 
suggested  that  the  half-civilised  Lamistas,  or 
Motilones,  on  the  Huallaga,  are  their  descendants. 
This  event  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  Inca 
recorders,  for  it  is  mentioned  by  several  Spanish 
writers  who  received  their  information  from  the 
native  Amautas. 

On  marching  north  from  Vilcas-huaman,  after 
crossing  the  deep  gorge  of  the  Pampas  by  a  bridge 
of  aloe  cables,  the  Inca  army  entered  upon  the 
basin  of  the  Jauja  river,  another  tributary  of 
the  Apurimac.  The  various  streams  flowing  to  the 
Jauja  are  in  the  bottoms  of  deep  ravines,  while 
the  intervening  higher  lands  are  fertile  and 
produced  large  crops.  To  the  west  the  splendid 
maritime  cordillera  rises  abruptly,  and  in  this  part 


THE  POGRAS— HUAMANCA  179 

the  fierce  and  warlike  Morochucos  sought  for 
pastures  and  raised  edible  roots  among  the  giddy 
heights.  To  the  east  were  the  equally  imposing 
mountains  of  Cuntur-cunca,  in  the  rear  of  which 
the  Iquichanos  defied  invasion.  The  intervening 
plains  and  ravines  were  inhabited  by  the  numerous 
tribe  of  Pocras,  who  made  a  desperate  fight  for 
independence. 

The  final  stand  of  the  Pocras  and  Morochucos 
was  on  a  slope  between  two  ravines,  at  the  foot  of 
the  Cuntur-cunca  heights.  There  was  a  terrible 
slaughter,  and  the  place  was  ever  afterwards  called 
the  AYACUCHO,  or  '  corner  of  death/ l  The  remnant 
of  Morochucos  fled  westward  to  their  own  moun- 
tains, followed  closely  by  the  Inca  general,  who 
finally  encamped  on  a  grassy  slope  at  the  foot  of  the 
first  steep  ascent.  As  he  sat  with  his  officers 
around  him  at  their  evening  meal,  a  falcon  soared 
in  circles  round  his  head.  He  threw  up  a  piece  of 
llama  flesh  to  it,  crying  out  'HUAMAN-CA'  ('  take 
it,  falcon  ! ')  The  tradition  was  never  forgotten, 
and  the  natives  tell  it  to  this  day.  The  place, 
afterwards  the  site  of  a  Spanish  city,  was  called 
HUAMANCA  (Gtuamanga),  in  memory  of  the  Inca's 
supper  guest.2 

1  At  the  same  place  the  independence  of  Peru  was  won  at  the 
battle  between  the  Spanish  Viceroy  and  the  Colombian  General 
Sucre,  in  1824. 

2  Morua  tells  the  story  differently.     He  says  that  the  Inca 
Huayna  Ccapac,    with  one   of   his    sons    named    Huaman,    was 
encamped  here.     The  Inca  granted  the  land   to  his  son,  saying 
Huaman-ca. 

»  2 


180  THE  YAUYOS 

Advancing  northwards  up  the  Jauja  valley, 
the  Incas  next  defeated  and  brought  under  sub- 
jection the  Huanca  nation,  which  cultivated  and 
inhabited  that  fertile  region.     In  the  mountains 
to  the  westward  there  were  two  remarkable  tribes, 
the  Yauyos  and  Huarochiris,  who  appear  to  have 
descended  into  the  adjacent  coast  valleys,  and  to 
have  greatly  increased  their  well-being  by  exchanges 
of  products  raised  in  different  climes.     The  Yauyos 
seem  to  have  spread  over  the  valleys  of  Pisco, 
Chincha,  Huarcu  (Canete),  and  Mala ;  and  in  a 
ravine  leading  up  from  the  Huarcu  valley,  called 
Runa-huana,   there    are   some    interesting    ruins, 
referred  to  in  an  appendix.     According  to  Garcilasso 
the  inhabitants  of  Huarcu  made  a  very  desperate 
resistance  to  the  Inca  arms,  and  this  seems  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  fact  that  the  ruins  of  an  exten- 
sive Incarial  fortress  and  palace,  called  Hervay,  exist 
on  a  defensive  hill  close  to  the  sea,  flanked  by  a 
rapid  river  on  one  side  and  the  desert  on  the  other. 
The  Yauyos  spoke  a  peculiar  dialect  of  their 
own,  called  Cauqui.    Much  reduced  in  numbers  and 
living  in  small  villages  high  up  in  the  mountains, 
there  are  now  not  more  than  1500  people  who  still 
speak  this  dialect.    Like  the  Rucanas  and  Moro- 
chucos,  the  Yauyos  are  an  intelligent  race,  and  make 
excellent  artificers  when  any  of  them  have  oppor- 
tunities of  learning  trades    in  the  coast  valleys 
which  once  belonged  to  them. 

The  Huarochiris  lived  in  lofty  gorges  of  the 
maritime  cordilleras  to  the  north  of  the  Yauyos, 


HUAROCHIRIS  181 

with  terrible  passes  over  the  snowy  heights.  But 
the  descent  on  either  side  gradually  led  down  to 
fairer  scenes,  on  one  side  to  the  fertile  vale  of 
the  Jauja,  on  the  other  to  the  coast  valleys  of 
Chilca,  Lurin,  and  Rimac.  The  imposing  grandeur 
of  some  of  this  scenery,  contrasted  with  the  peaceful 
beauty  of  the  rest,  seems  to  have  been  impressed 
on  the  imaginations  of  the  Huarochiri,  and  to  have 
given  rise  to  a  mythology  full  of  quaint  legends  and 
fables.  These  will  be  discussed  in  the  essay  on  the 
religious  beliefs  of  the  coast  people.  The  temple 
to  the  fish  god  at  Pachacamac  attracted  pilgrims 
from  far  and  near  as  a  famous  oracle,  as  well  as  the 
oracle  which  gave  its  name  to  the  Rimac  valley. 
Both  appear  to  have  been  due  to  the  highly  imagin- 
ative tendencies  of  those  of  the  Huarochiris  who 
settled  on  the  coast.  It  was  a  little  further  north, 
at  Pativilca,  on  the  coast,  that  the  more  northern 
dominions  of  the  Grand  Chimu  found  its  southern 
frontier.  But  this  coast  region,  between  Pativilca 
and  the  Rimac,  seems  to  have  been  long  in  an 
unsettled  state.  The  dwellings  of  the  chiefs  who 
occupied  the  Rimac  valley  were  built  on  immense 
mounds  of  great  extent,  and  strongly  fortified. 
The  mountain  tribes  of  the  maritime  cordillera  are 
quite  exceptionally  interesting,  because  the  ad- 
vances they  had  made  in  civilisation  were  due 
largely  to  their  occupation  of  valleys  on  the  coast. 
The  Incas  received  the  submission  of  the 
mountaineers  without  invading  their  fastnesses, 
and  pressed  onwards  in  their  northern  conquests. 


182        CONCHUCOS— CAXAMARCA— QUITO 

They  were  now  an  immense  distance  from  their 
base,  but  their  generalship  was  carefully  thought 
out  and  so  sound  that  they  advanced  with  confi- 
dence to  the  great  lake  of  Chinchay-cocha  and  the 
mountain  knot  of  Cerro  Pasco,  which,  like  that  of 
Vilcanota,  connects  the  eastern  Andes  with  the 
maritime  cordillera.  The  march,  be  it  remembered, 
was  not  a  matter  of  months,  but  of  years. 

The  conquerors  now  entered  another  region, 
the  basin  of  the  Maranon,  and  the  very  remarkable 
formation  known  as  the  *  Callejon  de  Huaras/ 
At  Huanuco  a  great  palace  was  projected  and 
afterwards  built  by  Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui,  forming 
eventually  the  chief  seat  of  Inca  government  in 
Chinchay-suyu.  Among  the  Conchucos  they  met 
with  a  people  who  had  made  marked  progress  in 
the  arts,  and  had  taken  their  own  line  in  the  con- 
ception of  a  religious  belief.  The  Incas  passed  on 
and,  after  slight  opposition,  occupied  Caxamarca. 
In  another  campaign  Tupac  Inca  conquered  the 
Paltas,  and  the  turbulent  tribe  of  Canaris,  while 
the  territories  of  the  great  Chimu,  in  the  coast 
valleys,  were  reduced  to  subjection.  Quito  also 
became  part  of  the  empire  after  one  decisive  battle. 

The  greatest  proof  of  the  genius  of  these  Inca 
generals  is  the  way  in  which  they  changed  their 
tactics  and  methods  of  warfare  as  soon  as  they 
encountered  circumstances  of  which  they  had 
previously  no  experience.  Tupac  Inca  was  at  the 
palace  he  had  caused  to  be  built  at  Tumipampa, 
in  the  country  of  the  Canaris,  when  he  heard  of 


CONQUEST  OF  GUAYAQUIL  183 

the  riches  of  Manta,  the  land  of  emeralds,  and  of 
other  coast  regions.  He  resolved  to  explore,  and 
to  add  these  countries  to  the  empire.  He  led  his 
army  down  through  the  dense  forests  to  the  country 
of  the  Chonos  (the  modern  Guayaquil),  constructing 
a  road  as  he  advanced.  With  a  hostile  country, 
difficulties  in  arranging  for  supplies,  and  the 
extraordinary  obstacles  caused  by  the  dense  vege- 
tation, the  enterprise  seemed  almost  hopeless.  On 
reaching  the  banks  of  the  Guayaquil,  where  it  is 
navigable,  he  found  the  enemy  in  a  large  fleet  of 
canpes,  while  he  was  without  any  means  of  attack- 
ing. But  with  Tupac  Inca  there  was  no  such  word 
as  impossible.  Having  a  very  excellent  system  of 
road-making,  and  efficient  commissariat  arrange- 
ments, he  was  without  anxiety  about  supplies. 
The  more  insuperable  appeared  the  difficulties 
the  more  determined  he  was  to  overcome  them. 
He  proceeded  to  build  canoes,  and  to  exercise 
his  soldiers  as  canoe-men  until  they  were  fairly 
expert.  This  occupied  several  months.  He  then 
attacked  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  the  manoeuvres 
continued  for  several  days,  sometimes  one  side  and 
sometimes  the  other  having  command  of  the  river. 
The  Incarial  soldiers  were  more  accustomed  to 
the  use  of  the  lance  than  to  naval  warfare,  so  their 
very  able  general  gave  orders  to  grapple  and  fight 
at  close  quarters.  The  result  was  then  no  longer 
doubtful,  and  the  Chonos  submitted.  The  Inca 
landed  where  now  stands  the  city  of  Guayaquil, 
and  after  a  sojourn  of  a  year  he  resolved  upon  the 


184  VOYAGE  OF  DISCOVERY 

conquest  of  the  island  of  Puna,  in  the  Gulf  of 
Guayaquil,  assisted  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Chonos, 
who  had  become  his  allies.  Many  canoes  were  got 
ready,  and  good  pilots  were  engaged.  Here  sea- 
manlike  skill  was  needed  rather  than  reliance  upon 
numbers.  But  nothing  could  resist  Tupac's  superior 
strategy,  and  the  island  was  conquered.  Most 
generous  terms  were  granted,  and  a  cordial  friend- 
ship, cemented  by  a  marriage,  was  established 
between  the  Inca  and  the  Puna  chiefs.  The  coast 
provinces  of  Manta  and  Esmeraldas,  to  the  north, 
sent  in  their  submission,  and  the  port  of  Tumbez, 
to  the  south  of  the  Gulf  of  Guayaquil,  was  fixed 
upon  as  a  military  station. 

While  the  Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui  was  at  Tumbez, 
he  received  information  that,  far  out  in  the  ocean, 
there  were  islands  called  HAHUA-CHUMPI  and  NINA- 
CHUMPI,  the  outer  and  the  fire  islands.  The  Inca 
was  a  man  of  lofty  ideals,  and,  as  Sarmiento  says, 
'  he  resolved  to  challenge  a  happy  fortune,  and 
try  if  it  would  favour  him  by  sea/  This  was 
a  wonderful  expedition,  but  Sarmiento  Js  account 
is  corroborated  by  Balboa,  and  I  have  come  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  story  of  the  voyage  is 
historically  true. 

The  Incas  caused  an  immense  number  of  balsas 
to  be  constructed,  consisting  of  inflated  seal-skins 
fastened  together,  and  some  rafts.  He  then  em- 
barked with  a  large  detachment  of  his  army, 
leaving  the  main  body  to  await  his  return  at 
Tumbez. 


THE  GALAPAGOS  ISLANDS  185 

Tupac  Inca  sailed  away  on  this  memorable 
voyage  of  discovery,  disappearing  below  the  horizon 
of  those  who  gazed  from  the  hills  round  Tumbez. 
To  them  it  must  have  seemed  an  enterprise  as 
appalling  as  it  was  unprecedented.  If  the  Inca 
ever  returned,  his  people  would  be  convinced  that 
there  was  nothing  he  might  not  do.  It  is  said 
that  he  reached  the  islands,  and  that  he  was  absent 
for  nine  months.  Sarmiento  believed  that  he 
reached  the  Solomon  Islands,  but  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  it  was  two  of  the  Galapagos 
Islands  that  the  Inca  discovered  and  explored. 
Sarmiento  says  that  he  brought  back  gold,  a  chair 
of  brass,  and  the  skin  and  jawbone  of  a  horse, 
which  were  preserved  in  the  fortress  at  Cuzco. 
It  is  more  likely  that  the  nature  of  these  curiosities 
was  not  understood,  and  that  they  were  really 
specimens  of  the  large  terrapins  and  other  products 
of  the  Galapagos  Islands. 

The  conquest  and  settlement  of  Chinchay-suyu 
by  the  Incas  must  be  looked  upon  as  the  greatest 
of  their  military  achievements.  It  occupied  several 
years,  and  there  were  a  number  of  campaigns. 
Still,  when  the  immense  distances  from  their  base, 
the  care  and  forethought  needed  to  keep  the  army 
properly  supplied,  the  inaccessible  character  of  a 
great  part  of  the  country,  and  the  necessity  for 
adapting  the  troops  to  very  different  kinds  of 
warfare,  often  in  the  face  of  the  enemy,  are  con- 
sidered, it  must 'be  acknowledged  that  the  genius  and 
ability  of  this  remarkable  race  is  very  striking.  The 


186  TRIBES  OF  COLLA-SUYU 

voyage  of  discovery  to  the  Galapagos  Islands  is 
marvellous.  These  statesmen  and  warriors  were 
.no  ordinary  conquerors,  and  they  were  well  fitted 
to  rule  the  vast  empire  they  brought  together  with 
such  extraordinarv  skill  and  determination. 


Ill 

COLLA-SUYU 

The  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca,  the  land  of  the 
mysterious  megalithic  city,  was  briefly  described  in 
the  first  essay.  After  the  disruption  of  the  ancient 
empire  there  was  a  long  period  of  centuries  of 
barbarism.  The  tribes  which  came  to  inhabit  the 
country  round  the  lake  may  have  been  partly 
descendants  of  subjects  of  the  megahthic  kings  and 
partly  descendants  of  invaders.  They  were  a 
hardy  race  of  mountaineers,  strong  and  thick-set, 
and  capable  of  enduring  great  fatigue.  Like  the 
Incas  and  Quichuas,  they  spoke  dialects  of  the 
same  original  language. 

Of  these  tribes  the  CANAS  were  on  the  crest  of 
the  water-parting  between  the  Titicaca  drainage  and 
the  Vilcamayu.  The  COLLAS  occupied  the  whole 
of  the  northern  half  of  the  Titicaca  basin.  They 
were  the  most  numerous  and  powerful  of  the  tribes 
in  the  Titicaca  region.  Along  the  western  shores  of 
the  lake  were  the  LUPACAS.  The  PACASAS  occupied 
the  eastern  side,  and  to  the  south  were  the  PACAJES 
and  QUILL AGUAS.  There  was  also  an  almost 


THE  COLLAS  187 

amphibious  tribe  living  among  the  reeds  in  the 
south-west  angle  of  Lake  Titicaca,  called  URUS. 
They  spoke  a  language  of  their  own.  Another, 
language,  called  Puquina,  was  spoken  in  part  of 
Colla-suyu.  Great  invasions  from  the  south  are 
recorded,  even  from  Chile,  and  the  tribes  of  the 
lake  basin  were  practised  in  mountain  fighting. 

The  Collas  had  acquired  predominance  over  the 
other  tribes,  and  early  writers  give  the  generic 
name  of  Collas  to  them  all.  It  was  probably  a 
confederacy,  with  the  Colla  chief  at  its  head.  He 
was  becoming  very  powerful,  extending  his  sway 
over  Arequipa  and  Tacna  towards  the  Pacific,  and 
into  some  of  the  eastern  valleys  where  coca  is 
grown.  His  chief  seat  was  at  Hatun-colla,  a  few 
miles  north-west  of  the  north-western  angle  of  Lake 
Titicaca.  Here  there  are  figures  carved  on  stones, 
and  some  few  other  vestiges  of  the  former  greatness 
of  the  Colla  chief.  Just  above  are  the  towers  or 
chulpas  of  Sillustani,  overlooking  a  mountain  lake. 

The  Collas  buried  their  dead  in  cromlechs  con- 
sisting of  huge  blocks  of  stone,  many  of  which  are 
still  extant.  Later  they  built  circular  towers  of 
fine  ashlar  masonry,  vaulted  above  with  a  coping 
round  the  upper  part.  Some  are  square.  The 
best  examples  are  at  Sillustani,  near  Hatun-colla, 
the  probable  burial-place  of  the  Colla  chiefs. 

Chuchi  Ccapac  was  the  name  of  the  great  chiei 
who  haughtily  refused  to  submit  to  the  Inca.  He 
had  a  large  force  of  hardy  mountaineers  around 
him,  inured  to  hardships,  brave,  and  of  fine 


188  WAR  WITH  THE  COLLAS 

physique.  They  were  concentrated  for  the  defence 
of  Hatun-colla,  led  by  Chuchi  Ccapac  and  all  the 
chiefs  of  his  confederacy. 

The  Collas  were  constantly  making  incursions 
down  the  valley  of  the  Vilcamayu,  and  were  as  con- 
stantly driven  back  over  the  pass.  At  last  the  Inca 
built  a  wall  from  the  snows  of  Vilcanota  across  the 
road  to  the  snows  on  the  western  side.  The  Collas 
agreed  that  this  should  be  their  boundary.  But 
they  broke  the  treaty  and  continued  their  raids. 
The  Inca,  therefore,  resolved  to  conquer  them. 
Lizarraga  says  that  the  remains  of  the  wall 
were  still  visible  in  his  time,  at  the  point  on  the 
summit  of  the  pass  called  La  Raya  by  the 
Spaniards. 

The  Inca  Pachacuti  assembled  a  great  army, 
crossed  the  pass  of  Vilcanota,  and  advanced  across 
the  Collao  without  opposition  until  he  came  in 
sight  of  the  enemy's  forces  drawn  up  in  front  of 
Hatun-colla.  The  proud  chief  was  called  upon 
either  to  serve  and  obey  the  Inca  or  to  try  his 
fortunes  in  battle.  The  reply  was  that  Chuchi 
Ccapac  expected  the  Inca  to  submit  to  him,  like 
the  chiefs  of  other  nations  he  had  conquered.  The 
answer  concluded  with  a  savage  threat. 

The  two  armies  then  encountered  each  other 
in  desperate  hand-to-hand  combats,  and  the  issue 
was  for  a  long  time  doubtful.  The  Inca  was  in 
every  part,  giving  orders,  fighting,  and  animating 
his  troops.  For  a  moment  there  was  a  pause.  The 
slightest  thing  might  have  turned  the  scale.  At 


CONQUEST  OF  COLLA-SUYU  189 

this  momentous  crisis  the  Inca  shouted  a  few  words 
of  encouragement  and  dashed  into  the  thickest  of 
the  fight,  closely  followed  by  his  Ore j  ones.  With 
renewed  vigour  all  his  troops  rallied,  and  at  length 
the  gallant  enemy  turned  and  fled.  Chuchi  Ccapac 
was  taken  prisoner,  and  Pachacuti  entered  Hatun- 
colla  in  triumph.  There  he  remained  until  all  the 
confederate  tribes  were  reduced  to  submission.  An 
Inca  viceroy  was  appointed  to  govern  the  Collao, 
with  the  necessary  garrisons,  and  Pachacuti  returned 
to  Cuzco. 

£Jolla-suyu  was  not,  however,  to  be  subdued  in 
one  campaign.  A  few  years  afterwards  the  sons 
of  Chuchi  Ccapac  escaped,  and  raised  the  standard 
of  revolt.  The  confederate  tribes  rallied  round 
them.  This  time  the  battle  took  place  further 
north,  and  the  Collas  were  again  defeated  with 
great  slaughter,  near  Lampa.  Pachacuti  returned 
to  Cuzco,  but  two  of  his  very  able  sons,  Tupac 
Ayar  Manco  and  Apu  Paucar  Usnu,  remained  to 
pacify  the  country,  and  to  extend  the  conquest 
southwards  over  the  countries  of  the  Charcas  and 
Chichas. 

After  the  accession  of  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui, 
the  Collas  rebelled  once  more  to  secure  their 
freedom.  They  had  constructed  four  strong  places, 
all  in  the  Colla  country,  to  the  north  of  Lake  Titi- 
caca,  at  Llallahua,  Asillo,  Arapa  (on  a  small  lake), 
and  Pucara,  an1  isolated  rocky  mountain  rising  out 
of  the  plain  to  a  great  height.  The  Inca  generals 
were  occupied  for  several  years  in  reducing  these 


190  CONQUEST  OF  CHILE 

fortresses.  The  final  stand  was  at  Pucara,  where 
the  Collas  sustained  a  crushing  defeat.  All  thoughts 
of  further  resistance  were  abandoned. 

The  Inca  proceeded  to  include  Tucuman  and 
Chile  in  his  conquests.  A  story  is  told  by  Monte- 
sinos  respecting  the  Chilian  annexation  which 
seems  quite  probable. 

It  appears  that  two  Chilian  chiefs,  who  had 
come  with  a  contingent  to  help  the  Collas,  were 
taken  prisoners  and  sent  to  Cuzco.  They  were 
received  with  great  kindness  by  the  Inca,  who 
gave  them  two  Pallas,1  his  half-sisters,  for  their 
wives.  They  returned  to  Chile,  and  had  two  sons 
by  the  Inca  princesses.  In  course  of  time  the 
Inca's  Chilian  nephews  proposed  a  visit  to  their 
imperial  uncle,  and  arrived  at  Cuzco  with  a  large 
retinue.  They  were  received  by  the  Inca  with 
much  love  and  great  rejoicings.  They  entreated 
their  uncle  to  visit  their  country,  where  all  desired 
to  see  him.  He  consented  to  do  so  in  the  following 
year,  and  his  nephews  returned  to  Chile  with  many 
Orej  ones  and  several  Amautas  to  teach  them  the 
art  of  government.  But  a  number  of  Chilian  chiefs 
thought  that  this  friendship  with  the  Inca  boded 
no  good  to  them,  and  they  took  up  arms.  The 
nephews,  however,  defeated  them,  even  before 
the  Inca  could  arrive  in  Chile,  which  he  did  with 
a  great  army.  All  the  chiefs  submitted  to  him 
and,  after  two  years,  he  left  his  nephews  in  peaceful 
possession  as  his  viceroys.  His  dominions  extended 

i  Patta  was  a  married  princess. 


SYSTEM  OF  COLONISATION  191 

to  the  river  Maule  in  the  south  of  Chile.  Thus 
the  empire  was  more  than  2000  miles  in  length, 
from  the  river  Maule*  to  Pasto. 

From  that  time  the  Collas  and  Chilians  furnished 
valuable  contingents  to  the  Inca  armies. 

The  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui  saw  the  necessity 
for  establishing  permanent  tranquillity  in  the 
Collao  by  a  system  of  colonisation.  Great  numbers 
of  Collas  and  Lupacas  were  sent  to  colonise  the 
charming  valleys  of  Arequipa,  Moquegua,  and 
Tacna  on  the  west  side  of  the  maritime  cordillera. 
Others  were  sent  down  into  the  Amazonian  valleys 
to  the  eastward,  to  cultivate  coca  and  wash  for 
gold.  Traditions  are  preserved  even  now,  which 
tell  from  which  district  in  the  Collao  the  exiles  were 
taken,  and  whither  sent.  The  conquest  of  the  Collao 
was  of  immense  importance,  because  it  was  the  only 
source  of  tin  for  their  bronze  weapons  and  tools, 
and  the  principal  source  of  gold  from  Caravaya. 

Tupac  Inca  was  deeply  impressed  by  the  vast 
ruins  at  Tiahuanacu,  of  unknown  origin,  by  the 
beauties  of  the  great  lake,  and  of  the  sun  rising 
over  the  snowy  peaks  of  Ilhmani  and  Illampu. 
He  caused  a  palace  to  be  built  on  the  island  of 
Coati,  in  the  lake,  with  baths  and  gardens.  A 
number  of  Ore]  ones  remained  in  the  Collao  to 
carry  on  the  administration,  and  emigrants  arrived 
to  take  the  plac.es  of  the  exiled  Collas  and  Lupacas. 

These  emigrants  were  chiefly  Quichuas  of 
various  tribes  from  Cunti-suyu.  A  number  of 
Aymaras,  from  the  head- waters  of  the  Pachachaca, 


192  NAME  OF  AYMARA 

were  settled  among  the  remaining  Lupacas  at 
Juli  on  the  west  coast  of  the  lake,  where  the 
languages  of  the  two  races  appear  to  have  got 
considerably  mixed.  In  1576  the  Jesuits  settled 
at  Juli,  and  had  a  printing-press  there,  and 
here  they  learnt  the  language  of  the  Lupacas  from 
the  Aymara  emigrants,  who  gave  them  many 
Quichua  words,  for  they  seem  to  have  used  words 
of  both  languages  in  their  conversations.  This 
explains  the  reason  why  the  first  priests  who 
acquired  the  Colla  language  and  afterwards  the 
Jesuits  gave  the  name  of  '  Aymara '  to  the  language 
of  the  Collao.  Ludovico  Bertonio  was  at  Juli  from 
1590  to  1612,  and  before  he  arrived  the  Jesuits  had 
adopted  the  name  of  *  Aymara '  to  what  Bertonio 
calls  esta  lengua  Lupaca.  He  published  his  *  Arte 
y  Gramatica  '  of  *  Aymara '  at  Rome  in  1603,  and  a 
second  edition,  with  a  dictionary,  at  Juli  in  July 
1612.  Torres  Rubio  followed  with  a  grammar  and 
vocabulary  of  '  Aymara '  in  1616.  The  word 
*  Aymara  '  is  now  generally,  but  very  erroneously, 
applied  to  the  language  and  people  of  the  basin 
of  Lake  Titicaca. 

IV 

ANTI-SUYU 

The  chain  of  the  eastern  Andes  is  penetrated  by 
five  great  rivers,  which  unite  to  form  the  '  mighty 
Orellana.'  They  flow  northwards  until  they  unite, 
and  then  flow  eastward  in  one  majestic  stream  to 


TRIBUTARIES  OF  THE  AMAZON  193 

the  Atlantic.  The  Amazonian  basin  which  they 
traverse  consists  of  millions  of  square  miles  of 
virgin  forest.  The  first  river  is  the  Maranon,  and 
being  the  most  western  and  distant  its  source  in  the 
Andean  lake  of  Lauricocha  is  considered  to  be  the 
source  of  the  Amazon.  Next  is  the  river  Huallaga, 
flowing  north  until  it  joins  the  Maranon.  Further 
to  the  east  the  great  Ucayali  tributary  is  formed  by 
the  Perene,  Apurimac,  and  Vilcamayu,  which  all 
force  a  way  through  the  Andes.  Further  south  the 
Tono,  Arasa,  Inambari,  Tambopata,  and  Beni  rise 
on  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Andes  and  do  not 
penetrate  the  range.  With  the  Mamore  and  Itenez 
they  form  the  great  Madeira  tributary.  The 
rivers  which  have  part  of  their  courses  within  the 
Andean  system,  all  have  formidable  rapids  when 
they  force  their  way  through  the  mountains  and 
enter  the  great  Amazonian  plains.  These  mountain 
rapids  were  called  puncu,  or  doors,  which  the  rivers 
had  opened  by  their  irresistible  force.  That  of 
the  Maranon  is  called  the  Puncu  de  Manseriche- 
On  the  Huallaga  the  rapid  is  known  as  the  Salto 
de  Aguirre,  respecting  which  there  is  an  interesting 
tradition  :  then  the  river  is  navigable  for  160  miles. 
The  Ucayali,  a  broad  stream  navigable  for  1400 
miles,  breaks  through  the  mountains  at  Cancha- 
guayo.  The  Vilcamayu,  navigable  for  100  miles, 
enters  the  primeval  forests  by  the  Puncu  de 
Mainique. 

The  vast  Amazonian  forests  are  approached  by 
the  descent  of  the  eastern  side  of  the  Andes,  down 


194    VEGETATION  OF  THE  MONTANA 

gorges  and  ravines  which  present  magnificent 
scenery,  the  long  spurs  being  covered  with  the 
richest  tropical  vegetation  to  their  summits.  Here 
are  seen  the  lovely  chinchona  trees  with  their  red- 
veined  glossy  leaves,  and  panicles  of  white  flowers 
with  pink  laciniae,  emitting  a  delicious  fragrance. 
Here,  too,  are  many  species  of  Melastomas,  especially 
the  Lasiandra  with  its  purple  flowers  and  triple- 
veined  leaves.  But  the  flowering  trees  and  bushes 
are  innumerable,  and  above  the  thick  foliage  are 
seen  the  feathery  fronds  of  palm  trees.  From  the 
loftier  mountains  waterfalls  may  be  seen  in  rapid 
descent  until  they  are  lost  to  view  behind  the 
dense  vegetation ;  some  in  sheets  of  spray,  others 
like  films  of  lace,  but  most  in  a  solid  volume  of 
moving  water,  all  glittering  when  the  clouds  open 
and  the  sun  throws  its  rays  upon  them.  These 
are  scenes  of  unsurpassed  loveliness.  But  in  the 
plains  below  the  view  is  obstructed  by  the  vegetation 
growing  in  dense  masses  beneath  the  lofty  trees. 
Only  on  the  river  banks  there  are  beautiful  views 
formed  by  long  vistas  of  tropical  vegetation. 

It  was  to  the  forests  eastward  of  Cuzco  that 
the  Incas  first  turned  their  attention.  To  the 
east  of  the  valley  of  the  Vilcamayu  the  range  of 
the  Andes  is  cut  laterally  by  the  Yanatilde  valley, 
and  further  east  by  the  long  valley  through  which 
the  river  Paucartampu  flows.  Both  the  Yanatilde 
and  Paucartampu  flow  north  to  join  the  Vilca- 
mayu, though  their  previously  unknown  courses 
were  only  traced,  for  the  first  time,  a  very  few  years 


INCA  INVASION  OF  THE  MONTANA        195 

ago.  From  the  last  range  of  the  Andes,  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Paucartampu  river,  the  descent 
is  rapid  into  the  montana,  as  the  tropical  forests 
are  called  by  the  Spaniards.  The  forests  were 
very  scantily  inhabited  by  wild  Indians  who 
wandered  about,  some  in  canoes  as  fishermen, 
some  hunting  with  bows  and  arrows  or  the  pucuna 
(blowpipe).  A  few  had  some  affinity  with  the 
people  of  the  Andes,  but  the  great  majority  of  the 
Amazonian  tribes  were  of  a  different  race. 

The  subjugation  of  the  parts  of  the  montana 
nearest  to  the  foot  of  the  Andes  was  a  matter  of 
great  importance  to  the  Incas.  In  the  tropical 
valleys  the  coca  plantations  were  formed  and 
every  Peruvian  chewed  coca.  From  the  montana 
also  came  supplies  of  bamboo,  of  wood  of  the 
chonta  palm  for  their  weapons,  other  timber  for 
building,  plumes  for  head-dresses,  and  the  principal 
supplies  of  gold. 

The  campaign  of  Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui  for 
the  conquest  of  Anti-suyu  was,  like  all  his  warlike 
operations,  masterly  in  design  and  bold  in  execution. 
The  long  valley  of  Paucartambo,  at  the  foot  of  the 
last  ridge  of  the  Andes,  formed  a  convenient  base 
where  the  three  columns,  forming  the  army  of 
Anti-suyu,  was  to  assemble.  The  Inca  himself 
started  from  a  place  in  the  valley  called  Ahua-tuna, 
descending  into  the  forest  by  the  lovely  ravine  of  the 
Chiri-mayu.  The  central  column  under  Prince  Utu- 
runcu  Achachi,  the  Inca's  brother,  was  at  a  place 
called  Amaru,  the  modern  town  of  Paucartampu. 

o  2 


196  AN  ARDUOUS  CAMPAIGN 

It  was  to  enter  by  the  route  now  called  '  Tres 
Graces/  A  captain  named  Chalco  Yupanqui  led 
the  right  column  from  the  Pilcopata  or  '  garland 
hill/  At  the  same  time  the  montana  of  Marcapata, 
to  the  south,  was  to  be  invaded  by  Apu-ccuri- 
machi  with  a  fourth  column. 

The  three  columns  in  the  Paucartambo  valley 
were  to  start  at  the  same  time  on  converging  lines, 
to  form  a  junction  at  Opotari  in  the  forest,  about 
twelve  miles  from  the  foot  of  the  mountains.  The 
inhabitants,  who  belonged  to  the  tribe  called 
Campas  or  Antis,  submitted  at  once,  and  the 
settlement  called  Abisca,  for  the  cultivation  of 
coca,  was  formed  near  the  river  Tono.  The  Inca 
then  began  to  make  a  road  through  the  dense  forest 
in  order  to  reach  the  settlements  of  the  next  tribe. 
Tall  trees  were  climbed  to  seek  out  the  positions 
of  inhabited  places  by  the  smoke  rising  over  the 
trees.  The  troops  suffered  from  the  change  of 
climate,  and  from  the  toil  of  hewing  out  the  road. 
There  was  much  sickness  and  many  died.  At  one 
time  the  Inca,  with  a  third  of  the  troops,  lost  his 
way  and  wandered  about  for  many  days  until,  at 
last,  they  fell  in  with  the  column  of  Uturuncu,  who 
put  them  on  the  route.  The  combined  forces 
then  descended  the  river  Tono. 

The  final  result  of  the  campaign  was  that  three 
branches  of  the  Campas,  a  tribe  of  fine  muscular 
men  and  beautiful  women,  submitted  and  became 
subjects  of  the  Inca.  These  were  the  Opataris, 
the  Manaris,  called  also  Yana-simis  or  '  black 


SETTLEMENTS  197 

mouths/  and  the  Chunchos.  The  submission 
included  a  vast  tract  of  forest,  yielding  valuable 
timber,  and  with  land  suitable  for  coca  plantations. 
The  Manaris  were  also  met  with  on  the  lower 
reaches  of  the  river  Vilcamayu,  and  in  the  montana 
beyond  the  Vilcapampa  mountains,  and  they 
always  remained  friendly  to  the  Incas.  Further 
north  there  was  a  fierce  and  hostile  tribe  called 
Pilcosones. 

The  Marcapata  column  led  by  Apu-ccuri-machi 
marched  eastward  to  the  Inambari,  and  advanced 
as  far  as  a  river  called  Paytiti,  where  their  leader 
set  up  the  frontier  pillars  of  the  Inca.  Uturuncu 
was  left  to  complete  the  conquest,  aided  by  detach- 
ments of  colonists  who  made  clearings  for  coca 
plantations,  and  collected  chonta  poles  and  other 
products.  Most  of  the  settlements  were  round 
Abisca,  and  in  the  basin  of  the  river  Tono ;  but 
there  were  others  on  the  banks  of  the  Vilcamayu 
and  in  Marcapata. 

After  the  conquest  of  Colla-suyu  the  forests  of 
the  province  of  Caravaya  also  became  a  great  source 
of  wealth  to  the  Incas.  Large  numbers  of  Collas 
were  sent  down  into  the  beautiful  valleys  to  grow 
fruit  trees  and  cultivate  the  coca  plant,  as  well 
as  to  work  and  wash  for  gold.  Indeed,  it  was 
principally  from  Caravaya  that  the  immense 
quantities  of  gold  came  which  were  used  for  vases 
and  other  utensils,  for  adorning  the  temples  and 
idols,  for  the  imperial  thrones  and  litters,  for 
ornamenting  the  rich  dresses,  and  for  many  other 


198  SETTLEMENTS 

purposes.     Much  gold  also  came  from  the  rich 
valleys  whose  rivers  unite  to  form  the  Beni. 

Further  south  there  were  some  fierce  and 
savage  tribes  in  the  forests  of  the  '  Gran  Chacu/  or 
great  hunting  ground.  Among  these  the  most 
troublesome  were  the  Chirihuanas,  who  were  said 
to  have  been  cannibals.  They  were  always  hostile, 
and  even  had  the  audacity  to  make  incursions 
into  the  higher  lands  of  Charcas. 

On  the  river  Huallaga  the  remnant  of  the 
Chancas  took  refuge,  and  the  ancestors  of  the 
existing  Amazonian  tribe  of  Mayorunas  are  said 
to  have  fled  before  the  Chancas  to  settle  lower 
down  the  course  of  the  great  river.  The  present 
Huallaga  tribes  of  Cholones  and  Motilones,  or 
Lamistas,  may  be  descendants  of  the  Chancas. 
The  Incas  occupied  Chachapoyas  in  the  basin  of 
the  Maranon.  An  expedition  is  recorded,  sent 
by  the  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac  to  the  country  of 
the  Cofanes,  a  tribe  in  the  forests  of  the  river 
Napo  to  the  east  of  Quito.  A  story  is  also  told 
by  Montesinos  of  some  Orejones  having  found 
their  way  thence  by  the  waterways  and  through 
the  dense  forests  to  Cuzco,  a  voyage  which  occupied 
several  years.  It  was  certainly  a  most  remarkable 
achievement  if  true,  and  considering  the  energy 
and  intelligence  of  these  people  I  can  see  no  sufficient 
reason  for  doubting  the  truth  of  the  story. 

The  wisdom  of  the  Incas  is  well  shown  in  their 
policy  with  regard  to  the  region  of  Amazonian 
forests.  They  made  no  useless  raids  or  expeditions, 


IN  THE  MONTANA  199 

but  worked  with  the  distinct  object  of  securing 
advantages  for  the  empire.  From  their  montana 
settlements,  quite  sufficiently  supplied  with  labour, 
they  received  gold  in  large  quantities,  coca  which 
was  almost  a  necessary  of  life  for  their  people, 
timber  for  building,  wood  of  the  chonta  palm 
for  lances  and  other  weapons,  bamboos,  plumes 
of  feathers,  fruit,  and  medicinal  herbs,  gums,  and 
resins.  In  return  the  colonists  received  meat 
and  potatoes,  maize,  clothing,  salt  and  other 
condiments.  The  forests  of  the  montana  formed 
a  "part,  and  no  unimportant  part,  of  the  great 
system  of  Incarial  administration. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

THE   COAST  VALLEYS 

THE  coast  of  Peru  was  a  late  conquest  of  the  Incas. 
It  contained  distinct  civilisations,  that  to  the  north, 
especially,  presenting  historical  and  philological 
problems  as  yet  unsolved.  Its  physical  aspects 
are  unique  and  extremely  interesting.  They  de- 
mand attention  before  considering  the  little  that 
is  known  of  the  ancient  people  inhabiting  this 
wonderful  region  in  ages  long  past. 

A  strip  of  land,  averaging  a  width  of  from 
20  to  60  miles,  extends  from  4°  to  20°  S.  or 
upwards  of  1500  miles  between  the  maritime 
cordillera  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  It  has  been  up- 
raised from  the  sea  at  no  very  remote  period.  The 
same  shells  as  exist  in  the  present  ocean  are  mingled 
with  the  remains  of  man.  Corn-cobs  and  cotton 
twine  were  found  by  Darwin  at  a  height  of  85 
feet  above  the  sea.1  This  upheaval  must  have  taken 
place  at  a  time  not  only  when  man  was  occupying 
the  land,  but  when  there  already  existed  an  agri- 
cultural community  raising  maize  and  cotton  crops. 

The  Peruvian  coast  is  practically  a  rainless 
region,  and  the  reason  for  this  phenomenon 
attracted  the  attention  of  most  of  the  early  writers. 

1  On  the  island  of  San  Lorenzo,  forming  the  Callao  anchorage. 
200 


ACTION  OF  THE  TRADE- WIND  201 

Acosta  is  very  hazy  on  the  subject.  Cieza  de 
Leon  comes  nearer  the  true  cause,  which  is  of  course 
due  to  the  height  of  the  Andes.  For  the  south-east 
trade-wind  blows  obliquely  across  the  Atlantic 
Ocean  until  it  reaches  the  coast  of  Brazil,  heavily 
laden  with  moisture.  It  continues  to  carry  this 
moisture  across  the  continent,  depositing  it  as  it 
proceeds,  and  filling  the  tributaries  and  sources 
of  the  Amazon  and  La  Plata.  Eventually  this 
trade-wind  reaches  the  snow-capped  mountains  of 
the  Andes,  and  the  last  particle  of  moisture  is  wrung 
from  it  that  the  very  low  temperature  can  extract. 
Meeting  with  no  evaporating  surface  and  with  no 
temperature  colder  than  that  to  which  it  was  sub- 
jected on  the  mountain  tops,  the  trade  wind  reaches 
the  Pacific  Ocean  before  it  again  becomes  charged 
with  fresh  moisture.  The  last  drop  it  has  to  spare 
is  deposited  as  snow  on  the  tops  of  the  mountains. 
It  reaches  the  coast  region  as  a  perfectly  dry  wind. 
Yet  the  coast  atmosphere  is  not  absolutely  dry. 
There  is  intense  heat  and  a  clear  sky  from  November 
to  April,  but  in  May  the  scene  changes.  A  thin 
mist  arises  which  increases  in  density  until  October, 
rising  in  the  morning  and  dispersing  at  about 
3  P.M.  It  becomes  fine  drizzling  rain  called 
garua.  This  garua  extends  from  the  seashore 
to  near  the  mountains,  where  rain  commences, 
the  line  between  the  garua  and  the  rain  region 
being  distinctly  marked.  There  are  even  estates 
where  one  half  the  land  is  watered  by  garuas,  the 
other  half  by  rain.  But  the  prevailing  aspect 


202      THE  HUMBOLDT  CURRENT 

of  the  coast  is  a  rainless  desert  traversed,  at 
intervals,  by  fertile  valleys. 

The  climate  of  the  coast  is  modified  and  made 
warmer  by  another  agency.  Not  only  is  the 
constantly  prevailing  wind  from  the  south,  there 
is  also  a  cold  current  always  flowing  with  a  tem- 
perature several  degrees  lower  than  that  of  the 
surrounding  ocean.  It  is  believed  by  some  to 
be  derived  from  the  Antarctic  regions,  by  others 
that  it  is  formed  by  cold  water  in  the  depths  rising 
to  the  surface.  Be  this  how  it  may,  the  Humboldt 
current,  as  it  has  been  called  since  1802,  profoundly 
affects  the  climate  of  the  Peruvian  coast,  which 
is  cooler  and  drier  than  any  other  tropical  region. 

Although  the  greater  part  of  the  coast  region 
consists  of  desert  or  of  arid  and  stony  ranges 
of  hills,  it  is  watered  by  rivers  which  cross  the 
desert  at  intervals  and  form  fertile  valleys  of 
varying  width.  The  deserts  between  the  river 
valleys  vary  in  extent,  the  largest  being  upwards 
of  seventy  miles  across.  On  their  western  margin 
steep  cliffs  rise  from  the  sea,  above  which  is  the 
desert  plateau,  apparently  quite  bare  of  vegetation. 
The  surface  is  generally  hard,  but  on  some  of 
the  deserts  there  are  great  accumulations  of  drifting 
sea  sand.  This  sand  forms  isolated  hillocks,  called 
medanos,  in  the  shape  of  a  crescent,  beautifully 
symmetrical,  with  sharp  ridges,  and  their  convex 
sides  turned  towards  the  trade-wind.  Any  stone 
or  dead  mule  forms  a  nucleus  for  them ;  but  they 
are  constantly  shifting,  and  a  strong  wind  causes 


THE  MEDANOS  203 

an  immense  cloud  of  sand,  rising  to  a  hundred 
feet  and  whirling  in  all  directions.  When  at  rest 
the  medanos  vary  in  height  from  eight  to  twenty 
feet,  with  a  sharp  crest,  the  inner  side  perpendicular 
and  the  outer  with  a  steep  slope.  Scattered  over 
the  arid  wilderness  they  form  intricate  labyrinths, 
and  many  a  benighted  traveller  has  lost  his  way 
among  them  and  perished  with  his  mule,  after 
wandering  for  days.  Such  unfortunates  form 
nuclei  for  new  medanos.  At  early  dawn  there  are 
musical  sounds  in  the  desert.  They  are  caused 
b/'  the  eddying  of  grains  of  sand  in  the  heated 
atmosphere  on  the  sharp  crests  of  the  medanos. 
Apparently  the  coast  deserts  of  Peru  are 
destitute  of  all  vegetation.  As  far  as  the  eye 
can  reach  there  is  a  desolate  waste.  Yet  two  or 
three  kinds  of  plants  do  exist.  The  smaller 
medanos  are  capped  with  snowy  white  patches, 
contrasting  with  the  greyish  white  which  is  the 
colour  of  the  sand.  This  whiteness  is  caused  by 
innumerable  short  cylindrical  spikes  of  an  amaranth. 
Its  stems  originate  in  the  ground  beneath  the 
medano,  ramify  through  it,  and  go  on  growing 
so  as  to  maintain  their  heads  just  above  the  mass 
of  sand.  The  two  other  herbs  of  the  desert  are 
species  of  yuca  which  form  edible  roots,  but 
maintain  a  subterranean  existence  for  years,  only 
producing  leafy  stems  in  the  rare  seasons  when 
moisture  penetrates  to  their  roots.  Near  the  foot 
of  the  mountains  are  the  tall  branched  cacti. 
When  the  mists  set  in,  the  lomas,  or  chains  of 


204  THE  COAST  VALLEYS 

hillocks,  near  the  coast  undergo  a  complete  change. 
As  if  by  a  stroke  of  magic  blooming  vegetation  over- 
spreads the  ground,  which  is  covered  with  pasture 
and  wild  flowers,  chiefly  composites  and  crucifers. 
But  this  only  lasts  for  a  short  time.  Generally  the 
deserts  present  a  desolate  aspect,  with  no  sign  of 
vegetation  or  of  a  living  creature.  In  the  very  loftiest 
regions  of  the  air  the  majestic  condor  may  perhaps 
be  seen  floating  lazily,  the  only  appearance  of  life. 

Imagine  the  traveller,  who  has  wearily  toiled 
over  many  leagues  of  this  wild  and  forbidding  region, 
suddenly  reaching  the  verge  of  one  of  the  river  valleys. 
The  change  is  magical.  He  sees  at  his  feet  a  broad 
expanse  covered  with  perpetual  verdure.  Rows  and 
clumps  of  palms  and  rows  of  willows  show  the  lines 
of  the  watercourses.  All  round  are  fruit  gardens, 
fields  of  maize  and  cotton,  while  woods  of  algaroba 
fringe  the  valley  and  form  one  of  its  special  features. 

The  algaroba  (Prosopis  horrida)  is  a  prickly 
tree  rarely  exceeding  forty  feet  in  height,  with 
rugged  bark  and  bipinnate  foliage.  The  trunks 
never  grow  straight,  soon  become  fairly  thick, 
and  as  their  roots  take  little  hold  of  the  friable 
earth,  they  fall  over  into  a  reclining  posture, 
and  immediately  begin  to  send  off  new  roots  in 
every  part  of  the  trunk  in  contact  with  the  soil. 
They  thus  assume  a  twisted  and  fantastic  appear- 
ance, more  like  gigantic  corkscrews  than  trees. 
The  algaroba  has  racemes  of  small  yellowish  green 
flowers  which  nourish  multitudes  of  small  flies  and 
beetles,  and  they  in  their  turn  supply  food  to  flocks 


THE  COAST  VALLEYS  205 

of  birds,  most  of  them  songsters.  The  flowers  are 
followed  by  pendulous  pods,  six  to  eight  inches  long, 
containing  several  thin  seeds  immersed  in  a  mucila- 
ginous spongy  substance  which  is  the  nutritive  part. 
The  timber  is  very  hard  and  durable,  and  also  makes 
excellent  firewood.  With  the  algaroba  there  are 
bushes,  sometimes  growing  into  trees,  of  vichaya 
(Capparis  crotonoides),  a  tree  called  zapote  del 
perro  (Colicodendrum  scdbridum),  and  an  Apocynea, 
with  bright  green  lanceolate  leaves,  and  clusters  of 
small  white  flowers.  Near  the  roots  of  the  cordillera 
the  vegetation  becomes  more  dense  and  varied. 

The  fertile  valleys  of  the  coast  vary  in  extent 
and  in  the  supply  of  water  they  receive.  Some 
rivers  have  their  sources  beyond  the  maritime 
range,  and  the  flow  is  abundant  and  perennial. 
Others  are  less  well  supplied.  Others,  with  sources 
in  the  maritime  cordillera,  are  sometimes  dry, 
and  the  supply  of  water  is  precarious. 

Altogether  there  are  forty-four  coast  valleys  * 
along  the  1400  miles  of  Peruvian  sea-board,  and, 
with  reference  to  the  study  of  the  former  history 
of  the  country,  they  may  be  divided  into  three 
sections.  The  twenty  northern  valleys  include 
the  territory  of  the  Grand  Chimu,  whose  history 
is  still  shrouded  in  mystery.  The  central  twelve 
formed  the  dominions  of  the  Chincha  confederacy, 

i  Von  Tschudi  gives  the  number  at  fifty-nine,  adding  fifteen  to 
the  forty-four.  But  he  must  have  included  ravines  with  water- 
courses almost  always  dry,  such  as  Asia,  the  qiiebredas  of  Pescadores 
and  Manga,  Pisagua,  Tacama,  Mexillones,  and  Loa ;  as  well  as 
branches  of  main  rivers,  such  as  Macara,  Quiros  and  Somata,  tribu- 


206 


THE  COAST  VALLEYS 


and  the  southern  twelve  were  only  peopled  by 
mitimaes  in  later  times,  though  there  was  a  scanty 
aboriginal  fishing  population. 


Valleys  of  the 
Chimu 


Valleys  of  the 
Chincha  confederacy 

1  21  Chancay 
i  22  Carabayllo 

1  23  Rimac 

2  24  Lurin 
i  25  Mala 

i  26  Huarcu 

3  27  Tupara 
1  28  Chincha 
1  29  Pisco 

i  30  Yea 

1  31  Rio  Grande 

2  32  Nasca 


Valleys  in  the 
south 

1  33  Acari 
34  Atequipa 

3  35  Atico  Yauca 

1  36  Ocona 

i  37  Majes 
38  Vitor 

i  39  Tambopalla 
40  Ylo 

1  41  Locumba 

1  42  Sama 

1  43  Tacna 

1  44  Azapa 


1  Tumbez 

2  Chira 

3  Piura 

4  Motupe 

or  Leche 

5  Lambayeque 

6  Eten 

7  Sana 

8  Pacasmayu 

9  Chicama 

1  10  Muchi 

2  11  Vim 
2  12  Chao 

1  13  Santa 

2  14  Nepena 

1  Pativilca 

2  15  Casma 

3  16  Culebra 

2  17  Huarmay 

2  18  Parmunca 

19  Huaman 

1  20  Huara 

2  Supe 

taries  of  the  Chira ;  Cinto  and  Tuquene,  Ingenio,  Palpa,  and  Chimpa, 
tributaries  of  the  Rio  Grande.  These,  with  the  forty-four  irrigated 
valleys,  would  make  fifty-nine.  Von  Tschudi  does  not  give  the  names. 

1  Sources  within  the  region  of  regular  annual  rains. 

2  Rivers  with  affluents  within  the  rain  region. 

3  Sources  outside  the  regular  rains. 


CHAPTEE  XIV 

THE   CHIMU 

ONE  of  the  most  difficult  problems  in  the  study  of 
the  American  races  is  the  origin  and  history  of 
the  civilised  people  in  the  northern  coast  valleys 
of  Peru.  Here  we  find  ruins  of  vast  extent  with 
evidence  of  artistic  skill  and  somewhat  florid  taste, 
systems  of  irrigation  on  a  gigantic  scale  and 
planned  with  marvellous  skill,  every  square  foot 
of  ground  carefully  cultivated.  Writing  of  the 
Chira  to  the  north,  Mr.  Spruce  says  that  there 
are  ancient  aqueducts  all  the  way  down  the  valley 
from  near  its  source.  Water  is  conducted  across 
ravines  and  along  the  faces  of  steep  declivities. 
There  was  also  provision  for  collecting  rain  water 
in  the  anos  de  aguas  by  canals  along  the  base  of 
the  Mancora  hills  and  cliffs  of  the  valleys,  and  for 
storing  it  in  reservoirs  made  by  throwing  strong 
dikes  across  the  outlets  of  ravines.  The  whole 
valley  was  then  under  cultivation  with  a  dense 
population,  proved  by  the  middings  sometimes  miles 
in  extent,  strewn  with  fragments  of  shells  and 
pottery.  The  richly  embossed  walls,  the  gold  and 
silver  work,  the  astonishing  versatility  in  the 

207 


208 


THE  CHIMU  DOMINION 


infinite  variety  of  their  pottery,  and  the  patterns 
of  their  cotton  cloths,  all  point  to  a  race  which 
had  reached  a  high  state  of  civilisation.  A 
grammar,  composed  by  a  descendant  of  one  of 
Pizarro's  followers  over  a  century  after  the  Spanish 
conquest,  has  preserved  some  knowledge  of  their 
otherwise  lost  language,  but  of  their  history  we 
know  absolutely  nothing.  We  only  learn  from 
the  Spanish  historians  of  the  Incas  that  the 
sovereign  of  the  coast  people,  called  by  them  the 
Grand  Chimu,  was  subdued  by  the  Incas  about 
four  generations  before  the  Spaniards  came,  and 
that  he  possessed  great  riches.  Nothing  more. 
There  is  only  one  tradition  preserved,  and  that 
does  not  refer  to  the  Chimu,  but  to  his  feudatories 
in  the  Lambayeque  valley. 

The  kernel  of  the  Chimu  problem  is  in  the  ruins 
between  the  Spanish  town  of  Truxillo  and  the  shores 
of  the  Pacific  Ocean.  Here  the  Chicama  and 
Muchi  rivers  combine  to  form  a  wide  extent  of 
cultivable  land,  which  is  situated  in  the  centre 
of  the  northern  coast  valleys,  having  eight  on  the 
north  and  eight  on  the  south  side  of  it.1  The 
vast  extent  of  the  ruins  shows  that  this  was  the 


North                 1 

Centre 

/    South 

Tumbez 
Chira 

Guanape 
Santa 

Piura 
Motupe  or  Leche 
Lambayeque 
Eten 

'  Chicama,  Viru,  -. 
and  Muchi 

Nepena 
Casma 
Huarmay 
Culebra 

Sana 

Huaman 

Pacasmayu 

'  Parmunca 

CITY  OF  THE  CHIMU  209 

centre  of  the  Chimu's  power.  The  people  were 
perhaps  known  to  themselves  as  Muchcen,  from 
the  river  which  supplied  water  to  their  capital, 
or  possibly  Nofoan,  their  word  for  a  man.  Their 
language  was  Muchica. 

The  great  Chimu  ruins  were  first  described,  in 
any  detail,  by  Don  Mariano  E.  Bivero  in  his 
*  Antiguedades  Peruanas/  then  by  Squier,  and 
more  recently  by  the  French  traveller  Wiener. 
Of  these  accounts  that  of  Squier's  is  the  most 
accurate  and  intelligent.  It  must  be  understood 
that,  owing  to  the  elaborate  and  complicated 
arrangement  of  rooms,  passages  and  enclosures, 
and  to  the  destruction  that  has  taken  place  in  the 
search  for  treasure,  an  intelligible  description,  even 
with  plans,  is  exceedingly  difficult. 

We  may  picture  to  ourselves  a  vast  fertile 
plain,  at  least  ninety  miles  long  from  south  to  north, 
watered  by  the  three  rivers  Chicama,  Mansiche, 
and  Viru,  and  bounded  on  one  side  by  the  Andes 
and  on  the  other  by  the  Pacific  Ocean.  In  the 
centre,  but  bordering  on  the  seashore,  was  the 
great  city  of  the  Chimu,  surrounded  by  highly 
cultivated  land  sustaining  a  dense  population. 
An  effective  system  of  irrigation  was  essential  for 
the  cultivation  of  this  extensive  area  and  for  the 
existence  of  the  people  in  the  city.  An  aqueduct 
took  off  the  water  of  the  Muchi  river  high  up  among 
the  mountains.  It  was  carried  across  the  valley 
on  a  lofty  embankment  of  stones  and  earth  sixty 
feet  in  height,  the  channel  being  lined  with  stones. 


210  TREASURE  OF  THE  CHIMU 

On  the  slope  overlooking  the  ruined  city  the 
water  is  distributed  through  smaller  channels  over 
the  plain,  and  into  the  numerous  reservoirs  in  the 
city.  A  lofty  wall  of  great  thickness  extended 
for  miles  along  the  eastern  or  inland  borders  of  the 
city,  and  within  it  were  extensive  gardens  each 
with  its  irrigating  channel. 

The  ruins  of  this  unique  city  now  consist  of 
labyrinths  of  walls  forming  great  enclosures,  each 
containing  many  buildings,  with  here  and  there 
gigantic  mounds.  These  mounds  or  pyramids 
are  the  most  marvellous  features  of  the  ruins. 
The  huaca  or  mound  called  '  Obispo '  by  the 
Spaniards  is  built  of  stones,  rubble,  and  adobes, 
covers  an  area  of  500  square  feet,  and  is  150  feet 
high.  Another  was  called  '  Toledo/  in  which 
great  treasure  was  found.  The  excavator,  Garcia 
de  Toledo,  in  1577,  dug  out  gold  to  the  amount  of 
278,174  castellanos  de  oro,1  of  which  61,622  were  paid 
as  the  royal  fifths.  Excavations  were  continued  at 

i  The  castellano  de  oro  and  peso  de  oro  were  the  same  (the 
commercial  value  being  £2  12s.  Qd.),  equal  to  490  silver  maravedis, 
or  14  reals  14  maravedis.  Altogether  treasure  worth  £5,500,000 
is  recorded. 

The  amounts  are  derived  from  the  records  of  the  King's  fifths, 
preserved  in  the  municipal  books  of  Truxillo,  which  were  destroyed 
by  the  Chilians.  Fortunately  Mr.  Blackwood  had  previously  made 
extracts,  and  he  gave  copies  to  Mr.  Hutchinson,  H.M.  Consul 
at  Callao.  See  his  Two  Years  in  Peru,  ii.  p.  154.  A  certain 
Colonel  La  Rosa  was  excavating  in  Squier's  time,  and  had  obtained 
$30,000  worth  of  gold. 

M.  Clemencin  wrote  an  essay  on  the  value  of  money  in  the 
time  of  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  (Memorias  de  Acad.  Hist,  de  Madrid, 
vol.  vi.),  quoted  by  Preeoott,  i.  p.  25  n. 


THE  CHIMU  PALACE  211 

intervals.  In  1797  the  treasure  called  Peje  chico 
was  secured.  The  Peje  grande  has  yet  to  be  found. 
Altogether  millions  have  been  obtained  in  gold 
ornaments  or  bars.  The  mounds  are  honeycombed 
with  passages  leading  to  store-houses  or  sepulchral 
chambers. 

The  great  mounds  presented  a  very  different 
appearance  in  the  time  of  the  Chimu.  Originally 
they  were  in  terraces,  on  which  buildings  were 
erected  with  pitched  roofs,  and  tastefully  painted 
walls.  Verandahs,  supported  by  the  twisted  stems 
oLalgaroba  trees,  afforded  shade,  and  there  were 
communications  with  the  interior  passages  and 
chambers.  From  the  seashore  these  structures, 
with  gardens  at  their  bases,  must  have  presented 
a  magnificent  effect. 

The  principal  palace  has  been  well  described 
by  Squier.  Imagine  a  great  hall  100  feet 
long  by  52i-  wide,  with  walls  covered  with 
an  intricate  series  of  arabesques,  consisting  of 
stucco  patterns  in  relief  on  a  smooth  surface. 
The  walls  contain  a  series  of  niches  with  the 
arabesque  work  running  up  between.  The  end 
wall  is  pierced  by  a  door  leading  to  corridors  and 
passages  in  the  pyramidal  mounds.  One  corridor 
leads  to  a  place  where  there  was  a  furnace  for 
metallurgic  work,  near  a  walled-up  closet  full  of 
vessels  and  utensils  of  gold  and  silver. 

There  is  a  low,  broad  mound  at  a  distance  of  a 
hundred  yards  from  the  palace,  which  has  been 
excavated  and  proved  to  be  a  cemetery.  There 

p  2 


212  CHIMU  FACTORIES 

were  mummies  in  niches  elaborately  clothed  and 
plumed,  with  gold  and  silver  ornaments  on  the 
dresses  of  fine  cotton  cloth.  The  patterns,  woven 
into  the  cloth  and  coloured,  are  birds  striking  the 
heads  of  lizards  or  seizing  fish.  In  the  centre  there 
is  a  structure  sixteen  feet  square  and  twelve  high, 
with  entrances  at  each  end,  leading  to  a  space  ten 
feet  by  five,  with  a  series  of  platforms  on  either  side. 
Here,  no  doubt,  the  funeral  rites  were  performed. 

The  two  most  remarkable  structures  among  the 
ruins  are  called  palaces  by  Bivero,  and  factories 
by  Squier.  They  are  surrounded  by  exterior 
walls  of  adobes  on  foundations  of  stone  and  clay, 
five  feet  thick  and  thirty  in  height.  One  factory 
is  500  yards  by  400.  An  entrance  leads  to  an  open 
square  with  a  reservoir  in  the  centre,  faced  with 
stone,  sixty  feet  long  by  forty.  Round  the  square 
there  are  twenty-two  recesses,  probably  shops 
opening  upon  it,  and  at  one  end  a  terrace  with 
three  rooms  leading  from  it.  This  square,  with  its 
reservoir,  appears  to  have  been  the  market-place. 
There  are  six  minor  courts,  and  streets  or  passages 
with  many  rooms  opening  upon  them.  Of  these 
rooms  there  are  no  less  than  111,  with  walls  twelve 
feet  high  and  high-pitched  roofs.  The  objects  of 
these  extraordinary  buildings  were  very  puzzling. 
They  were  certainly  not  palaces,  as  Rivero  supposed. 
Squier's  conjecture  is  no  doubt  the  correct  one. 
They  were  busy  factories,  hives  of  industry.  Here 
were  the  workers  in  gold,  silver  and  bronze,  the 
designers,  the  dyers,  the  potters,  and  the  weavers. 


COTTON  FABRICS  213 

It  must  have  taken  many  generations,  nay  centuries, 
for  these  busy  modellers  and  designers  to  reach 
the  high  standard  displayed  in  their  best  metal 
and  clay  work,  and  in  their  cotton  fabrics. 

The  most  frequent  ornaments  are  fish,  lizards, 
serpents,  a  long-legged  bird,  a  bird  devouring  a  fish. 
The  ornament  of  the  head-dress  of  chiefs  was  like 
an  inverted  leather-cutter's   knife,  as  Squier  de- 
scribes it,  with  plumes,  and  diadems  of  gold  and 
silver.     The  golden  cups  and  vases  were  very  thin, 
with  the  ornaments  and  figures  struck  from  the 
inside.     Gold  ornaments  on  the  dresses  were  also 
frequent.     Mr.  Spruce  describes  a  series  of  plates, 
almost  like  a  lady's  muslin  collar  in  size  and  shape, 
covered  with  figures.     On  one  of  them  there  were 
nearly  a  hundred  figures  of  pelicans.     Every  figure 
represents  the  bird  in  a  different  attitude,  and,  as 
they  have  been  stamped,  not  engraved,  a  separate 
die  must  have  been  used  for  each  figure.     Silver 
vases  and  cups  were  of  various  shapes,  sometimes 
modelled  into  the  form  of  a  man's  head.     Silver 
lizards,  fishes,  and  serpents  were  sewn  on  the  dresses 
as  ornamental  borders. 

The  most  astonishing  work  of  the  northern  • 
coast  people  was  their  modelling  and  painting  in 
clay.  The  prevailing  colours  of  their  vases  were 
white,  black,  and  a  pale  red,  the  designs  being 
painted,  in  various  colours,  on  a  white  ground. 
A  great  number  are  double,  some  quadruple,  and 
a  prevailing  feature  is  the  double  spout.  It  is 
not  too  much  to  say  that  not  only  the  fauna  and 


214  CHIMU  POTTERY 

flora  of  the  coast,  but  also  the  manners  and  customs 
of  the  people,  are  depicted  or  modelled  on  their 
vases.     There  are  met  with  various  kinds  of  fruits 
and  vegetables,  shells,  fish,  lizards,  deer,  monkeys, 
parrots  and  other  birds,  and  a  sea-lion  with  a  fish 
in    its    mouth.     In    short,    there    are    countless 
varieties  of  forms  and  combinations,  hardly  two 
specimens  alike.     By  far  the  most  interesting  are 
the  human  heads.     Some  are  almost  majestic,  and 
are  evidently  portraits.     Others  show  the  face  dis- 
torted in  pain,  others  smiling  or  singing,  some 
with  a  rapt  expression  as  in  a  trance.      There 
are  also  figures  playing  on  musical  instruments, 
others  spinning.     Some  vases  represent  a  human 
hand,   others  a  foot  showing  how  sandals  were 
worn.     Architecture,     the     arts,     customs,     and 
religious    ideas    are    depicted.     Squier    describes 
one  scene  of  a  chief  seated  in  the  verandah  of  a 
house  with    a  high-pitched    roof,  raised  on  four 
terraces.     The  chief   has  a  plumed  head-dress,  a 
lance  in  one  hand  and  a  drinking-cup  in  the  other. 
A  long  procession  is   approaching,  with  persons 
singing   and   playing   on   cymbals,    tambourines, 
Pandean-pipes,  and  trumpets  of    clay.     Another 
vase  has  a  foot-race  painted  round  it.     There  is 
another  showing  a   combat  between   a   serpent- 
warrior  and  a  crab-warrior,  perhaps  a  legend  of 
a  contest  between  land  and  sea.     There  is  a  vase 
with  winged  figures,  and  another  very  remarkable 
one,  in  the  British  Museum,  of  a  winged  warrior 
in  the  act  of  flying. 


SILVER  MODELS  215 

Another  very  striking  group  of  Chimu  works 
of  art  are  the  silver  models  cast  in  a  single  piece. 
Squier  mentions  a  man  and  woman  in  a  forest, 
the  trees  being  like  algarobas ;  also  a  child  in  a 
hammock  swinging  between  two  trees,  and  a 
serpent  crawling  up  one,  below  a  kettle  by  a  fire 
of  sticks.  These  can  only  have  been  intended  as 
ornaments  for  rooms,  but  it  is  a  mystery  how  they 
can  have  been  cast  without  wax.  Doubtless  there 
was  a  substitute  of  some  kind. 

Warlike  implements  were  lances,  darts,  and 
cktbs  fitted  with  bronze  stars.  Warriors  carried 
an  oblong  shield  of  thick  matting.  Vast  numbers 
of  tools  and  agricultural  implements  in  bronze  have 
been  found.  There  are  chisels  of  various  sizes  with 
sockets  for  handles,  hoes  curved  and  flat,  and 
knives. 

Their  textile  fabrics  were  very  fine  and  marked 
in  a  variety  of  patterns,  for  the  coast  people 
cultivated  an  indigenous  cotton,  the  staple  of 
which  is  unequalled  for  length  combined  with 
strength.  Occasionally  the  cotton  plants  pro- 
duced a  boll  of  a  rich  nankin  colour  which  was 
specially  valued.  The  weavers  had  various  dyes 
for  the  patterns  on  their  fabrics,  and  produced 
tunics  and  cloaks  of  great  fineness  and  beauty, 
often  almost  covered  with  thin  gold  and  silver 
plates,  with  borders  of  blue  and  yellow  feathers. 

We  conclude  from  the  ruins  of  their  buildings, 
their  works  of  art,  and  the  vast  treasure  that  has 
been  found,  that  the  Chimu  kept  a  court  of 


216  RELIGION  OF  THE  CHIMU 

extraordinary  magnificence,  and  that  his  subjects, 
though  working  hard,  lived  in  abundance  and 
comfort. 

There  is  only  one  account  of  the  religion  of 
these  people,  written  by  Antonio  de  la  Calancha, 
in  his  '  Coronica  Moralizada  del  Orden  de  San 
Agustin/  l  Calancha  was  prior  of  the  Augustines 
at  Truxillo  in  1619,  eighty  years  after  the  Spanish 
conquest,  when  traditions  still  lingered  among  the 
people.  He  says  that  the  Chimu  worshipped  the 
moon,  called  Si,  as  the  principal  god,  because  it 
ruled  the  elements  and  caused  the  tempests.  The 
temple  of  the  moon  was  called  Si  An.  They  held 
that  the  moon  was  more  powerful  than  the  sun 
because  the  latter  did  not  appear  in  the  night, 
while  the  moon  appears  both  by  day  and  night. 
Sacrifices  were  offered  to  the  moon,  consisting,  on 
great  occasions,  of  children  wrapped  in  coloured 
cloths,  with  chicha  and  fruits.  Devotion  was  also 
shown  to  some  of  the  stars.  The  ocean,  called  Ni, 
received  worship  and,  apparently,  sacrifices ;  as 
well  as  the  earth,  Vis.  Prayers  were  offered  up 
to  one  for  fish,  and  to  the  other  for  good  harvests, 
with  offerings  of  flour  of  white  maize.  Certain  rocks 
were  also  objects  of  veneration,  called  Alespong. 

The  Si  An,  or  temple  of  the  moon,  was  to  the 
south,  near  the  banks  of  the  river  Muchi.  It  is  a 
rectangular  structure,  800  feet  by  470,  covering 
seven  acres,  with  a  height  of  200  feet.  It  is  built 
of  large  adobes.  It  consists  of  a  level  area  400  feet 

l  Lib.  II.  cap.  xi.  p.  371 ;   cap.  xxxv.  p.  484.     Lib.  III.  cap.  i. 
pp,  545,  552,  556. 


CEMETERIES  217 

by  350,  and  100  feet  above  the  plain,  beyond 
which  rises  a  pyramid  of  nine  stages  or  terraces, 
200  feet  square.  On  the  other  side  of  the 
pyramid,  which  is  the  highest  part,  there  is  a 
platform  80  feet  lower,  and  another  lower  still. 
The  mass  of  adobes  is  probably  solid.1  Here 
were  performed  the  great  religious  ceremonies. 
The  gorgeous  processions  issued  from  the  palace 
and  proceeded  to  the  temple  of  the  moon.  There 
were  the  musicians  with  their  instruments,  the 
minstrels  and  singers,  the  warriors  with  their  long 
laaces  and  plumed  head-dresses  showing  distinctive 
ranks,  the  priests  and  courtiers,  and  the  Chimu 
himself  in  his  litter,  wearing  the  jewelled  diadem 
and  clothed  in  robes  of  fine  cotton  covered  with 
gold  plates,  and  bordered  with  fringes  of  bright- 
coloured  feathers. 

Calancha  tells  us  that  the  physicians,  called 
Oquetlupitc,  effected  their  cures  with  herbs,  and 
were  much  venerated,  but  their  punishment,  when 
a  patient  died  owing  to  their  neglect  or  ignorance, 
was  death.  He  gives  us  no  details  respecting 
their  cemeteries  and  methods  of  sepulture,  although 
this  is  a  most  important  point.  Like  the  Incas, 
the  Chimus  thought  it  a  sacred  duty  to  preserve 
the  bodies  of  the  deceased  as  mummies,  and  to 
bury  with  them  their  most  valued  possessions.  To 
this  practice  we  owe  the  discovery  of  so  many 
hundreds  of  specimens  of  their  beautiful  works  of 

i  Passages  and  chambers  are  supposed  to  exist,  and  it  is  said 
that  there  is  a  vault  containing  the  body  of  the  mightiest  of  the 
Chimu  princes,  and  the  Peje  grande. 


218        CEMETERIES— IRRIGATION  WORKS 

art.  Quite  recently  Mr.  Myring  has  discovered  a 
great  cemetery  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  above 
the  Chicama  valley,  and  has  brought  to  England 
a  magnificent  collection  of  pottery  and  of  gold  and 
silver  ornaments.  The  islands  off  the  coast,  called 
Guanape  l  and  Macabi,  were  looked  upon  as  sacred 
cemeteries,  and  had  been  so  used  for  more  than 
a  thousand  years.  Besides  pottery  and  other  works 
of  art,  numerous  mummies  have  been  found  at 
various  depths,2  all  females,  and  all  headless.  It 
would  seem  that  they  were  the  victims  of  sacrifices 
in  remote  times. 

Cemeteries  have  been  found  in  all  parts  of  the 
coast.  There  are  also  very  interesting  ruins  in 
the  valleys  to  the  south  of  Truxillo,  all  of  the  same 
character,  and  imposing  irrigation  works.  Squier 
describes  a  vast  reservoir  in  a  lateral  valley  among 
the  hills,  whence  water  was  supplied  to  the  fields 
of  the  Nepena  valley.  This  reservoir  was  three- 
quarters  of  a  mile  long  and  half  a  mile  wide,  with  a 
massive  stone  dam  across  the  gorge,  eighty  feet 
thick  at  the  base,  between  the  rocky  hills.  The 
reservoir  was  supplied  by  two  channels,  one  starting 

1  Guanape,  8°  30'  S.,  78°  58'  W. 

2  The  height  of  the  mass  of  guano  deposit  on  these  islands  was 
730  feet  in  many  places,  and  the  antiquities  have  been  found  at  a 
depth  of  100  feet.     The  accumulation  of  guano  is  calculated  at  ten 
feet  in  four  centuries,  100  feet  in  4000  years.      Articles  found  at 
40  feet  must,  on  this  estimate  of  the  time  taken  for  the  deposits, 
have  been  there  for  1600  yeara.     It  is  now  doubted  whether  the 
deposits  can  possibly  be  due  entirely  to  the  excreta  of  birds.     The 
deposits  are  regularly  stratified.     But  no  other  explanation  has  been 
forthcoming. 


MOCHICA  GRAMMAR  219 

fourteen  miles  up  the  gorge,  the  other  coming  from 
springs  five  miles  distant.  There  were  houses  in 
the  valleys  with  richly  painted  walls  raised  on 
terraces,  verandahs  covered  with  passion-flower 
plants  yielding  refreshing  fruit,  gardens  and  culti- 
vated land  extending  to  the  seashore,  dark 
algaroba  woods,  and  a  background  of  snowy 
mountains.  All  this  leaves  an  impression  of  luxury 
bordering  on  effeminacy,  but  it  is  qualified  by  the 
very  numerous  representations,  on  their  pottery, 
of  warriors  armed  to  the  teeth.  It  is  true  that 
sdme  of  the  things  that  are  modelled  in  clay  give 
a  low  idea  of  the  moral  character  of  the  people. 

The  language,  called  MOCHICA  by  Bishop  Ore,1 
has  been  preserved  in  a  grammar  and  vocabularies, 
though  as  a  spoken  tongue  it  has  long  been  extinct. 
We  are  indebted  to  the  priest,  Fernando  de  la 
Carrera,  for  the  grammar.  He  was  a  great-grand- 
son of  one  of  the  Spanish  conquerors,  Pedro 
Gonzalez  de  la  Carrera,  and  was  brought  up  at 
Lambayeque,  where  he  learnt  the  language  in  his 
childhood.  It  is  so  excessively  difficult,  especially 
the  pronunciation,  that  no  grown-up  person  could 
learn  it.  Fernando  de  la  Carrera  eventually 
became  cura  of  Eeque,  near  Chiclayo,  and  here  he 

1  Rituale  sen  Manuale  Peruanum  juxta  ordinem  Sanctce  Romance 
ecclesioe  per  R.  P.  F.  Ludavicum  Hieronimum  Orerum  (Neapoli,  1607). 
Bishop  Ore  was  a  native  of  Guamanga,  in  Peru,  and  was  an  indefatig- 
able missionary.  He  gives  the  Lord's  Prayer  in  Mochica.  The 
word  resembles  Muchi,  the  name  of  the  river.  I  am  inclined  to 
think  that  Mochica  was  the  name  of  the  people  whose  sovereign 
was  the  Chimu. 


220  LANGUAGES  OF  THE  COAST 

composed  his  grammar,  calling  the  language  YUNCA, 
which  is  the  Quichua  name  for  the  people  of  the 
coast,  the  MOCHICA  of  Ore.  It  was  printed  at 
Lima  in  1644,  and  is  very  rare.  There  is  a  copy 
in  the  British  Museum  which  belonged  to  Ternaux 
Compans.  William  Humboldt  had  a  manuscript 
copy  made,  which  is  at  Berlin.  There  is  one  copy 
in  Peru,  belonging  to  Dr.  Villar,  for  which  he 
gave  £25.  We  are,  therefore,  deeply  indebted  to 
Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  for  having  recently  edited 
a  reprint.  Dr.  Middendorf  has  also  translated 
and  edited  Carrera's  grammar,  adding  several 
vocabularies  and  words  collected  at  Eten.1  It  was 
in  this  little  coast  village,  where  the  people  were 
famous  for  their  manufacture  of  straw  hats,  that  the 
Mochica  language  lingered  down  to  recent  times. 

There  was  another  language  in  the  northern 
coast  valleys,  which  Calancha  calls  Sec.  In  1863 
Mr.  Spruce  collected  thirty-seven  words  of  this 
language,  then  still  spoken  at  Golan,  Sechura,  and 
Catacaos.  They  have  not  the  remotest  resem- 
blance to  equivalent  words  in  the  Mochica,  Chibcha, 
or  Atacama  languages.2 

The  Mochica  language  is  entirely  different  from 
Quichua,  both  as  regards  words  and  grammatical 
construction.  It  has  three  declensions  depending 
on  the  termination  of  the  noun  in  a  consonant, 

1  Das  Muchik  oder  Chimu  sprache  von  Dr.  E.  W.  Middendorf 
(Leipzig,  1892). 

2  Chibcha,  now  extinct,  was  the  language  of  the  civilised  people 
of  Colombia.     Atacama,  also   now  extinct,  was  spoken  by  tribes 
in  the  southern  part  of  the  coast  of  Peru. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  CHIMU  UNKNOWN       221 

two  consonants,  or  a  vowel.  The  adjective  precedes 
the  substantive,  and  the  pronouns  precede  the 
verb.  The  roots  of  the  tenses  remain  unaltered, 
the  conjugating  being  effected  by  pronouns,  and 
the  passive  voice  by  the  verbs  substantive,  of  which 
there  are  two.  Prepositions  come  after  the  noun. 
The  vocabulary  is  fairly  abundant,  and  there  is  a 
sufficiency  of  nouns  and  verbs  for  the  expression 
of  abstract  ideas. 

We  know  nothing  of  the  origin  of  the  Chimu 
and  his  people.  Not  the  vestige  of  a  tradition  has 
co;ne  down  to  us.  All  their  designs  and  ornaments 
refer  to  their  environment.  There  is  nothing  which 
points  to  a  foreign  origin.  Their  civilisation  appears 
to  have  been  developed  by  themselves  without 
outside  contact,  in  the  course  of  many  centuries. 
Yet  the  temple  of  the  moon  on  the  Muchi  river, 
and  the  great  pyramids,  remind  us  of  similar  Maya 
works.  If  there  was  communication  it  was  by 
sea,  and  at  some  very  remote  period.  There  is 
one  coast  tradition  referring  not  to  the  Chimu,  but 
to  one  of  his  feudatories,  the  chief  of  Lambayeque, 
to  the  north.  It  is  related  by  Miguel  Cavello 
Balboa  in  his  work  entitled  '  Miscelanea  Austral/ 
This  cavalier,  after  serving  as  a  soldier  in  the 
French  wars,  became  an  ecclesiastic,  and  went  to 
South  America  in  1566.  He  wrote  his  work, 
apparently  at  Quito,  between  1576  and  1586.  * 

i  A  French  translation  of  Balboa  was  published  by  Ternaux 
Compans  in  1840.  The  original  Spanish  manuscript  has  never 
been  edited,  and  I  believe  its  present  locality  is  unknown. 


222  ARRIVAL  OF  STRANGERS 

Balboa  tells  us  that,  a  long  time  ago,  a  great 
fleet  of  boats  came  from  the  north  under  the 
command  of  a  very  able  and  valiant  chief  named 
Naymlap,  with  his  wife  Ceterni.  The  emigration 
may  have  been  from  the  coast  called  by  the  Span- 
iards Esmeraldas,  or  from  further  north.  Naymlap 
was  accompanied  by  eight  officers  of  his  household  : 
his  purveyor,  Fongasigde  ;  his  cook,  Ochocalo  ;  his 
trumpeter  and  singer,  Pitazofi  and  NingenLue ; 
his  litter  bearer,  Ninacolla ;  his  perfumer,  Xam ; 
his  bath  man  Ollopcopoc ;  and  Llapchilulli,  his 
worker  in  feathers.  The  chief  landed  at  the  mouth 
of  a  river  called  Faquisllanga,  where  he  built  a 
temple  called  Chot,  in  which  he  placed  an  idol  he 
had  brought  with  him,  made  of  a  green  stone, 
and  called  Llampallec,  whence  the  name  of 
Lambayeque.  Naymlap  died  after  a  long  reign, 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Cium,  married  to 
a  lady  named  Zolzdoni.  After  a  long  reign  Cium 
shut  himself  up  in  an  underground  vault  to  die 
and  conceal  his  death  from  the  people,  who  thought 
him  immortal.  A  list  of  eight  other  kings  is  given, 
the  last  of  the  dynasty  being  Tempellec.  This 
unfortunate  prince  wanted  to  take  the  idol  out  of 
Chot  when  an  unheard-of  thing  happened.  It 
began  to  rain,  and  the  deluge  continued  for  a 
month,  followed  by  a  year  of  sterility  and  famine. 
The  priests,  knowing  of  the  conduct  of  Tempellec 
with  regard  to  Chot,  looked  upon  him  as  the  cause 
of  the  calamity.  So  they  put  him  into  the  sea, 
with  his  feet  and  wrists  tied.  Lambayeque 


INCA  CONQUEST  OF  THE  CHIMU          223 

submitted  to  the  Chimu,  with  the  other  valleys  ruled 
by  descendants  of  Naymlap.  Llapchilulli,  the 
feather  worker  to  Naymlap,  was  a  f avourite  of  that 
chief,  who  gave  him  the  valley  of  Jayanca,  where 
his  descendants  reigned  for  several  generations. 

Soon  after  the  extinction  of  the  Naymlap 
dynasty  the  Inca  invasions  began.  Authorities 
differ.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  says  that  the  Inca 

o  •/ 

army  advanced  along  the  coast  from  the  south, 
with  a  large  contingent  of  allies.    Each  valley  was 
desperately  defended,  yet  the  army  of  the  Chimu 
was  obliged  to  retreat  fighting,  and  at  length  the 
great  chief  was  forced  to  submit.    Sarmiento  makes 
the  Inca  army  descend  from  the  mountains  round 
Caxamarca,    subdue    the    Chimu,    and   carry    off 
treasure  to  a  vast  amount.      Balboa  tells  us  that 
the  Incas  had  many  conflicts  with  the  Chimu,  but 
that  the  details  are  forgotten.     We  learn  from 
Montesinos  that  the  Incas  finally  prevailed  over 
the  Chimu  by  cutting  off  his  water  supply.     It  is 
certain  that  the  Chimu  submitted.    He  was  visited 
by  the  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac,  large  numbers  of 
artisans  were  sent  to  Cuzco,  and  a  military  road 
was  made  over  the  valleys  and  deserts  of  the  coast. 
This  was  about  four  generations  before  the  arrival 
of  the  Spaniards,  when  Cieza  de  Leon  saw  and 
described  the  Inca  roads  and  buildings.     In  the 
height  of  their  power  the  Chimu  must  have  had  con- 
siderable trade.     Wool  and  metals  came  from  the 
mountains ;  chonta,  palm  wood,  bamboo,  parrots, 
monkeys    and    other    animals    from    the    eastern 


224  ARRIVAL  OF  SPANIARDS 

forests ;  emeralds  and  other  precious  commodities 
from  the  northern  coast. 

The  valleys  to  the  north  submitted  to  the  Inca 
without  any  contest,  except  from  the  Penachis, 
a  savage  tribe  living  on  the  flanks  of  the  mountains. 
The  chief  of  Jayanca  was  suspected  of  complicity 
with  them,  and  was  sent  a  prisoner  to  Cuzco,  where 
he  lingered  for  many  years.  At  length  his  son 
obtained  his  release,  but  he  died  on  the  way  back. 
The  body  was  embalmed  and  sent  to  Jayanca. 
The  chief  of  Lambayeque,  named  Esquen  Pisan, 
was  summoned  to  Cuzco  by  the  Inca  Huascar. 
He  went  willingly,  because  he  was  in  love  with  a 
young  lady  of  the  coast,  who  was  a  maid  of  honour 
to  the  widow  of  Huayna  Ccapac.  Her  name  was 
Chestan  Xecfuin.  The  young  chief  of  Lam- 
bayeque sought  for  his  love  and  found  her.  They 
were  united  and,  on  their  way  back,  she  gave 
birth  to  a  son,  who  received  the  name  of  Cuzco 
Chumpi. 

Then  the  Spaniards  under  Pizarro  appeared 
on  the  scene,  leaving  Tumbez  on  their  march 
southwards  on  May  16,  1532.  Pizarro  came  to 
the  river  Chira  at  Amotape,  where  he  burnt  two 
chiefs  and  some  other  Indians.  He  founded  his 
town  of  San  Miguel  at  Tangarara,  on  the  Chira 
river,  afterwards  removed  to  Piura.  He  was  at 
Pocheos,  Zaran  in  the  Piura  valley,  Copiz  and 
Motupe,  eventually  reaching  Cinto  in  the  valley 
of  the  river  Leche.  Xecfuin  Pisan,  the  chief  of 
Lambayeque,  wished  to  submit  to  what  appeared 


225 

inevitable,  but  the  people  were  infuriated.  They 
burnt  down  his  house,  and  he  perished  in  the 
flames.  His  son  Cuzco  Chumpi  submitted,  and 
was  baptised  with  the  name  of  Pedro.  We  hear 
also  of  his  son,  Don  Martin  Farro  Chumpi.  Pizarro 
rested  at  La  Mamada  in  the  valley  of  Jequetepeque, 
and  marched  thence  up  the  mountains  to  Caxa- 
marca,  which  place  he  reached  on  November  15, 
1532.  In  1535  the  conqueror  was  again  in  these 
coast  valleys.  He  founded  the  city  of  Truxillo, 
named  after  his  old  home  in  Spain,  close  to  the 
city  of  the  Chimu  in  8°  6'  S.,  and  Balboa  tells  us 
that  Pizarro  was  much  struck  by  the  grandeur  and 
beauty  of  the  edifices  constructed  by  the  ancient 
kings.  But  he  came  as  a  fell  destroyer.  The 
cruelty  of  the  Spaniards  extinguished  the  ancient 
Chimu  civilisation  before  even  a  few  years  had 
passed.  Cieza  de  Leon  tells  us  of  the  rapid  depopu- 
lation of  the  valleys,  and  in  his  time  vast  tracts 
were  becoming  waste  for  want  of  people  to  cultivate 
the  land.  The  census  of  the  Piura  valley  alone, 
made  by  order  of  Dr.  Loaysa,  the  first  Archbishop 
of  Lima,  showed  a  population  of  193,000  Indians. 
In  1785  it  was  44,497,  and  these  chiefly  negroes. 
The  race  is  now  practically  extinct.  The  brilliant 
conceptions,  the  masterly  execution,  the  untiring 
industry,  the  wealth  and  magnificence,  all  passed 
away  and  are  forgotten.1 

i  The  chief  of  Mansiche,  baptised  in  1550  with  the  name  of  Don 
Antonio  Chayhuac,  is  said  to  have  been  a  descendant  of  the  Chimu. 
His  descendants  were  living  in  Lima  in  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth 

Q 


226  CHIMU  CIVILISATION 

Yet  the  story  of  the  coast  civilisation  of  the 
Chimu  is  worthy  of  being  rehabilitated.  There 
should  be  a  thorough  examination  and  study  of 
the  Mochica  language  ;  an  exhaustive  classification 
of  Chimu  works  of  art  in  public  museums  and 
private  collections  ;  a  knowledge  of  all  the  authori- 
ties ;  and  scientific  plans  of  all  the  ruins.  From 
the  works  of  art  alone  a  fairly  complete  idea 
may  be  obtained  of  the  conditions  of  life,  the 
manners  and  customs,  even  the  legends  and 
religious  ideas  of  the  extinct  people.  The  result 
would  be  the  rehabilitation  of  an  ancient  people 
whose  history  would  be  quite  as  interesting,  and  in 
some  respects  even  more  curious,  than  the  histories 
of  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico,  or  the  Chibchas  of  Bogota. 

century. — Feijoo,  Edacion  de  la  ciudad  de  Truxitto  (Madrid,  1763), 
pp.  25  and  85.     Balboa,  p.  73  (n). 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE   CHINCHA  CONFEDERACY 

THE  territory  of  the  Chimu  ended  to  the  south  at 
Paramunca,  in  10°  51'  S.  The  coast  thence  to 
latitude  about  15°S.  includes  the  perennially  watered 
valleys  of  Huara,  Chancay,  Caravayllo,  Bimac, 
Lurin,  Mala,  Huarcu,  Chincha,  Pisco,  Yea,  Bio 
Grande,  comprising  five  valleys  converging  into 
one,  and  Nasca,  with  deserts  between  them. 
There  are  also  a  few  inhabited  valleys  with  water- 
courses coming  from  outside  the  region  of  regular 
rains,  such  as  Chilca  and  Asia.1  The  irrigated 
valleys  supported  a  dense  population  in  ancient 
times,  the  chiefs  of  each  valley  being  independent, 
though  acting  together  as  a  confederacy  for 
certain  purposes. 

There  are  reasons  for  the  conclusion  that  these 
more  southern  valleys  had  also  been  inhabited 
from  a  very  remote  period.  On  the  island  of  San 
Lorenzo,  opposite  to  the  mouth  of  the  Bimac, 
Darwin  found  the  same  shells  as  occur  in  the  ocean 
at  the  present  time,  at  a  height  of  85  feet,  and 
with  them  the  evidence  of  man's  existence, 

i  Formerly  Asyac. 

227  Q  2 


228     PEOPLING  OF  COAST  VALLEYS 

including  cobs  of  Indian  corn  and  cotton  twine. 
The  depth  at  which  ancient  relics  have  been 
found  in  the  deposits  of  guano  on  the  Chincha 
Islands  has  been  considered  as  another  proof  of 
the  very  remote  period  when  there  were  inhabitants 
in  these  coast  valleys.  There  is,  however,  some 
reason  to  doubt  the  cogency  of  this  argument.1  Still 
the  evidence,  especially  that  given  by  Darwin,  is 
in  favour  of  the  peopling  of  these  valleys  from 
a  very  remote  antiquity. 

Whence,  then,  did  these  coast  people  originally 
come  ?  I  believe  that  the  mountains  of  the  maritime 
cordillera,  with  their  gorges  and  ravines  opening 
on  the  coast  valleys,  answer  the  question.  In  a 
former  chapter  we  have  seen  that  the  mountain 
fastnesses  of  Huarochiri,  Yauyos,  and  Lucanas 
overlook  the  coast,  and  were  inhabited  by  hardy 
tribes  of  mountaineers  speaking  a  dialect  of 
Quichua.  From  remote  antiquity  they  descended 
into  the  coast  valleys  and  multiplied  exceedingly, 
being  periodically  recruited  from  the  mountains. 

We  have  no  history,  barely  a  tradition,  to 
throw  any  light  on  these  coast  people — nothing 
but  the  confused  side-light  thrown  by  their  ruins 
and  the  contents  of  their  tombs.  Touching  their 
superstitions  and  religious  beliefs  we  have  a  little 
more,  due  to  the  fact  that  two  or  three  priests, 

i  Mr,  Squier  argues  that  articles  may  have  been  buried  in  the 
guano  at  considerable  depths,  also  that  they  may  have  been  placed 
on  the  surface  and  have  fallen  down  to  an  apparent  great  depth 
with  the  disintegration  of  the  material  in  course  of  removal,  and 
thus  appear  to  have  been  deposited  there. 


HUACAS  ON  THE  COAST  229 

commissioned  to  extirpate  idolatry,  prepared 
interesting  reports  which  have  fortunately  been 
preserved. 

The  former  density  of  the  population  is  shown 
by  the  irrigation  works,  and  also  by  the  fact  that 
the  ruins  of  ancient  villages  are  found  on  the  skirts 
of  the  mountains  and  deserts,  and  not  within  the 
valleys,  so  as  to  reserve  every  square  foot  for 
cultivation.  The  chiefs,  however,  formed  their 
strongholds  in  the  centre  of  their  dominions.  These 
consisted  of  huge  mounds,  or  huaeas,  as  the  ruins  are 
now  called.  In  the  great  valley  of  the  Rimac, 
where  now  stand  the  city  of  Lima  and  the  sea- 
port of  Callao,  as  well  as  in  the  other  valleys,  there 
are  several  of  these  vast  mounds  built  of  large 
adobes.  The  interiors  were  used  as  places  of 
sepulture.  On  the  platform,  raised  high  above  the 
plain,  was  the  chief's  palace,  made  defensible, whence 
the  cultivated  lands  could  be  overlooked  and  the 
approach  of  an  enemy  discerned.  At  the  foot  of 
these  mounds  there  are  the  ruins  of  barracks  occupied 
by  the  followers  and  attendants  of  the  chief. 

The  pottery  and  other  works  of  art  found  in  the 
tombs  are  exceedingly  interesting,  and  show  that 
commercial  intercourse  existed  between  the  Mochi- 
cas  and  the  most  southern  coast  dwellers.  The 
Chimu  influence  is  apparent.  The  most  interesting 
relics  are  those  brought  to  our  knowledge  by  Reiss 
and  Stiibel  in  their  beautifully  illustrated  work 
recording  the  results  of  their  excavations  at  Ancon, 
to  the  north  of  Lima.  Besides  the  mummies  and 


230  HUAROCHIRI  MYTHS 

pottery,  and  warlike  implements,  there  were  cotton 
cloths  worked  in  various  patterns,  the  work- 
baskets  of  ladies  with  their  sewing  and  spinning 
articles,  and  even  dolls  and  other  playthings  for 
children.  In  the  more  southern  valleys  the  dis- 
coveries of  pottery  and  other  relics  in  the  places 
of  sepulture  have  been  very  numerous.  In  the 
valley  of  Yea  I  also  found  a  stone  vase  with  two 
serpents  carved  round  it.  In  the  Nasca  valley,  in 
the  far  south,  a  number  of  specimens  of  painted 
pottery  have  recently  been  discovered,  which  are 
believed  to  be  very  ancient.  But  all  are  inferior 
to  the  Chimu  works  of  art,  both  in  design  and 
workmanship. 

Some  curious  mythological  fables,  belonging  as 
much  to  the  coast  valleys  as  to  the  adjacent 
mountainous  province  of  Huarochiri,  have  been 
preserved  by  Dr.  Francisco  Avila,  the  cura  of  San 
Damian,  in  Huarochiri,  in  1608.  This  province  of 
Huarochiri,  with  its  lofty  mountain  ranges,  is 
drained  by  the  rivers  Eimac  and  Lurin.  It  appears 
that  the  tradition  of  the  people  was  that  in  the 
Purun-pacha,  or  most  remote  times,  the  land  of 
Huarochiri  was  yunca,  that  is  to  say  that  it  had  a 
climate  similar  to  the  coast  valleys.  The  tradition 
seems  to  point  to  a  period  before  the  Andes  were 
raised  to  their  present  elevation. 

These  people,  who  spoke  a  dialect  of  Quichua, 
preserved  a  tradition,  handed  down  to  them  from 
the  megalithic  age,  of  the  supreme  god  of  Pirua, 
the  '  UIRA-COCHA/  To  his  name  they  attached  the 


HUAROCHIRI  MYTHS  231 

words  '  CcoNi-RAYAC/1  meaning  '  appertaining  to 
heat/  They  addressed  him  as  '  Cconi-rayac  Uira- 
cocha/  saying,  *  Thou  art  Lord  of  all  ;  thine  are 
the  crops,  thine  are  all  the  people/ 

Yet  with  all  their  reverence  for  the  Deity,  they 
told  grotesque  mythological  stories  about  him.  In 
one  of  these  there  was  a  virgin  goddess  whom  he 
caused  to  conceive  by  dropping  before  her  the 
fruit  from  a  lucma  tree.2  To  her  own  astonish- 
ment the  goddess,  whose  name  was  Cavillaca,3 
gave  birth  to  a  son.  She  assembled  all  the  huacas 
(gods)  to  see  who  was  the  father,  by  the  test  of  the 
child  recognising  him.  Uira-cocha  came  as  a 
wretched  mendicant.  The  child  went  at  once  to 
the  beggar  as  his  father.  Cavillaca  was  ashamed 
and  enraged  at  being  supposed  to  have  connection 
with  any  one  so  despicable.  She  snatched  up  the 
child  and  fled  towards  the  sea.  Uira-cocha  resumed 
his  godlike  form  and,  clothed  in  golden  robes,  he 
ran  after  her.  His  splendour  illuminated  the  whole 
country,  and  he  cried  to  her  to  turn  and  look  at  him, 
but  she  rather  increased  her  speed,  disdaining  to 
look  on  such  a  vile  and  filthy  creature.  She  was 
soon  out  of  sight,  and  when  she  reached  the  shore 
of  Pachacamac  she  entered  the  sea  with  her  child. 
They  were  turned  into  two  rocky  islets,  which  may 

1  Cconi,  heat  in  Quichua ;   rayac  is  a  particle,  meaning  '  that 
which  appertains  to.1 

2  Caballeria  latifolia  (R.P.). 

3  Cavi  means  a  small  kind  of  oca  (Oxalis   tuberose) ;   llaca,  a, 
diminutive  particle. 


232  HUAROCHIRI  MYTHS 

still  be  seen.     Uira-cocha  continued  the  pursuit, 
asking  several  animals,  as  lie  passed  them,  whether 
the  goddess  was  near  or  far  off.     These  were  a 
condor,  a  skunk,  a  lion,  a  fox,  a  falcon,  and  a  parrot. 
The  condor  said  he  had  seen  the  goddess  pass, 
and  that  if  Uira-cocha  went  a  little  faster  he 
would    catch    her.     So    Uira-cocha    blessed    the 
condor  and  promised  great  powers  of  flight  to 
all  future  condors.    He  then  met  the  skunk,  who 
replied  to  his  question  that  Cavillaca  was  far  away 
and  that  he  could  never  overtake  her.     So  Uira- 
cocha  cursed  the  skunk,1  and  condemned  it  to 
have  a  strong  scent  so  as  to  be  easily  caught. 
The  lion's3  reply  was  favourable,  so  the  king  of 
beasts  received  a  blessing.     He  was  to  be  respected 
and  feared  in  life,  feeding  on  the  llamas  of  sinners, 
and  after  his  death  his  skin,  with  the  head,  was 
to  be  honoured  by  being  worn  by  men  at  great 
festivals.    Uira-cocha  next  met  a  fox,3  who  told 
him  that  his  running  was  useless.     The  fox's  curse 
was  that  he  would  be  hunted  during  life,  and  that 
his   skin   would   be    despised    after   death.     The 
cheering  answer  of  the  falcon*  secured  for  him 
a  great  blessing.     He  was  to  breakfast  on  delicious 
little  birds,  and  after  death  festive  dancers  were 
to  honour  his  skin  by  wearing  it  as  a  head-dress. 
Lastly,  some  parrots  gave  him  bad  news,  and  the 
curse  upon  them  was  that  in  feeding  they  should 
never  be  safe,for  their  own  cries  would  betray  them. 
These  talks  with  the  birds  and  beasts  on  the 

i  Anas,  2  Puma.  s  Atoc.  4  Huaman. 


TEMPLE  OF  PACHACAMAC  233 

road  must  have  delayed  the  god  a  good  deal,  so 
that  when  at  last  he  reached  the  seashore  he  found 
that  Cavillaca  and  her  child  were  turned  into 
rocks  in  the  offing.  Uira-cocha  walked  along  the 
seashore  until  he  met  two  young  daughters  of  the 
fish  god  Pachacamac,  but  they  flew  away  from  him  in 
the  shape  of  doves.  For  this  reason  their  mother, 
who  had  gone  to  visit  Cavillaca,  now  turned  to 
a  rock,  was  called  Urpi-huachac,  or  the  '  mother  of 
doves/  Uira-cocha  was  angry,  and  looked  about 
to  see  how  he  could  injure  her.  In  those  days 
there  were  no  fishes  in  the  sea.  But  Urpi-huachac 
reared  some  in  a  pond  ;  so  the  enraged  god  emptied 
all  the  fish  into  the  sea,  and  from  them  all  the  fishes 
that  are  now  in  the  sea  were  propagated.  This 
tradition  was  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the  people,  and 
in  Avila's  time  the  condor,  falcon,  and  lion  were 
looked  upon  as  sacred,  and  were  never  killed. 
Avila  knew  of  a  condor  which  lived  under  the  bridge 
at  the  village  of  San  Damian  for  many  years  after 
it  was  too  old  to  fly.  The  diligent  priest  has 
preserved  several  other  mythological  legends. 

The  temple  of  Pachacamac  was  dedicated  to 
a  fish  god,  and  is  alluded  to  in  this  legend  of 
Cavillaca.  An  immense  mound  of  stones  and 
adobes  rises  to  a  height  of  200  feet,  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river  Lurin,  near  the  seashore.  It 
stands  on  the  frontier  line,  with  the  fertile  valley  of 
Lurin  on  one  side  and  the  sandy  desert  on  the 
other.  The  temple  is  built  in  three  wide  terraces, 
with  a  platform  on  the  summit.  The  side-walls 


234  TEMPLE  OF  PACHACAMAC 

are  supported   by  buttresses,   but  the  buildings 
on  the  terraces  and  on  the  platform  have  been 
destroyed.      The    god    gave    out    oracles    which 
attracted  many  people  from  great  distances.     The 
Incas  are  said  to  have  consulted  it.    Hence  a 
large  town  sprang  up  to  the  east  of  the  temple,  and 
the  worship  of  the  creator  Uira-cocha  was  super- 
seded by  that  of  the  fish  god  Pachacamac.     The 
site  of  the  temple  was  very  grand  and  the  view  was 
imposing    from    the    platform,    with    the    bright 
green  of  the  Lurin  valley  on  one  side,  the  desert 
on  the  other,  and  the  lofty  mountains  of  Huaro- 
chiri  in  the  rear.     The  view  in  front,  of  the  Pacific 
Ocean,  with  the  sun  setting  behind  the  rocks  which 
were  once  Cavillaca  and  her  child,  is  very  grand. 
But  the  fish  god  and  its  oracle  lost  their  fame 
and   importance  after  the  conquest  by  the  Incas. 
It  was  January  30,  1533,  when  Hernando  Pizarro, 
and  the  recorder  of  his  journey,  Miguel  Astete, 
reached  the  temple  of  Pachacamac.     Astete  tells 
us  that  an  idol  of  wood  was  found  in  a  good,  well- 
painted  building  which  the  people  looked  upon  as 
their   creator   and    sustainer.     Offerings    of   gold 
were  placed  before  it,  and  no  one  was  allowed 
to  enter  the  temple  except  the  officiating  priests. 
Hernando  Pizarro  caused  the  temple  to  be  pulled 
down  and  the  idol  to  be  broken  and  burnt  before 
all  the  people.     The  Inca,  after  the  conquest  of 
these  coast  valleys,  had  built  a  temple  to  the  sun 
on  the  upper  platform.     But  great  part  of  the 
town  was  in  ruins,  and  most  of  the  outer  wall 


THE  CHINCHA  CONFEDERACY  235 

had  fallen,  an  indication  that  the  fish  god  and  its 
oracle  had  lost  their  importance  under  the  Incas. 
Astete  tells  us  that  the  name  of  the  principal  chief 
was  Tauri-chumbi.  Because  this  idol  was  called 
Pachacamac  an  erroneous  idea  has  prevailed  that 
the  Supreme  Being  was  worshipped  at  this  place. 
Pacha  means  the  earth,  and  Camac,  maker  or  creator. 
The  name  was  given  to  their  chief  idol  and  oracle, 
but  there  is  no  valid  reason  for  the  conjecture  that 
it  conveyed  any  abstract  belief  in  a  Supreme  Being. 
On  the  contrary,  the  coast  people  had  degraded 
the  primitive  and  pure  religion  of  megalithic  times 
into  a  mass  of  legendary  lore,  and  a  system  of 
local  image  worship  combined  with  divination, 
soothsaying,  and  sorcery. 

Father  Pablo  Joseph  de  Arriaga,  a  Jesuit, 
was  busily  employed,  like  Avila,  in  the  extirpation 
of  idolatry  on  the  coast  and  in  Conchucos,  and 
his  report  to  the  Eoyal  Council  of  the  Indies  was 
published  at  Lima  in  1621. ]  He  tells  us  that  each 
ayllu  had  an  idol  common  to  the  whole  tribe,  as 
well  as  special  idols  for  families,  with  sacrificial 
priests.  The  people  long  clung  to  their  custom 
of  preserving  the  bodies  of  their  relations  in  rocky 
or  desert  places,  even  taking  them  from  the  church- 
yards, where  the  curas  had  ordered  them  to  be 
buried,  in  the  dead  of  night.  They  said  that  they 
did  this  '  cuyaspa/  for  the  love  they  had  for  them. 

i  Extirpation  de  la  idolatria  de  Peru,  dirigido  al  Bey  N.  S.  en 
su  real  consejo  de  Indias  por  el  Padre  Pablo  Joseph  de  Arriaga  de  la 
Compania  de  Jesus  (Lima,  1621),  p.  137. 


236  COAST  SUPERSTITIONS 

On  festivals  they  assembled  by  ayllus,  each  one 
with  its  mummies,  offering  to  them  clothes, 
plumes,  jars,  vases,  skins  of  lions  and  deer,  shells 
and  other  things.  They  invoked  the  ocean  as 
Mamacocha,  especially  those  who  came  down 
from  the  mountains,  the  earth  as  Mamapacha  at 
seed-time,  to  yield  good  harvests,  the  Puquios  or 
fountains  when  water  was  scarce.  Hills  and 
rocks  were  worshipped  and  had  special  names, 
with  a  thousand  fables  about  their  having  once 
been  men  who  were  turned  into  stones.  Many 
huacas  (or  gods)  were  of  stone  carved  in  the  shape 
of  men,  women,  and  animals.  All  had  special 
names,  and  there  was  not  a  boy  in  the  ayllu  but 
knew  them.  Those  which  were  the  guardians 
of  the  villages  were  called  Marcaparac  or  Marca- 
charac.  Their  Penates  or  household  gods  were 
called  Conopa  or  Huasi-camayoc.  Large  stones 
in  fields  called  Chichic  or  Huanca,  and  other 
stones  in  the  irrigating  channels;  received  sacrifices. 
Then  there  were  the  Saramamas  and  Cocamamas, 
or  the  '  mother/  i.e.  representative  deity  of  sara 
(maize)  and  coca.  Besides  the  sacrificing  priests 
there  were  hosts  of  diviners  and  soothsayers. 
Arriaga  and  his  colleague  Avendano  boasted 
of  having  destroyed  603  huacas,  617  malquis 
(mummies),  3418  conopas,  189  huancas,  and  45 
mamasaras. 

The  coast  people  were  steeped  in  superstitious 
observances,  as  this  report  sufficiently  proves, 
but,  nevertheless,  they  were  laborious  and 


COAST  IRRIGATION  WORKS  237 

intelligent,  excellent  cultivators,  good  artisans  and, 
above  all,  admirable  contrivers  of  irrigation  works. 

The  finest  example  of  an  effective  irrigation 
system  is  that  enjoyed  by  the  valley  of  Nasca, 
which,  as  has  already  been  stated,  was  probably 
peopled  by  the  mountaineers  of  Lucanas.  Here 
was  a  tract  of  country  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains 
which  originally  only  received  a  precarious  supply 
of  water  from  the  coast  range.  Practically  it  was 
a  desert.  The  Lucanas  converted  it  into  a  garden. 
Of  all  the  earthly  paradises  in  which  Peru  abounds, 
Nasca  is  one  of  the  most  charming.  The  two  main 
channels  are  brought  from  the  mountains  by 
subterraneous  tunnels,  the  origins  of  which  are 
unknown.  They  continue  right  down  the  valley, 
and  smaller  channels  branch  from  them,  also 
subterraneous  in  their  upper  courses  but  coming  to 
the  surface  lower  down.  From  these  secondary 
channels  the  water  is  taken  off,  in  smaller  channels, 
to  irrigate  the  fields  and  gardens.  There  were 
similar  works  for  the  great  valleys  of  Rimac, 
Lurin,  Mala,  Huarcu  (Canete),  Chincha,  Pisco,  and 
Yea,  but  none  more  complete  and  scientifically 
designed  than  those  of  the  vale  of  Nasca. 

The  inhabitants  of  these  coast  valleys  appear 
to  have  had  the  generic  name  of  Chinchas,  from 
the  great  valley  of  Chincha,  originally  peopled 
by  the  mountaineers  of  Yauyos.  They  were  trained 
to  the  use  of  arms,  and  had  frequent  wars  with  the 
subjects  of  the  Chimu,  perhaps  also  among  them- 
selves. Their  conquest  by  the  Incas  took  place 


238  INCA  COAST  FORTRESSES 

before  that  of  the  Chimu.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega 
tells  us  that  there  was  desperate  resistance  in  the 
different  valleys,  the  Chinchas  forming  a  confederacy, 
and  that  they  were  not  subdued  until  after  several 
well-fought  campaigns.  The  name  of  their  principal 
leader  was  Cuis-mancu,  the  chief  of  the  Eimac 
valley.  After  they  were  at  length  subdued,  they 
joined  the  Incas  as  allies  in  the  war  against  the 
Chimu. 

The  Incas  erected  two  important  palace- 
fortresses  on  the  coast.  One  was  on  the  frontier 
between  the  Chinchas  and  Mochicas,  called  Para- 
manca.  It  was  an  extension  of  a  more  ancient 
work  built  by  the  Chimu,  and  is  described,  by 
both  ancient  and  modern  writers,  as  an  edifice 
of  imposing  appearance,  with  painted  walls.1 
The  other  Inca  stronghold  was  on  an  eminence 
with  precipitous  sides,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river 
now  called  Carlete.  It  consisted  of  two  blocks  of 
buildings  in  the  Inca  style  of  architecture,  one 
with  a  vast  hall  and  passages  opening  upon  one 
side,  leading  to  small  chambers.  Between  the  two 
blocks  of  buildings  there  was  an  open  space,  or  place 
d'armes,  overlooking  the  plain,  with  the  rapid  river 
washing  the  base  of  the  height.  The  place  is  now 
called  Hervay.2  It  was  designed  to  overawe  the 
great  valleys  of  Huarcu  (Canete)  and  Chincha. 
The  coast  valleys  continued  to  flourish  under 

1  Described  by  Cieza  de  Leon,  p.  247.    Proctor's  Travels,  p.  175. 
Squier. 

2  Described  by  Markham,  Cuzco  and  Lima. 


THE  SOUTHERN  VALLEYS  239 

the  Incas,  and  their  own  hereditary  chiefs  were 
confirmed  as  governors  under  the  Inca  system. 
When  Hernando  Pizarro  arrived  at  Pachacamac, 
in  January  1533,  most  of  these  hereditary  governors 
seem  to  have  sent  in  their  submission.1 

South  of  Nasca  the  valleys  do  not  appear  to  have 
had  either  an  early  history  or  a  dense  population. 
There  was  an  aboriginal  race  of  fishermen  called 
Changos,  and  the  Atacamas  far  to  the  south,  of 
whose  language  a  vocabulary  has  been  preserved. 
These  fishing  tribes  used  balsas  of  inflated  seal- 
skins. The  southern  valleys  were  eventually 
peopled  by  mitimaes,  or  colonists,  chiefly  from  the 
Collas.  Acari,3  the  next  valley  to  Nasca,  is  men- 
tioned by  several  early  writers,  and  may,  perhaps,  be 
included  in  the  Chincha  confederacy.  Next  came 
Atequipa,3  Atico,4  Ocona,5  Camana,6  and  Majes. 
Arequipa,  Moquegua,  and  Tacna,  with  its  port  of 
Arica,  were  occupied  by  Colla  colonists,  but  not, 
apparently,in  great  numbers  or  at  a  very  early  date. 

1  Astete  mentions  the  following  chiefs  who  came  to  Pachacamac 
or  sent  in  their  submission : 

Chief  of  Mala — Lincoto  ;  Guanchapaichu  ; 

Pachacamac — Taurichumbi ;  Colixa — Aci  ; 

Poax — Alincai ;  Sallicai-marca — Yspilo  ; 

Huarcu  (Ganete) — Guarili  ;  and  others. 

Chincha — Tamviambea ; 

2  Cieza  de  Leon,  28,  265 ;  G.  de  la  Vega,  i.  244,  267 ;  Balboa, 
109 ;  Molina,  62. 

3  G.  de  la  Vega,  i.  267  ;  ii,  12. 

*  G.  de  la  Vega,  ibid. ;  Acosta,  167. 

5  Gieza  de  Leon,  29,  263  ;  G.  de  la  Vega,  i.  267  ;  Balboa,  111. 

6  Cieza  de  Leon,  29,  265  ;  G.  de  la  Vega,  i  267. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  CATACLYSM 

THE  overwhelming  catastrophe,  which  destroyed 
the  delicate  and  complicated  organism  of  Peruvian 
civilisation,  had  been  preceded  by  a  war  of  succes- 
sion. There  had  been  events  of  this  kind  before, 
the  last  recorded  one  having  preceded  the  accession 
of  Pachacuti.  None  had  ever  been  so  prolonged 
and  so  serious.  Yet  it  is  probable  that  it  would 
not  have  had  any  disastrous  effect  on  the  general 
well-being  of  the  empire.  It  only  temporarily 
affected  that  section  of  the  community  which  was 
told  off  for  military  duties.  One  is  reminded  of  the 
evidence  given  by  Mr.  Thorold  Rogers  respecting 
our  War  of  the  Roses.  The  conflict  so  little 
affected  the  daily  work  of  the  people  and  the 
business  transactions  of  the  community  that,  in 
all  the  hundreds  of  manor  accounts  over  all  parts 
of  the  country  that  he  had  examined  during  the 
period,  there  is  not  a  single  allusion  to  the  civil  war. 
The  great  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac  left  Cuzco  on  his 
northern  campaign  in  about  the  year  1513,  and 
was  occupied  for  twelve  years  in  completing  his 
conquests  around  and  to  the  north  of  Quito.  At  the 

240 


HUAYNA  CCAPAC  241 

time  of  his  departure  from  Cuzco  he  had  had 
children  by  four  Ccoyas  of  the  royal  family,  and 
many  others  by  concubines.  The  first  queen  was 
Mama  Cusirimay,  the  mother  of  his  eldest  son, 
Ninan  Cuyuchi.  The  second  and  favourite  queen 
was  Mama  Rahua  Ocllo,  the  mother  of  Inti  Cusi 
Hualpa,  who  was  surnamed  Huascar,  from  the 
village  near  Cuzco  where  he  was  born.1  The  third 
was  named  Tocta  Cuca,  a  princess  of  the  lineage  of 
Pachacuti,  and  the  mother  of  Atahualpa.  Mama 
Runtu  was  the  fourth,  mother  of  the  princes 
Maaco  and  Paullu. 

On  leaving  Cuzco  the  Inca  took  with  him  the  two 
Ccoyas  Cusirimay  and  Rahua,  his  eldest  son,  Ninan 
Cuyuchi,  and  his  third  son,  Atahualpa,  both  having 
reached  man's  estate,2  besides  many  other  relations 
and  leading  councillors.  He  left  a  regency  at 
Cuzco  consisting  of  an  uncle  and  a  brother,  in  charge 
of  his  sons  Huascar,  Titu  Atauchi,  Manco,  and 
Paullu. 

The  great  northern  campaign  of  Huayna  Ccapac 
was  admirably  conducted,  and  some  very  able 
natives  of  the  Quito  province  were  trained  under 
this  great  leader,  and  became  distinguished  generals, 

1  Huascar-pata,  near  Muyna.      There  appears  to  be  no  truth  in 
the  story  about  a  golden  cable  having  been  made  to  celebrate 
his  birth.     The  story  was  invented  to  account  for  the  name.     There 
had  long  been  a  cable  covered  with  plates  of  gold,  in  use  for  the 
performance  of  dances  during  the  great  festivals. 

2  Of  course  the  story  that  the  mother  of  Atahualpa  was  a  native 
of  Quito,  or  a  princess  of  Quito,  could  not  be  true,  because  Atahualpa 
was  a  grown  man  before  he  ever  left  Cuzco.    If  he  had  been  born  at 
Quito  he  would  only  have  been  eight  or  ten  when  his  father  died. 


242  DEATH  OF  HUAYNA  CCAPAC 

chief  among  them  being  Quizquiz,  Chalcuchima,  and 
Rumi-naui.  But  the  prowess  of  Atahualpa  was 
not  such  as  to  satisfy  his  father.  Meanwhile 
Huascar  was  living  in  luxury  at  Cuzco.  Felicita- 
tions and  presents  were  sent  to  him  from  the  pro- 
vinces, and  among  them  an  exceedingly  beautiful 
maiden  arrived  from  Yea,  on  the  coast,  named 
Chumpillaya,  accompanied  by  her  parents. 

Huascar  fell  desperately  in  love  with  the  coast 
maiden.  She  received  the  surname  of  '  Curi 
Coyllur/  or  the  golden  star,  and  the  young  Inca  had 
a  daughter  by  her  who  received  the  same  name. 
But  the  jealousy  of  the  other  women  led  to  the  death 
of  Chumpillaya  by  poison,  and  her  child  was 
placed  under  the  care  of  the  princess  Cahua  Ticlla,1 
one  of  Huascar's  sisters.3  The  romantic  love  story 
of  Curi  Coyllur  runs  like  a  silver  thread  through  the 
record  of  the  war  of  succession. 

Huayna  Ccapac,  the  last  of  the  imperial  Incas, 
died  at  Quito  in  1525,  after  a  reign  of  from  thirty  to 
forty  years,  the  last  twelve  having  been  completely 
occupied  by  his  campaigns  to  the  north  of  Quito. 
The  body  was  conveyed  to  Tumi-pampa,  where  it 
was  embalmed.  He  had  declared  his  eldest  son, 
Ninan  Cuyuchi,  to  be  his  heir,  but  as  he  was  in  bad 
health,  Huascar  was  nominated  in  the  event  of  his 
elder  brother's  death.  Ninan  Cuyuchi  died  very 

1  Cahua,  grey ;  ticlla,  a  flower. 

2  The  love  story  of  Curi  Coyllur  was  told  to  Balboa  by  Don 
Mateo  Yupanqui  Inca,  a  member  of  the  Peruvian  royal  family 
residing  at  Quito,  p.  231. 


CRUELTY  OF  HUASCAR  243 

soon  after  his  father,  and  Huascar  appears  to  have 
been  unanimously  proclaimed  sovereign  Inca. 

Preparations  were  then  made  for  the  conveyance 
of  the  body  (malqui)  and  huauqui  of  Huayna 
Ccapac  to  Cuzco.  His  first  queen,  Cusirimay,  had 
died  at  Quito.  Mama  Rahua,  therefore,  had  charge 
of  the  body  during  the  long  journey,  accompanied 
by  some  of  the  Inca's  oldest  and  most  trusted 
friends  and  councillors,  chief  among  them  being 
Auqui  Tupac  Yupanqui.  Atahualpa  excused  him- 
self from  accompanying  the  funeral  cortege. 
Speeches  have  been  put  into  his  mouth  by  one  or 
two  Spanish  writers.  Probably  he  had  reason  to 
be  doubtful  of  his  reception  by  the  new  Inca.  He 
may  have  already  conceived  ambitious  schemes,  for 
he  found  that  the  Quito  generals  were  devoted  to 
his  interests.  At  first  Huascar  is  said  to  have  given 
him  the  title  of  Incap  Ranti,  or  Viceroy  in  Quito. 
But  if  this  friendly  feeling  ever  existed,  it  was  of 
very  short  continuance. 

On  the  arrival  of  the  Ccoya  Mama  Rahua  and 
her  companions  on  the  plain  of  Suriti,  near 
Cuzco,  with  the  body  of  Huayna  Ccapac,  the  news 
was  brought  to  Huascar  that  his  brother  Atahualpa 
had  remained  behind.  He  was  furious.  Auqui 
Tupac  Yupanqui  and  his  companions  were  arrested, 
questioned  respecting  the  absence  of  Atahualpa,  and, 
as  their  answers  were  not  considered  satisfactory, 
they  were  put  to  death.  The  Ccoya  Mama  Rahua 
was  indignant  at  the  execution  of  her  friends,  and 
the  friends  of  her  deceased  lord.  She  never  forgave 


244    LOVE  OF  QUILACU  AND  CURI  COYLLUR 

her  son  for  these  acts  of  injustice  and  cruelty. 
It  was  long  before  she  would  consent  to  the  marriage 
of  her  daughter  Chuqui  Urpay  with  Huascar, 
which  took  place  after  the  obsequies  of  the  great 
Inca  Huayna  Ccapac.  The  widowed  queen  took 
up  her  abode  at  the  village  of  Siquillapampa,  a  few 
miles  from  Cuzco. 

Atahualpa  resolved  to  send  an  embassy  to  his 
brother,  with  valuable  presents,  brought  by  envoys 
who  were  instructed  to  offer  his  submission  and 
homage.  For  this  delicate  mission  he  selected  a 
handsome  and  valiant  youth  named  Quilacu  Yupan- 
qui,  son  of  the  murdered  Auqui  Tupac  Yupanqui. 
He  was  accompanied  by  four  older  chiefs. 

On  his  arrival  at  Suriti  the  envoy  received 
a  welcoming  message  from  the  queen-dowager, 
who  was  fond  of  young  Quilacu.  He  had  been 
brought  up  in  her  palace  at  Cuzco,  and  was  a 
foster-brother  to  her  daughter  Chuqui  Urpay. 
Mama  Rahua  invited  him  to  come  to  Siquillapampa, 
and  to  reside  there  until  he  received  orders  as  to  his 
reception  from  the  Inca.  The  old  queen  sent  out  a 
number  of  beautiful  girls  to  meet  her  friend  Quilacu, 
and  among  them  was  Huascar's  daughter,  Curi 
Coyllur,  the  golden  star,  the  fairest  of  the  fair 
maidens  of  Cuzco.  During  his  short  residence 
at  Siquillapampa,  Quilacu  conceived  an  ardent 
affection  for  the  beautiful  girl,  and  he  had  the 
happiness  to  find  that  his  love  was  returned. 
There  was  a  brief  but  delightful  time  under  the 
shade  of  the  molle  trees,  on  lawns  carpeted  with  the 


QUILACU  AND  CURI  COYLLUR  245 

cantut  and  amancay,  where  the  noise  of  bubbling 
fountains  mingled  with  the  songs  of  many  birds. 
Lofty  mountains  surrounded  the  little  valley,  and 
here  all  but  love  was  forgotten. 

All  too  soon  the  spell  was  broken.  An  order 
came  for  Quilacu  and  his  embassy  to  proceed  at 
once  to  Calca,  in  the  vale  of  Vilcamayu,  where  the 
Inca  was  then  residing.  The  young  envoy  placed 
the  presents  at  the  feet  of  Huascar,  and  assured 
him  of  his  brother's  loyalty.  The  Inca  looked 
at  him  with  disdain,  spurned  the  presents,  and 
acctised  him  of  being  a  spy.  His  four  colleagues 
were  put  to  death,  and  he  was  sent  to  Cuzco  to 
await  further  orders.  An  old  servant  was  sent  to 
report  his  treatment  and  the  murder  of  his  friends  to 
Mama  Rahua  Ocllo  while  he  remained  in  suspense. 
At  length  Quilacu  received  his  dismissal.  He  was 
ordered  to  return  to  Atahualpa  and  to  warn  him 
that  he  would  soon  have  to  render  an  account  of  his 
conduct  to  his  sovereign. 

A  secret  message  reached  Siquillapampa  that 
Quilacu  would,  if  possible,  turn  off  the  road  and 
claim  Curi  Coyllur  from  her  aunt  and  guardian, 
the  princess  Cahua  Ticlla.  The  beautiful  girl 
looked  out  anxiously  for  her  lover.  When  she  saw 
a  labourer  in  the  far  distance  with  a  plough  (taclla) 
on  his  shoulder,  she  thought  it  was  him.  At  last 
a  troop  of  wayfarers  was  seen,  wending  their  way 
along  the  Chinchay-suyu  road.  Standing  under  the 
molle  trees,  by  the  side  of  the  waving  corn,  she  saw 
the  travellers  disappearing  over  the  crest  of  the 


246     WAR  OF  HUASCAR  AND  ATAHUALPA 

distant  hills,  and  gave  way  to  despair.  Suddenly 
Quilacu  rushed  out  of  the  maize-field,1  and  in  a 
moment  the  lovers  were  locked  in  each  other's  arms. 
They  were  joined  by  Cahua  Ticlla,  to  whom  Quilacu 
related  all  that  had  taken  place  at  Calca  and  Cuzco. 
He  asked  the  princess  for  the  hand  of  her  niece, 
but  she  replied  that  they  must  wait  for  more 
peaceful  times.  She,  however,  promised  that  Curi 
Coyllur,  who  was  only  sixteen,  should  wait  for  him 
for  three  years.  With  this  he  was  obliged  to  be 
contented,  and  setting  out  on  his  way  to  Quito,  he 
reported  the  results  of  his  mission  to  Atahualpa. 

Quilacu  was  quickly  followed  by  a  large  army 
commanded  by  a  general  named  Atoc,  and  the 
forces  of  the  two  brothers  encountered  each  other 
at  Ambato,  near  Quito.  Huascar's  forces  were 
entirely  defeated,  the  general  being  captured  and 
put  to  death.  Huascar  then  sent  another  army 
to  Tumipampa,  under  the  command  of  Huanca 
Auqui,  one  of  the  Inca's  numerous  half-brothers. 
This  unfortunate  general  seems  to  have  done  his 
best,  but  he  was  defeated  at  Tumipampa,  then 
near  Caxamarca,  then  at  Bombon,  and  was  finally 
driven  back  into  the  valley  of  Jauja.  Here  he 
received  large  reinforcements  under  another  leader, 
named  Mayta  Yupanqui,who  upbraided  the  unlucky 
Huanca  Auqui  for  his  defeats.  Meanwhile  the 
Inca  Huascar  celebrated  an  expiatory  fast  called 
Itu. 

i  The  maize  of  Cuzco  grows  to  a  greater  height  than  the  tallest 
man,  and  Quilacu  would  have  been  entirely  concealed  by  it. 


QUILACU  WOUNDED  247 

Atahualpa's  army  was  commanded  by  a  savage 
but  very  able  native  of  Quito,  named  Quizquiz, 
with  Chalcuchima  as  his  lieutenant  and  colleague, 
while  young  Quilacu  had  charge  of  a  reserve  force. 
Three  years  had  nearly  expired.  The  aunt,  Cahua 
Ticlla,  was  on  the  point  of  death,  and  Huascar 
threatened  to  force  Curi  Coyllur  to  marry  one  of 
his  captains.  But  she  was  resolved  to  be  true  to 
her  lover,  and  to  go  in  search  of  him.  One  night 
she  cut  off  her  long  hair,  put  on  the  dress  of  one 
of  her  men-servants,  and,  as  the  army  of  Mayta 
Yjipanqui  passed  by  Siquillapampa,  she  slipped  out 
of  the  house  and  mingled  with  the  camp  followers. 

Quizquiz,  having  marshalled  his  forces,  advanced 
against  the  combined  army  of  Huanca  Auqui 
and  Mayta  Yupanqui.  A  desperate  battle  was 
fought  at  a  place  called  Yanamarca,  which  was 
long  doubtful.  One  of  the  wings  of  Atahualpa's 
line  was  hotly  pressed,  when  Quilacu  came  up  with 
his  reserves.  This  turned  the  scale.  The  Incas 
broke  and  fled.  But  Quilacu  was  severely  wounded. 
He  fell  among  a  heap  of  dead,  at  a  moment  when 
his  men  were  fully  occupied  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
enemy,  so  that  they  did  not  notice  the  absence  of 
their  leader.  The  tide  of  battle  rolled  onwards 
and  he  was  left  to  his  fate. 

Crushed  under  the  weight  of  the  fallen,  and 
faint  from  loss  of  blood,  Quilacu  was  for  a  long 
time  insensible.  When  at  length  he  recovered 
consciousness,  he  saw  a  boy  traversing  the  field 
of  battle,  appearing  to  be  in  search  of  some  one 


248  HUASCAR  TAKES  THE  FIELD 

among  the  disfigured  corpses.  The  wounded  chief 
cried  out  and  succeeded  in  attracting  the  boy's 
attention.  He  came  at  once,  stanched  the  wounds, 
and  helped  Quilacu  to  reach  the  banks  of  a  little 
stream.  Here  he  collected  brushwood,  lighted  a 
fire,  and  gave  further  aid  to  the  wounded  man. 
Quilacu  began  to  question  the  lad  as  to  his  motive 
for  helping  an  enemy.  His  answer  was  :  '  Brother  ! 
I  am  a  native  of  this  country.  My  name  is  Titu  : 
ask  me  no  more/  Next  day  Titu  led  Quilacu  to 
an  abandoned  hut,  where  for  many  weeks  he  was 
unconscious  with  a  raging  fever,  tenderly  nursed 
by  the  helpful  lad. 

The  Peruvian  fugitives  rallied  at  the  pass  of 
Ancoyacu,  which  Mayta  Yupanqui  proposed  to 
fortify  and  defend,  but  Huanca  Auqui  had  lost 
heart,  and  they  fell  back  on  Vilcas-huaman.  The 
Inca  Huascar  was  now  thoroughly  alarmed.  He 
consulted  the  huacas  and  oracles,  and  was  told 
that  if  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  his  army, 
leading  it  in  person,  he  would  be  victorious. 
Reinforcements  were  hurried  up  from  Colla-suyu, 
and  even  from  Chile,  and  Huascar  found  himself 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army,  on  the  plain  of 
Suriti. 

Huanca  Auqui,  who  had  fallen  back  from 
Vilcas-huaman,  was  stationed  to  defend  the  bridge 
of  the  Apurimac.  The  Chilians  were  encamped  on 
the  heights  commanding  the  valley  of  Cotabambas, 
with  the  Collas  and  the  Charcas  contingent.  The 
rest  of  the  army  was  in  the  Cotabambas  valley. 


HUASCAR  TAKEN  PRISONER  249 

Quizquiz  gave  up  all  hope  of  crossing  the  profound 
gorge  of  the  Apurimac  in  the  face  of  an  enemy. 
He  detached  Chalcuchima  to  approach  Cuzco  by 
way  of  Chumpivilcas.  He  then  attacked  the  main 
division  of  Huascar's  army,  and  was  repulsed  with 
heavy  loss. 

What  followed  is  a  little  obscure.  It  would 
seem  that  the  Inca  conducted  a  reconnaissance  in 
force  up  a  ravine  opening  on  to  the  Cotabambas 
valley.  It  was  in  reality  a  carefully  arranged 
ambuscade.  The  Inca  was  suddenly  surrounded, 
dragged  out  of  his  litter,  and  taken  prisoner.  When 
this  became  known,  all  resistance  ceased,  and  the 
Incarial  army  was  dissolved.  Atahualpa's  generals 
marched  in  triumph  to  the  capital,  encamping 
outside  at  a  place  called  Quisipay.  The  chiefs  of 
Cuzco  and  the  Inca's  mother,  Kahua  Ocllo,  sub- 
mitted and  acknowledged  Atahualpa  as  their 
sovereign.  The  old  queen  even  upbraided  her  son 
for  his  injustice  and  cruelties,  and  told  him  that 
his  own  wickedness  was  the  cause  of  his  misfortunes. 
The  unhappy  prince  certainly  paid  dearly  for  his 
sins.  All  those  who  were  near  and  dear  to  him 
were  massacred  before  his  eyes.  Then  an  order 
came  from  Atahualpa  that  his  brother  Huascar, 
with  his  mother  and  principal  councillors,  were  to 
be  brought  to  him  at  Caxamarca. 

But  the  terrible  drama  was  drawing  to  its 
astounding  close.  News  came  to  Cuzco  of  the 
arrival  of  the  mighty  strangers,  then  that  Atahualpa 
himself  was  a  prisoner  in  their  hands,  next  that  a 


250  HUASCAR  PUT  TO  DEATH 

ransom  in  gold  was  to  be  paid  for  his  release. 
Atahualpa  had  been  accepted  as  Inca  after  the 
victories  of  his  generals.  The  mechanism  of  the 
empire  went  on  working  as  if  nothing  had  happened, 
and  when  the  orders  came  for  the  gold  to  be  sent 
to  Caxamarca,  the  roads  were  promptly  traversed 
by  the  bearers  of  gold  in  all  shapes  and  forms. 
The  army  of  Quizquiz  and  Chalcuchima  evacuated 
Cuzco,  and  proceeded  towards  Caxamarca  in  some 
confusion,  ready  to  obey  and  help  their  captured 
sovereign.  The  atrocities  said  to  have  been  com- 
mitted by  these  conquerors  while  at  Cuzco  were 
naturally  exaggerated,  the  accounts  having  been  re- 
ceived by  the  Spanish  writers  from  the  conquered  side. 
The  immediate  relations  and  friends  of  Huascar 
were  slaughtered,  and,  for  some  reason  which  is 
not  quite  clear,  the  malqui  of  the  great  Inca  Tupac 
Yupanqui  was  desecrated  and  its  guardians  were 
put  to  death.  But  there  was  no  general  massacre 
of  the  Incas,  and  as  soon  as  Cuzco  was  evacuated 
by  Atahualpa's  generals,  the  Ore]  ones  resumed 
their  offices  and  duties,  accepting  the  young  prince 
Manco  as  their  Inca  when  the  news  of  Atahualpa's 
death  arrived. 

The  unhappy  Huascar,  with  his  mother  and 
wives  and  chief  officers,  were  being  taken  as 
prisoners  to  Caxamarca.  Pizarro  heard  of  the  war 
waged  against  each  other  by  the  two  brothers,  and 
he  told  Atahualpa  that  he  would  judge  between 
them.  This  threat  induced  Atahualpa  to  send  an 
order  for  the  prisoners  to  be  put  to  death.  It 


SPANISH  INVASION  251 

reached  their  guard  at  Antamarca,  where  Huascar, 
his  mother  and  wives,  and  all  his  friends,  were 
massacred.  One  lad  escaped,  a  natural  son  of 
Huascar  named  Huari  Titu.  He  brought  the  news 
to  Caxamarca,  and  furnished  Pizarro  with  an  excuse 
for  the  execution  of  Atahualpa. 

On  the  death  of  Atahualpa  the  gold  and  silver 
ceased  to  arrive.  All  that  was  on  its  way  was 
concealed,  but  already  an  amount  equivalent  to 
£3,500,000  of  our  money  had  reached  the  Spaniards 
at  Caxamarca,  chiefly  in  the  form  of  square  or 
obtang  plates  which  had  been  used  to  adorn  the 
walls  of  houses.  A  far  greater  amount  was  con- 
cealed, and  has  never  yet  been  found,  though  the 
secret  has  been  handed  down,  and  on  one  occasion  a 
small  portion  was  used  in  the  interests  of  the  people.1 

The  story  of  the  Spanish  invasion  and  civil  war 
has  been  told  in  the  classic  pages  of  Prescott  and 
Helps,  and  forms  no  part  of  this  essay  except  so 
far  as  it  concerns  the  fate  of  the  Incas.  The  army 
which  vanquished  Huascar  was  scattered,  Quizquiz 
and  Chalcuchima  were  to  meet  their  deserts  from 
men  as  ruthless  and  cruel  as  themselves.  The 
Spaniards  were  on  the  march  to  Cuzco. 

i  When  the  old  chief  Pumacagua  was  about  to  head  an  in- 
surrection against  the  Spaniards,  he  had  no  funds  for  procuring 
arms  and  ammunition.  After  obtaining  from  him  an  oath  of 
secrecy,  the  then  guardian  took  him  blindfold  to  the  place  where 
the  vast  treasure  was  concealed.  He  had  to  wade  up  a  stream 
for  a  long  distance.  His  eyes  were  then  dazzled  by  the  enormous 
masses  of  gold,  and  he  was  allowed  to  take  enough  to  meet  his 
needs.  He  was  defeated  and  put  to  death  by  the  Spaniards.  No 
one  else  has  ever  been  admitted  to  the  secret. 


252  MARRIAGE  OF  THE  LOVERS 

Through  all  these  mighty  events  the  boy  Titu 
continued  to  nurse  the  wounded  chief  in  the  lonely 
hut.  They  lived  on  roots  and  the  milk  of  llamas. 
When,  after  many  months,  Quilacu  became  con- 
valescent, Titu  began  to  make  excursions  with 
the  object  of  obtaining  news.  Titu  then  revealed 
herself  to  her  lover  as  Curi  Coyllur,  who  had  taken 
upon  herself  the  disguise  which  enabled  her  to  escape 
from  a  hated  marriage,  to  seek  for  her  beloved,  to 
save  his  life,  and  to  nurse  him  through  a  long  illness. 
She  told  him  that  everything  was  changed,  that 
both  Huascar  and  Atahualpa  were  dead  and  their 
armies  dispersed,  and  that  strange  men  had  arrived 
from  the  ocean,  whose  power  was  irresistible.  She 
went  to  Jauja,  where  she  fortunately  met  Hernando 
de  Soto,  one  of  the  best  of  the  Spaniards,  who  had 
protested  against  the  murder  of  Atahualpa.  He 
heard  her  very  touching  story  through  an  inter- 
preter, and  befriended  her.  He  gave  clothes  to 
the  lovers,  and  they  were  baptised  with  the  names  of 
Hernando  and  Leonor,  and  happily  married.  But 
Quilacu  did  not  long  survive.  After  his  death 
Curi  Coyllur  became  the  mistress  of  her  benefactor. 
Her  daughter,  Leonor  de  Soto,  was  married  at  Cuzco 
to  a  notary  named  Carrillo,  and  had  several  children. 

The  empire  of  the  Incas  did  not  fall  without 
more  than  one  gallant  effort  to  save  it.  Titu 
Atauchi,  one  of  the  sons  of  the  great  Inca  Huayna 
Ccapac,  was  a  youth  of  ability  and  resource.  He 
was  resolved  to  resist  the  murderers  of  his  brother, 
and  collected  a  considerable  force  with  the  object  of 


TITU  ATAUCHI  AND  CHAVES  253 

impeding  the  advance  of  the  Spaniards  towards 
Cuzco.  With  8000  men  he  attacked  their  rear- 
guard, threw  it  into  confusion  at  a  place  called 
Tocto,  in  the  province  of  Huayllas,  and  captured 
eight  prisoners.  He  took  them  to  Caxamarca, 
which  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Spaniards. 
Among  these  prisoners  was  Francisco  de  Chaves  of 
Xeres,  one  of  the  most  honourable  and  enlightened 
of  the  conquerors,  and  one  of  the  twelve  who 
protested  against  the  murder  of  Atahualpa.  Among 
the  others  were  Sancho  de  Cuellar,  Hernando  de 
Haro,  and  Alonso  de  Alarcon.  Cuellar  had  been 
clerk  to  the  court  at  the  mock  trial  of  Atahualpa. 
He  was  tried  and  publicly  executed  at  the  same 
pole  against  which  the  Inca  was  strangled.  Alarcon, 
whose  leg  was  broken,  was  carefully  tended. 
Chaves  and  Haro,  who  had  protested  against  the 
Inca's  execution,  were  treated  with  the  greatest 
kindness.  The  prince  Titu  Atauchi  made  a  treaty 
with  Chaves  to  be  ratified  by  Pizarro: 

1.  The  Spaniards  and  natives  to  be  friends. 

2.  Prince  Manco  to  be  acknowledged  as  Inca. 

3.  All  the  laws  of  the  Incas,  in  favour  of  the 
people,  and  not  opposed  to  Christianity,  to 
be  maintained. 

Chaves  and  his  comrades  were  then  set  free,  with 
many    good    wishes,    and   proceeded    to    Cuzco.1 

1  Francisco  de  Chaves,  the  friend  of  Prince  Titu  Atauchi,  was 
a  close  observer  and  a  diligent  inquirer.  He  wrote  a  copious 
narrative,  which  he  left  in  possession  of  his  friend  and  relative, 
Don  Luis  Valera,  who  gave  it  to  Diego  de  Oliva.  Chaves  was  mur- 
dered at  Lima  in  1541,  in  attempting  to  defend  the  staircase  against 


254  MANCO  INCA  SUCCEEDS 

Unfortunately  the  enlightened  prince  Titu  Atauchi 
died  shortly  afterwards. 

The  Incas  and  Ore]  ones  of  Cuzco  assembled 
after  the  departure  of  their  conquerors,  the  savage 
generals  of  Atahualpa.  They  were  in  considerable 
numbers,  for  we  know  from  Sarmiento  that  there 
were  numerous  representatives  of  all  the  principal 
ayllus  at  and  round  Cuzco  forty  years  afterwards. 
The  rightful  heir,  Prince  Manco,  was  a  young  lad. 
His  councillors  came  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
power  of  the  Spaniards  was  irresistible,  but  that 
fair  treatment  might  be  secured  by  submission. 
Manco,  therefore,  was  taken  out  in  the  royal  litter, 
with  a  large  attendance,  to  meet  Pizarro  at  the 
bridge  of  the  Apurimac. 

The  Inca  was  received  very  cordially  by  the 
Spanish  leaders.  They  escorted  him  to  Cuzco, 
and  the  ceremonies  of  his  accession  were  allowed  to 
be  performed  with  all  the  usual  splendour.  Pizarro 
may  have  been  influenced  by  Francisco  de  Chaves 
and  others  of  that  stamp  in  this  wise  acceptance  of 
the  Inca's  rightful  position,  but  it  led  to  no  useful 
result.  Pizarro  was  a  man  of  great  natural  ability, 
and  very  far  from  having  been  the  worst  among  the 
conquerors,  only  seeking  for  the  gratification  of 
his  avarice.  He  was  a  statesman  of  enlarged  views, 
but  limited  by  his  ignorance  and  want  of  education. 
He  did  not  in  the  least  realise  the  value  and  adapt- 
ability of  the  intricate  administrative  mechanism  he 

the  assassins  of  Pizarro.  Zarate  says  that  when  he  died  he  was 
the  most  important  personage  in  Peru  next  to  Pizarro. 


MANGO  BESIEGES  CUZCO  255 

was  destroying.  Trained  lawyers  and  statesmen 
came  after  him,  some  of  whom  fully  recognised  that 
the  Incas  were  far  more  able  and  enlightened 
governors  than  their  Spanish  conquerors,  but  it 
was  then  too  late.  It  is  just  possible  that  if  such  a 
man  as  Francisco  de  Chaves  had  been  in  the  place 
of  Pizarro,  things  might  have  taken  a  better  turn, 
for  the  intentions  of  the  councillors  in  Spain  were 
good ;  but  it  is  scarcely  probable. 

As  it  was,  the  affairs  of  Peru  went  from  bad  to 
worse.  Pizarro  went  to  found  his  capital  at  Lima, 
his  brothers  remained  at  Cuzco,  and  his  colleague 
Almagro  undertook  his  distant  expedition  to  Chile, 
accompanied  by  Prince  Paullu,  the  brother  of 
Manco,  and  by  the  Uillac  Uma  (High  Priest  of  the 
Sun),  another  son  of  the  great  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac. 
Manco,  as  he  advanced  in  years,  found  that  he 
was  a  mere  puppet,  and  that  his  people  were  being 
treated  with  such  cruelty  and  injustice  that  they 
were  ready  to  make  an  attempt  to  throw  off  a 
yoke  which  had  become  unbearable.  Manco  escaped, 
and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  great  army  of 
Orejones  ready  to  strike  one  last  blow  for  freedom. 
The  Sacsahuaman  fortress  was  occupied  by  the 
patriots,  and  the  Spaniards  were  closely  besieged 
in  the  ancient  city  of  the  Incas. 

The  story  of  the  siege  of  Cuzco  has  been  told  by 
Prescott.  It  was  a  final  effort.  The  loss  of  the 
fortress  deprived  the  patriots  of  their  last  hope. 
The  old  Inca  chief  hurled  himself  down  the  precipice 
rather  than  surrender.  Another  such  deed  is 


256  PRINCE  PAULLU  AT  CUZCO 

recorded  of  the  old  Cantabrian  chiefs  who  died 
rather  than  yield  to  the  Romans.  Young  Manco 
raised  the  siege  of  Cuzco  on  the  approach  of  Almagro. 
Marching  down  the  lovely  vale  of  Vilcamayu  he 
made  a  last  stand  in  the  famous  stronghold  of 
Ollantay-tampu.  Here  he  repulsed  the  attack 
of  Hernando  Pizarro  :  the  last  Peruvian  victory. 

Forced  to  evacuate  Ollantay-tampu  by  Almagro's 
lieutenant,  Orgoiiez,  Manco  retreated  into  the  little 
known  mountainous  district  of  Vilcapampa,  where 
the  Inca  sovereignty  was  upheld  for  thirty  years 
longer.  Manco's  brother  Paullu  threw  in  his  lot 
with  the  Spaniards.  Prince  Paullu  went  with 
Almagro  to  Chile,  and  afterwards,  joining  Vaca 
de  Castro,  he  was  christened  as  Don  Cristoval, 
and  was  granted  the  palace  overlooking  Cuzco, 
at  the  foot  of  the  fortress,  called  the  Colcampata. 
It  had  been  built  by,  and  was  the  abode  of,  the  great 
Inca  Pachacuti.  At  the  western  end  of  its  fa£ade 
the  little  church  of  San  Cristoval  was  erected, 
partly  as  a  chapel  for  the  Inca  prince.  In  its  rear 
was  the  sacred  field  of  maize  which  used  to  be 
reaped  by  the  young  knights  after  the  feast  of  the 
Huarachicu.  Here  Paullu  lived  and  died,  watching 
the  total  destruction  of  his  country  and  people. 
Here  his  sons,  Don  Carlos  Inca  and  Don  Felipe 
Inca,  were  born  and  brought  up,  Carlos  living  quietly 
with  his  Spanish  wife,  and  looked  up  to  as  their  chief 
by  the  numerous  Inca  kindred  in  their  different 
ayllus.  Thus  one  son  of  the  great  Inca  Huayna 
Ccapac  made  terms  with  the  invaders,  and  lived  on 


MANCO  IN  VILCAPAMPA  257 

sufferance  in  the  old  palace  overlooking  the  city  of 
Cuzco,  while  the  other  gallantly  maintained  his 
independence  in  the  fastnesses  of  Vilcapampa. 

Mancowas  surrounded  by  numerous  relations  and 
followers,  and  lived  in  some  state.  Buildings  were 
erected  to  take  the  places  of  the  temple  of  the  sun 
and  the  palace  of  Cuzco,  and  all  the  approaches  were 
watched  and  guarded.  Though  very  mountainous, 
the  region  between  the  Apurimac  and  Vilcamayu, 
called  Vilcapampa,  is  not  unproductive.  There  are 
pastures  and  terraced  ravines,  while  to  the  north 
there,  are  tropical  forests  inhabited  by  the  friendly 
tribe  of  Manaris.  Vilcapampa,  with  a  width  of 
forty  miles,  is  a  knot  of  mountains  between  the 
rivers  Apurimac  on  the  west  and  Vilcamayu  on 
the  east  side,  and  with  a  bend  of  the  latter  river 
also  bounding  it  to  the  north.  Pizarro  tried  to 
come  to  terms  with  the  Inca,  but  Manco  had  a 
profound  distrust  of  Spanish  promises.  He  there- 
fore refused  to  negotiate,  and  Pizarro,  in  revenge, 
having  taken  one  of  Manco's  wives  prisoner  with 
other  Indians,  stripped  and  flogged  her,  and  then 
shot  her  to  death  with  arrows.  This  forced  Manco 
to  make  reprisals  on  Spaniards  surprised  on  the 
roads  leading  to  Cuzco. 

After  the  final  defeat  of  young  Almagro 
by  the  Governor  Cristoval  Vaca  de  Castro, 
the  lad  himself  and  ten  of  his  followers  were 
executed,  and  many  others  were  imprisoned  at 
Cuzco.  Two  of  the  latter,  named  Gomez  Perez  and 
Diego  Mendez,  with  six  followers,  escaped  and 


258       MURDER  OF  INCA  MANCO 

took  refuge  in  Vilcapampa.  They  were  hospitably 
received  by  the  Inca  Manco,  and  treated  with  the 
greatest  kindness.  The  Inca  was  well  informed 
respecting  passing  events.  When  he  heard  that  a 
Viceroy  had  arrived,  named  Blasco  Nunez  de  Vela,1 
with  orders  to  stop  the  cruelties  and  robberies  of 
the  Spaniards,  he  resolved  to  send  an  embassy 
offering  to  assist  him.  He  selected  Gomez  Perez 
for  this  duty,  who  went  to  Lima,  and  returned  with 
a  most  cordial  acceptance  of  the  Inca's  offer.  But 
the  unfortunate  Viceroy  was  driven  out  and  finally 
killed  by  the  conquerors  under  Gonzalo  Pizarro 
very  soon  afterwards. 

This  Gomez  Perez  was  a  rough,  ill-conditioned 
ruffian  with  a  violent  temper.  One  day  he  was 
playing  at  bowls  with  the  Inca,  and  became  so 
intolerably  insolent  that  Manco  pushed  him,  saying  : 
'  Begone,  and  remember  to  whom  you  are  speaking/ 
Perez,  in  a  violent  passion,  seized  the  wooden  ball 
and  gave  the  Inca  such  a  violent  blow  that  he  fell 
dead.  The  Indians  rushed  on  the  Spaniards,  who 
took  refuge  in  their  lodging,  defending  the  entrance 
with  their  swords.  The  Indians  then  set  the  house 
on  fire,  and  all  the  eight  ruffians  were  shot  down 
with  arrows  as  they  ran  out  from  the  flames. 

The  Inca  Manco  was  a  worthy  representative 
of  his  great  ancestors.  Subjected  to  a  mock  corona- 
tion and  a  mock  sovereignty  by  the  invaders,  as 
soon  as  he  reached  an  age  of  maturity  he  scorned 

i  Arrived  at  Lima,  May  17, 1544;  driven  out  in  October.  Killed 
at  Anaquito,  January  18,  1546. 


CHILDREN  OF  INCA  MANGO  259 

such  a  life.  Escaping  from  his  jailers,  he  collected 
an  army  to  strike  a  blow  for  freedom.  He  led 
his  countrymen,  who  were  devoted  to  him,  with 
the  utmost  gallantry  and  some  skill.  He  desisted 
from  the  hopeless  struggle  mainly  to  stop  further 
bloodshed  among  his  people.  But  he  maintained 
his  independence  in  Vilcapampa,  watching  events. 
He  died,  full  of  hope  from  the  new  Viceroy  and  the 
new  laws,  after  a  reign  of  ten  years.1 

Inca  Manco  left  three  sons,  named  Sayri  Tupac, 
Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui,  and  Tupac  Amaru,  and  a 
daughter  named  Maria  Tupac  Usca,  married  to 
Don  Pedro  Ortiz  de  Orue,  who  was  Encomendero 
of  the  village  of  Maras,  with  a  house  in  Cuzco. 

Sayri  Tupac  succeeded  his  father,  but,  as  he 
was  not  yet  of  age,  regents  or  tutors  conducted 
the  government  of  Vilcapampa. 

1  I  have  given  the  version  of  the  murder  of  Manco  as  related 
by  the  Inca  Garcilasso.  The  story  is  told  differently  by  the 
Inca's  son  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui,  who  was  present,  and  narrowly 
escaped  being  murdered  also.  A  portion  of  the  son's  narrative  is 
given  by  Jimenes  de  la  Espada  hi  an  appendix  to  his  edition  of 
La  Guerra  de  Quito,  but  without  stating  whence  he  obtained  it,  or 
where  the  full  narrative  is  to  be  found.  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui 
seems  to  have  dictated  his  statement  to  Vivero  (see  page  290). 


8  2 


CHAPTER  XVII 

GARCILASSO  INCA  DE  LA  VEGA 

THE  Spanish  conquerors  were  captivated  by  the 
charms  of  Inca  princesses  and  their  attendants  at 
Cuzco.  Three  daughters  of  Huayna  Ccapac  had 
Spanish  husbands.  Beatriz  Nusta  married  Mancio 
Serra  de  Leguisamo,  one  of  the  conquerors,  to 
whom  much  interest  attaches  owing  to  his  remark- 
able will.  Another,  Beatriz  Nusta,  was  the  wife  of 
Martin  de  Mustincia,  and  secondly  of  Diego  Her- 
nandez. Inez  Nusta  had  two  children  by  Francisco 
Pizarro.  A  niece  of  Huayna  Ccapac,  named 
Francisca  Nusta,  married  Juan  de  Collantes,  and 
was  ancestress  of  Bishop  Piedrahita  the  historian. 
Angelina,  daughter  of  Atahualpa,  married  Juan  de 
Betanzos,  the  author  and  Quichua  scholar. 

Hualpa  Tupac  Yupanqui,  the  next  brother  of 
the  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac,  had  a  son  of  the  same 
names,  and  a  daughter  named  Isabel  Yupanqui 
Nusta,  the  wife  of  the  Spanish  knight,  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  and  mother  of  the  famous  Inca  his- 
torian. Paullu  Tupac  Yupanqui,  the  brother  of 
the  Inca  Manco,  had  thrown  in  his  lot  with 
the  Spaniards,  was  baptised  with  the  name  of 

260 


GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA  THE  ELDER     261 

Cristoval  in  1543,  and  received  a  grant  of  the 
Colcampata  palace,  overlooking  Cuzco.  He  married 
Catalina  Mama  Usica,  his  cousin,  and  had  two 
sons,  Carlos  and  Felipe.  Prince  Paullu  died  in 
May  1549. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  third  son  of  Don  Alonzo 
de  Hinestrosa  de  Vargas  and  of  Dona  Blanca 
Sotomayor  Suarez  de  Figueroa,  was  born  at 
Badajos,  and  was  a  knight  of  very  noble  lineage. 
His  great  pride  was  in  his  descent  from  that  famous 
warrior,  Garci  Perez  de  Vargas,  who  fought  by  the 
side^of  St.  Ferdinand  at  the  taking  of  Seville 
in  1348.  Another  ancestor  was  Garcilasso,  who 
received  the  name  of  de  la  Vega  in  memory  of  a 
famous  duel  fought  with  a  gigantic  Moor  in  the 
Vega  of  Granada. 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega, 

They  the  youth  thenceforward  call, 

For  his  duel  in  the  Vega 

Of  Granada  chanced  to  fall. 

Another  ancestor  was  Diego  de  Mendoza,  who 
saved  the  life  of  King  Juan  I  at  the  battle  of 
Aljubarrota.  The  Duke  of  Feria  was  the  head 
of  his  mother's  family,  and  he  was  also  related 
to  the  Mendozas,  Dukes  of  Infantado. 

Born  in  1506,  young  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  was 
well  practised  in  the  use  of  arms  when,  in  1531, 
at  the  age  of  twenty-five,  he  set  out  for  the  New 
World  as  a  captain  of  infantry  with  Alonzo 
de  Alvarado,  who  was  returning  to  resume  his 


262     GARCILASSO  DE  LA  VEGA  THE  ELDER 

government  of  Guatemala.  On  hearing  of  the  riches 
of  Peru,  Alvarado  sailed  with  a  large  fleet  from 
Nicaragua,  and  landed  in  the  bay  of  Carangues  in 
May  1534.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  was  with  him, 
and  shared  all  the  terrible  hardships  and  sufferings 
of  the  subsequent  march  to  Riobamba.  After 
the  convention  with  Almagro,  and  the  dispersal  of 
Alvarado's  forces,  Garcilasso  was  sent  to  complete 
the  conquest  of  the  country  round  Buenaventura. 
He  and  his  small  band  of  followers  forced  their  way 
through  dense  forests,  enduring  almost  incredible 
hardships.  He  next  went  to  Lima,  and  marched 
thence  for  the  relief  of  Cuzco,  which  was  surrounded 
by  a  native  army  under  the  Inca  Manco.  He 
returned  to  Lima  after  the  siege,  and  was  an  officer 
under  another  Alvarado,  when  he  was  sent  by 
Pizarro  to  dislodge  Almagro  from  Cuzco.  Defeated 
in  the  battle  of  Abancay,  Garcilasso  suffered  a  long 
imprisonment  until  the  final  overthrow  of  Almagro 
in  April  1538.  Afterwards  he  accompanied  Gon- 
zalo  Pizarro  in  his  conquest  of  Charcas,  and 
received  a  grant  of  land  near  Cochabamba.  He 
then  became  a  citizen  of  Cuzco,  and  married  the 
Princess  Isabel  Yupanqui  Nusta,  formerly  called 
Chimpa  Ocllo.  A  contemporary  portrait  depicts 
a  delicate-looking  girl  with  large,  gentle  eyes  and 
slightly  aquiline  nose,  long  black  tresses  hanging 
over  her  shoulders,  and  a  richly  ornamented  woollen 
mantle  secured  in  front  by  a  large  golden  pin. 
Their  house  was  at  the  north-west  angle  of  the 
Cusi-pata,  or  that  part  of  the  great  square  which 


BIRTH  OF  THE  INCA  GARCILASSO        263 

was  on  the  west  side  of  the  Huatanay  torrent.  It 
was  next  door  to  the  house  of  the  Princess  Beatriz, 
married  to  Mancio  Serra  de  Leguisamo.  From 
that  time,  though  he  was  often  away  for  long 
periods  during  the  civil  wars,  the  events  of  the  life 
of  the  elder  Garcilasso  were  closely  entwined  with 
those  of  his  young  son,  the  Inca. 

The  son  of  the  knight  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  by 
the  Inca  princess  was  born  in  their  house  at  Cuzco1 
on  the  12th  of  April  1539.  His  earliest  recollection 
was  of  the  beautiful  view  from  the  balcony.  He 
looked  down  into  the  catu  or  market,  and  on  his 
right  was  the  convent  of  La  Merced,  where  the 
Almagros  and  Gonzalo  Pizarro  were  buried.  The 
house  had  a  long  balcony  over  the  entrance,  where 
the  principal  lords  of  the  city  assembled  to  witness 
the  bull  fights  and  cane  tournaments,  which  took 
place  in  the  square.  There  was  a  view  of  the 
splendid  snowy  peak  of  Vilcanota, '  like  a  pyramid, 
and  so  lofty  that,  though  twenty-five  leagues  away,2 
and  though  other  mountains  intervene,  it  could  be 
seen  from  the  balcony.  It  does  not  appear  as  a 
mass  of  rock,  but  as  a  peak  of  pure  and  perpetual 
snow  without  ever  melting.  Its  name  means  a 
sacred  and  wonderful  thing/  3 

The  young  Inca's  grown-up  male  relations  at 

1  The  previous  owner  of  the  house  was  Francisco  de  Onate,  who 
was  killed  at  the  battle   of   Chupas,  April  26,  1538,  fighting  for 
Almagro  the  lad. 

2  Nearer  fifteen. 

3  Vilca  means  sacred,  but  unuia  is  water.     It  was  the  sacred 
source  of  the  Vilcamayu. 


264  BOYHOOD  OF  INCA  GARCILASSO 

Cuzco  were  his  father's  brother,  Juan  Vargas,1  his 
father's  cousin,  Garcia  Sanchez  de  Figueroa,  and  the 
brother  of  his  mother,  Hualpa  Tupac  Yupanqui, 
besides  Prince  Paullu  and  the  husbands  of  his 
cousins  the  princesses,  Mancio  Serra  de  Leguisamo, 
Juan  de  Betanzos  and  Diego  Hernandez.  There 
were  children  of  these  and  other  native  women, 
called  mestizos,  or  half-castes,  with  whom  the  young 
Inca  Garcilasso  associated,  and  who  were  his 
friends  and  schoolfellows.  A  year  before  the  boy's 
birth  his  father  was  away  fighting  on  the  side  of 
Vaca  de  Castro  at  the  battle  of  Chupas,  where 
he  was  severely  wounded.  His  absences  were  so 
long  and  frequent,  that  he  had  a  friend  named 
Diego  de  Alcobasa  to  live  in  the  house  and  look 
after  his  interests.  The  young  Inca  called  him  his 
*  Ayo/  or  tutor,  and  the  two  young  Alcobasas 
were  brought  up  almost  as  brothers.  Young 
Garcilasso's  godfather  was  Diego  de  Silva,  a  citizen 
and  alcalde. 

The  education  question  was  a  very  difficult  one 
for  the  young  mestizos  during  all  the  turmoil  of 
civil  wars,  with  the  long  paternal  absences.  At 
first  they  got  a  priest  named  Pedro  Sanchez,  and 
when  he  deserted  them  they  were  taught  and  dis- 
ciplined by  a  worthy  canon  of  the  cathedral  named 
Juan  de  Cuellar,  a  native  of  Medina  del  Campo. 

1  The  Spaniards  in  those  days  were  very  uncertain  about 
surnames.  One  brother  would  take  his  father's,  another  his 
mother's,  and  a  third  his  grandmother's.  Vargas  was  the  father's, 
Figueroa  the  mother's,  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  a  maternal  ancestor's 
name. 


SCHOOLFELLOWS  OF  THE  INCA          265 

He  read  Latin  with  them  for  two  years  amidst  the 
clash  of  arms,  amidst  rumours  of  wars  and  actual 
fighting,  having  undertaken  the  task  out  of  kind- 
ness, and  at  the  request  of  the  boys  themselves. 
The  school  numbered  eighteen  : 

1.  Garcilasso  Inca  de  la  Vega  10.  Juan  Arias  Maldonado 

2.  Carlos  Inca  11.  Gaspar  Centeno 

3.  Felipe  Inca  12.  Pedro  Altamirano 

4.  Francisco  Pizarro  13.  Francisco  Altamirano 

14.  A  son  of  Garcia  Sanchez 

5.  Juan  Serra  de  Leguisamo  de  Figueroa 

6.  Diego  de  Alcobasa  15.  AsonofPedrodeCandia 

7.  Francisco  de  Alcobasa  16.^ 

8.  Juan  de  Cillorico  17.  >  Sons  of  Pedro  del  Barco 

9.  Bartolome  Monedero  18.  J 

They  were  all  eager  to  learn,  Felipe  Inca  being 
the  most  clever.  But  the  good  canon  was  pleased 
with  them  all,  seeing  how  much  aptitude  they 
displayed  for  grammar  and  the  sciences.  He  used 
to  say,  '  0  sons  !  what  a  pity  it  is  that  a  dozen  of 
you  should  not  be  in  the  university  of  Salamanca/ 

Out  of  school  hours  they  amused  themselves  in 
the  best  way  they  could.  Atahualpa  was  naturally 
hated  by  the  Incas  of  Cuzco,  and  to  insult  his 
memory  the  boys  used  to  make  the  night  hideous 
by  using  his  name  to  imitate  the  crowing  of  a  cock. 
The  Inca  describes  the  music  as 

2  crochets,  1  minim,  1  semibreve,  4  notes  all  on 
one  key. 

They  treated  his  generals  who  had  four  syllables 


266      THE  INCA  AND  HIS  SCHOOLFELLOWS 

in  their  names  in  the  same  way — Chalcuchima, 
Rumi-naui,  and  Quilliscancha.  They  often  went 
up  to  the  fortress  to  explore  the  Inca  ruins,  which 
within  ten  years  had  all  been  taken  away  to  build 
houses  in  the  city.  They  ventured  into  the 
subterranean  passages,  and  passed  much  time  in 
tobogganing  down  the  grooves  in  the  Rodadero  rock. 
They  also  had  more  sensible  amusements,  and  went 
out  hawking  with  the  small  falcons  of  the  country, 
at  Quepaypa.  This  is  the  fatal  spot  where  the 
Incas  surrendered  and  made  submission  to  the 
generals  of  Atahualpa.  The  greatest  excitement 
was  when  new  animals  and  new  fruits  arrived  from 
Spain  for  the  first  time.  The  first  bullocks  in  the 
plough,  the  property  of  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Villa- 
lobos,  appeared  near  Cuzco  in  1550.  The  young 
Inca  went  off  to  see  them,  with  a  great  crowd,  when 
he  ought  to  have  been  at  school.  The  land 
ploughed  was  just  above  the  convent  of  St.  Francis, 
and  the  names  of  the  bullocks  were  Chaparro, 
Naranjo,  and  Castillo.  It  was  a  marvellous  sight 
for  the  boy,  but  he  had  to  pay  for  acting 
truant.  His  father  flogged  him,  and  the  school- 
master gave  him  another  flogging  because  his 
father  had  not  given  him  enough.  The  next 
wonder  was  a  donkey  which  his  father  had  bought 
at  Guamanga  to  breed  mules  from  his  mares. 

Horses  were  very  precious  and  very  dear.  But 
this  did  not  restrain  the  young  mestizos  from 
riding  races  down  the  streets  of  Cuzco.  Antonio 
de  Altamirano,  father  of  the  Altamirano  boys, 


HORSE-RACE— THE  FIRST  GRAPES        267 

was  very  rich.  He  had  received  one  half  of  the 
palace  of  Huayna  Ccapac,  and  found  hidden  there 
an  immense  haul  of  gold  and  silver  cups  and  vases. 
He  could  afford  to  keep  several  horses,  and  his 
sons  could  mount  their  schoolfellows.  One  day 
they  were  riding  a  race,  and  a  very  pretty  girl 
watched  them  from  a  window.  Pedro  Altamirano 
kept  looking  back  at  her,  until  at  last  he  fell  off. 
But  the  horse  stopped  for  him  to  mount  again. 
Their  father  was  the  first  person  in  Cuzco  who 
owned  cows.  Unfortunately  both  the  Altamirano 
T)oys  died  young,  *  to  the  great  grief  of  the  whole 
city,  by  reason  of  the  promise  they  gave  of  ability 
and  virtue/ 

Wonders  continued  to  present  themselves  to 
the  astonished  eyes  of  young  Garcilasso.  A 
knight  named  Bartolome  de  Terracas  was  the  first 
to  send  grapes  to  Cuzco.  The  bunches  were  sent 
to  the  elder  Garcilasso  to  distribute  among  the 
citizens.  His  son  had  to  take  the  dishes  to  each 
house,  attended  by  two  young  Indian  pages,  and 
of  course  he  did  not  fail  to  enjoy  a  good  share  him- 
self by  the  way.  He  was  not  so  fortunate  with  the 
asparagus.  The  Treasurer  Garcia  de  Melo  could 
only  send  three  stalks  to  his  father,  who  cooked 
them  at  the  brasero  in  his  own  room,  sent  his  son 
for  salt  and  pepper,  and  gave  a  tiny  bit  to  each 
of  his  guests.  But  young  Garcilasso  got  none, 
although  he  had  brought  the  trimmings. 

The  young  Inca's  mother  and  her  family  were 
well  acquainted  with  the  virtues  of  many  herbs 


268  MEDICINAL  EXPERIENCES 

and  roots.  There  was  one  very  formidable  white 
root,  which  was  pounded,  put  in  water,  and  given 
to  young  Garcilasso  to  drink  when  he  had  a 
stomach-ache.  It  was  a  drastic  remedy.  First 
it  made  him  feel  sick,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  was 
so  giddy  that  he  could  not  stand.  Then  he  felt 
as  if  ants  were  crawling  over  his  body  and  down 
his  veins.  He  next  felt  as  if  he  was  going  to  die. 
When  the  medicine  had  finished  working  he  was 
left  quite  well,  with  a  tremendous  appetite.  He 
himself  effected  a  signal  cure  on  a  boy  named 
Martin,  son  of  Pedro  Fernandez  the  loyal,  who  was 
suffering  from  a  sore  and  inflamed  eye.  Garcilasso 
took  a  plant  called  matecllu,  which  is  found  in 
streams,  a  foot  long  with  one  round  leaf  at  the  end. 
He  mashed  it,  and  applied  it  as  a  poultice  to  his 
friend,  who  was  cured  after  two  applications. 
Afterwards  he  saw  Martin  in  Spain  in  1611,  when 
he  was  head  groom  to  the  Duke  of  Feria,  and  he 
said  that  he  saw  better  in  that  eye  than  in  the 
other. 

As  Garcilasso  grew  up  he  exchanged  his  boyish 
games  and  excursions  for  the  more  serious  cane 
tournaments,  requiring  much  practice.  He  played 
in  the  tournaments  on  the  feast  of  Santiago  five 
times,  also  at  the  baptism  of  Inca  Sayri  Tupac, 
when  he  rode  a  young  horse  which  had  not  com- 
pleted its  third  year. 

The  youth  Garcilasso  was  a  born  topographer, 
with  a  remarkable  memory.  Forty  years  after  he 
left  Cuzco  he  described  the  city,  with  the  exact 


TROUBLOUS  TIMES  269 

positions  of  the  houses  of  sixty-six  Spanish  citizens. 
Little  had  been  altered  in  his  youth.  He  remem- 
bered three  of  the  great  covered  halls  attached  to 
the  palaces  of  the  Incas,  200  paces  long  by  50, 
one  in  the  Amaru-cancha  or  palace  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  now  the  church  of  the  Jesuits,  another  in 
the  Cassana  or  palace  of  Pachacuti,  capable  of 
holding  4000  people,  and  another  on  the  Colcam- 
pata.  The  great  hall  of  the  palace  of  Uira-cocha, 
on  the  east  side  of  the  great  square,  was  in  process 
of  being  converted  into  the  cathedral. 

The  first  great  trouble  remembered  by  the 
young  Inca  was  when  Gonzalo  Pizarro  rose  against 
the  Viceroy  Blasco  Nunez  de  Vela  and  the  new 
laws.  The  Cuzco  citizens  were  forced  to  join  if 
they  did  not  escape.  The  elder  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega,  Pedro  del  Barco,  Antonio  Altamirano,  and 
Hernando  Bachicao  fled  to  Lima.  The  three  last, 
two  of  them  fathers  of  the  young  Inca's  school- 
fellows, were  hanged  by  Pizarro's  cruel  old  lieu- 
tenant Carbajal.  Garcilasso  was  concealed  for 
weeks  in  the  convent  of  San  Francisco  at  Lima,  but 
at  last  Gonzalo  Pizarro  pardoned  him.  He  was 
kept  as  a  sort  of  prisoner,  and  obliged  to  accompany 
the  rebels.  Meanwhile  the  house  at  Cuzco  was 
attacked  by  the  Pizarro  faction,  and  besieged. 
The  garrison  consisted  of  the  young  Inca  with  his 
mother  and  sister,  the  Alcobasas,  and  two  faithful 
maids.  They  were  nearly  starved,  and  when  the 
besiegers  got  in,  the  house  was  pillaged.  At  last 
Diego  Centeno  arrived  with  the  Inca's  uncle,  Juan 


270  GONZALO  PIZARRO 

Vargas,  and  the  family  was  relieved.     They  had 
been  living  on  alms. 

Centeno  advanced  to  Lake  Titicaca,  where  the 
battle  of  Huarina  was  fought  on  October  25,  1547. 
Gonzalo    Pizarro    was    victorious,    and    marched 
triumphantly  to  Cuzco.     Centeno  fled,  and   Juan 
Vargas  was  killed,  to  the  great  grief  of  his  brother 
and  nephew.      Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  was  forced  to 
accompany  the  rebels,  and  was  an  unwilling  spec- 
tator of  the  battle  of  Huarina,  where  his  brother  lost 
his  life  on  the  loyal  side.    He  had  to  lend  his 
favourite  horse  '  Salinillas  '  to  Gonzalo  Pizarro,  and 
to  go  with  him  in  his  triumphant  march  northwards. 
On  the  approach  of  the  rebels,  the  little  Inca 
went  out  of  Cuzco  to  meet  his  father,  as  far  as 
Quispicancha,   over  ten  miles.    He  went  partly 
on  foot  and  partly  on  the  backs  of  two  Indian 
servants.     The  meeting  must  have  been  a  very 
joyful  one,  for  the  family  had  suffered  much  during 
the  father's  absence.     They  gave  the  little  boy  a 
horse  for  the  return  journey.      Gonzalo  Pizarro 
entered  Cuzco  triumphantly,  with  such  bells  as 
there  were  ringing  joyful  peals.     There  was  an 
interval  of  nearly  five  months  and  a  half  between 
his    victory    at    Huarina    and    his    defeat    and 
death    at    Sacsahuana.     Young    Garcilasso   says 
that  the  great  rebel  treated  him  as   if   he  had 
been  his  own  son.     The  Inca  was  much  in  Gon- 
zalo's  house,  and,  though  barely  nine  years  old,  he 
dined  twice  at  the  Procurator's  table  in  company 
with  his  cousin  and  schoolfellow  Francisco  Pizarro, 


INCA  RELATIONS  271 

the  son  of  the  Marquis.  Gonzalo  Pizarro  amused 
himself  by  making  the  two  boys  have  running  and 
jumping  matches,  until  a  rivalry  was  created 
between  the  young  competitors. 

Then  came  the  rout  of  Sacsahuana  on  April  8, 
1548,  when  the  elder  Garcilasso  took  the  oppor- 
tunity of  galloping  over  to  the  royalist  side  on  his 
favourite  horse '  Salinillas/  which  had  been  returned 
to  him  by  Gonzalo.  The  interment  of  the  headless 
body  of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  in  the  church  of  La  Merced 
quickly  followed.  Then  there  were  some  years  of 
peace,  and  young  Garcilasso  eagerly  gathered 
knowledge  as  his  age  increased.  He  listened,  with 
the  deepest  interest,  when  his  mother's  relations 
came  to  their  house  and  conversed  on  the  majesty 
and  grandeur  of  the  Incas,  their  government  and 
laws.  Soon  he  began  to  ask  questions,  and  was 
told  of  the  mythical  origin  of  his  ancestors,  of  the 
settling  of  the  city,  and  the  deeds  of  Manco  Ccapac. 
On  other  occasions  he  listened  to  the  conversations 
of  the  Spanish  conquerors,  when  they  fought  their 
battles  over  again  with  his  father.  He  also  had 
opportunities  of  examining  the  quipus  of  his  father's 
vassals  when  they  came  to  pay  their  tribute  at 
Christmas  or  St.  John's.  Comparing  the  tribute 
with  the  knots,  he  soon  came  to  understand  their 
system  of  accounts  by  quipus. 

Another  civil  war  was  impending.  The 
President  of  the  Audiencia,  Pedro  de  la  Gasca,  so 
undeservedly  praised  by  Prescott,  had  left  the 
country  seething  with  discontent,  and  in  a  most 


272          A  WEDDING  PARTY  DISTURBED 

unsettled  state.  At  last  the  storm  burst  at  Cuzco, 
the  malcontents  having  secretly  planned  a  rising 
under  the  leadership  of  Francisco  Hernandez 
Giron.  Young  Garcilasso  had  lost  his  mother  a 
.few  years  before,  and  his  father  had  married  a 
Spanish  lady. 

On  November  13,  1553,  there  was  a  marriage 
at    Cuzco   of    Don   Alonso    de    Loaysa,    nephew 
of  the  Archbishop  of  Lima,  with  a  young  lady 
named  Maria  de  Castilla,  and  a  grand  wedding 
supper   was   given   in   the   evening.     The   ladies 
supped    separately    in    an    inner    room.     Young 
Garcilasso  came  rather  late,  to  return  with  his 
father    and    step-mother.     The    Corregidor    was 
presiding,  and  the  lad  was  just  sitting  down  at  his 
invitation,    when    the    street    door    was    thrown 
violently   open,   and   Giron   stalked   in  with  his 
drawn  sword,  followed  by  two  men  armed  with 
partisans.     The   company   started   to   their   feet, 
two  were  killed  and  then  the  lights  were  put  out. 
The  Corregidor  ran  into  the  room  of  the  ladies, 
who  were  not  molested,  but  he  was  taken  prisoner. 
The  Garcilassos,  father  and  son,  with  some  others, 
found  a  passage  which    led  into  the  back-yard. 
They  all  climbed  up  on  to  the  roof  of  the  house 
next  door,  which  belonged  to  Juan  de  Figueroa. 
Thence    they    got    into    a    back    street*     Young 
Garcilasso  was  sent  forward  as  a  scout  until  they 
reached  the  house  of  his  father's  brother-in-law, 
Antonio  de  Quinones.     They  had  married  sisters. 
It  took  a  little  time  for  young  Garcilasso  to  get 


GIEON'S  REBELLION  273 

horses  ready,  but  before  midnight  his  father  and 
Quinones  had  galloped  out  of  Cuzco,  on  their  way 
to  Lima.  The  young  Inca  was  left  in  charge  of  his 
step -mother.  The  Giron  rebellion  lasted  for  a 
year,  ending  with  the  battle  of  Pucara  on  October 
24,  1554. 

The  elder  Garcilasso  became  Corregidor  of 
Cuzco  in  1555,  and  his  son  began  to  be  very  useful 
to  him.  The  father's  estates  were  at  Tapacri,  near 
Cochabamba,  at  Cotonera,  Huamanpalpa,  and  the 
coca  plantation  of  Abisca.  The  son  visited  these 
properties,  and  also  acted  as  his  father's  secretary 
during  his  term  of  office.  Both  were  very  busy 
collecting  subscriptions  for  the  erection  of  a  hospital 
for  Indians,  of  which  the  elder  Garcilasso  laid  the 
first  stone.  The  good  knight  showed  great  kindness 
to  the  young  sons  of  Pedro  del  Barco,  who  were 
left  fatherless  and  destitute. 

The  Viceroy,  Don  Andres  Hurtado  de  Mendoza, 
Marquis  of  Canete,  arrived  at  Lima  in  July  1555. 
He  was  very  anxious  that  the  young  Inca  Sayri 
Tupac  should  consent  to  come  out  of  Vilcapampa, 
and  live  with  the  Spaniards.  He  wrote  to  the 
Corregidor  of  Cuzco  and  to  the  Princess  Beatriz, 
wife  of  Leguisamo,  asking  them  to  make  the 
necessary  arrangements.  It  was  a  difficult  matter, 
requiring  skilful  diplomacy,  for  the  Inca's  tutors 
were  fearful  of  treachery.  Juan  Betanzos  was 
sent,  but  was  not  allowed  to  enter  the  Inca's 
territory.  Only  the  princess's  son,  Juan  Serra  de 
Leguisamo,  was  permitted  to  reach  the  presence  of 


274  INCA  SAYEI  TUPAC 

the  Inca  with  the  Viceroy's  rich  presents.  After 
much  deliberation  Sayri  Tupac  consented  to  go  to 
Lima,  carried  in  a  litter.  He  was  very  cordially 
received  by  the  Viceroy  and  Archbishop,  and  granted 
a  pension  and  an  estate  in  the  valley  of  Vilca- 
mayu.  Sayri  Tupac  then  began  the  journey  to 
Cuzco.  At  Guamanga  he  was  presented,  by  a  knight 
named  Miguel  Astete,  with  the  llautu,  or  fringe  of 
sovereignty,  which  had  been  taken  from  Atahualpa. 

Sayri  Tupac  lived  in  the  house  of  his  aunt, 
the  Princess  Beatriz,  while  he  was  at  Cuzco, 
and  all  those  of  the  blood-royal  went  there  to 
kiss  his  hand.  Among  others,  the  young  Inca 
Garcilasso  waited  upon  his  cousin,  and  they 
drank  chicha  together  out  of  silver  cups.  The 
Inca  Sayri  Tupac  was  married  to  Cusi  Huarcay, 
a  granddaughter  of  the  ill-fated  Inca  Huascar. 
They  were  both  baptised  at  Cuzco,  and  then 
proceeded  to  the  abode  assigned  to  them  near 
Yucay.  Sayri  Tupac  died  in  1560.  His  daughter, 
Clara  Beatriz,  married  Don  Martin  Garcia  Loyola, 
a  nephew  of  St.  Ignatius.  Their  daughter  Lorenza 
was  created  Marquesa  de  Oropesa  in  her  own 
right, with  remainder  to  the  descendants  of  her  great- 
uncle,  Tupac  Amaru.  She  married  Juan  Henriquez 
de  Borja,  a  grandson  of  the  Duke  of  Gandia. 

The  last  year  of  the  abode  of  the  young  Inca 
Garcilasso  in  the  home  of  his  childhood  was  a 
very  melancholy  one.  His  father  was  suffering 
from  a  long  and  painful  illness.  He  died  in  1559, 
and  his  son,  now  in  his  twentieth  year,  was  left 


GARCILASSO  GOES  TO  SPAIN  275 

alone  in  the  world.  It  was  settled  that  he  should 
realise  what  worldly  possessions  he  could  get 
together,  and  seek  his  fortune  in  the  mother 
country.  When  he  went  to  take  leave  of  the 
Corregidor,  Polo  de  Ondegardo,  that  body-snatching 
official  showed  him  the  mummies  of  three  Incas  and 
two  Ccoyas,  which  he  had  found  after  a  prolonged 
search.  He  called  them  Uira-cocha,  Tupac  Yu- 
panqui,  Huayna  Ccapac,  Mama  Runtu  and  Mama 
Ocllo.  The  Incas  were  in  their  ceremonial  dresses, 
and  wore  the  llautu. 

On  January  23,  1560,  the  Inca  Garcilasso  left 
Cuzco  never  to  return.  There  are  a  few  glimpses 
of  the  young  exile  during  his  journey.  His  first 
halt  was  at  Marca  Huasi,  nine  leagues  from  Cuzco, 
an  estate  owned  by  Pedro  Lopez  de  Cacalla, 
secretary  to  La  Gasca.  The  manager  took  him 
over  the  vineyards,  but  did  not  offer  him  any 
grapes,  for  which  he  was  longing.  The  excuse 
was  that  they  were  grown  to  make  wine,  to  compete 
for  a  prize.  Garcilasso  next  turns  up  in  the 
valley  of  Huarcu,  or  Canete,  on  the  coast,  where 
he  hears  of  the  wonderful  harvests  of  wheat. 
On  the  voyage  he  was  becalmed  for  three  days 
off  Cape  Pasaos,  in  0'20°  S.  He  mentions  being 
at  Panama  and  Carthagena,  and  in  1562  he  was 
at  Madrid,  where  he  saw  Hernando  Pizarro  and 
Las  Casas.  The  good  Bishop  gave  the  young 
mestizo  his  hand  to  kiss,  but  when  he  found  that 
the  youth  was  from  Peru,  and  not  from  Mexico, 
he  had  little  to  say  to  him. 

z2 


276  THE  INCA  IN  SPAIN 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  does  not  appear  to  have 
been  welcomed  with  any  very  great  amount  of 
cordiality  by  his  grand  relations  in  Spain.  How 
he  must  have  regretted  his  happy  boyhood  at 
Cuzco,  and  the  loss  of  all  his  friends !  At  first 
he  got  some  letters  from  his  cousin  Figueroa, 
and  his  Inca  uncle,  Hualpa  Tupac  Yupanqui. 

The  young  Inca  made  an  application  for  the 
restitution  of  the  patrimony  of  his  mother,  and 
for  a  recognition  of  his  father's  faithful  services. 
It  was  referred  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and 
the  members  were  convinced  by  his  proofs  until 
an  ill-natured  lawyer  named  Lope  Garcia  de  Castro 
intervened.  He  was  afterwards  Governor  of  Peru 
from  1564  to  1569.  He  asked  the  Inca  what  favour 
he  could  expect  when  his  father  was  at  the  battle 
of  Huarina  helping  Gonzalo  Pizarro.  Garcilasso 
replied  that  it  was  false.  Castro  then  said  that 
three  historians  had  affirmed  it,  and  who  was 
he  to  deny  what  they  said  ?  So  his  petition  was 
rejected.  His  best  friend  at  this  sad  time,  and 
for  long  afterwards,  was  Don  Alonzo  Fernandez 
de  Cordova,  Lord  of  the  House  of  Aguilar,  and 
Marquis  of  Priego,  a  Figueroa  cousin  of  Garcilasso 
on  his  grandmother's  side. 

The  Inca  obtained  a  captaincy  in  the  army  of 
Philip  II,  and  served  in  the  campaign  against  the 
Moriscos  under  Don  Juan  of  Austria.  He  soon 
afterwards  left  a  military  life,  poor  and  in  debt, 
and  devoted  himself  to  literary  pursuits.  His 
first  production  was  a  translation  from  the  Italian 


THE  INCA'S  LITERARY  WORK  277 

of  the  '  Dialogues  of  Love '  by  a  Jew  named 
Abarbanel,  who  wrote  under  the  nom  de  plume  of 
El  Leon  Ebreo.  The  Inca's  translation  was  pub- 
lished in  1590.  The  dedication  to  the  King 
contains  a  full  account  of  Garcilasso's  Inca  lineage. 
His  next  work  was  a  narrative  of  the  expedition 
of  Hernando  de  Soto  in  Florida,  which  he  com- 
pleted in  1591.  He  is  said  to  have  got  his  informa- 
tion chiefly  from  the  accounts  of  an  old  soldier 
who  served  with  de  Soto.  It  was  first  published 
at  Lisbon  in  1605,  and  reprinted  several  times. 
The  best  edition  is  that  of  1722. 

Don  Pascual  de  Gayangos  gave  me  a  curious 
manuscript  written  by  the  Inca,  which  appears 
to  have  been  intended  for  a  dedicatory  epistle 
to  be  placed  at  the  beginning  of  the  Inca's  work 
on  Florida.  It  is  addressed  to  the  head  of  the 
Vargas  family,  and  consists  of  a  full  genealogical 
account  of  the  house  of  Vargas,  followed  by  an 
abstract  of  the  contents  of  the  work  on  Florida, 
and  an  explanation  of  the  system  adopted  by  the 
author  in  its  division  into  six  books.  In  the 
genealogical  part  there  are  several  interesting 
digressions,  both  personal  and  historical. 

We  gather  from  this  document  that  his  uncle, 
Don  Alonzo  de  Vargas,  a  military  officer  of  long 
and  varied  service,  being  childless,  adopted  the 
Inca  as  his  heir. 

For  many  years  before  his  death  Garcilasso 
had  lived  in  a  hired  house  in  the  city  of  Cordova — 
'  mi  pobre  casa  de  alquiler/  He  was  never  married. 


278  THE  INCA'S  WORK  ON  PERU 

As  years  rolled  on  he  began  to  think  more  of 
the  land  of  his  birth,  and,  as  we  can  gather  from 
the  above  document,  he  had  resolved  to  write  the 
story  of  his  native  land  in  1596,  the  date  of  the 
document.1 

In  that  or  the  next  year  a  Jesuit  residing  at 
Cordova,  named  Maldonado  de  Saavedra,  a  native 
of  Seville,  gave  the  Inca  the  history  of  Peru  by 
Bias  Valera,  a  manuscript  written  in  most  elegant 
Latin.  The  Inca  says  that  only  one  half  was 
rescued  from  pillage  during  the  sack  of  Cadiz  by 
the  English.  But  the  priests  were  allowed  to 
take  their  papers  with  them,  and  Dr.  Gonzalez  de 
la  Kosa  thinks  that  Garcilasso  received  the  history 
intact.  He  speaks  with  great  respect  of  the 
knowledge  and  learning  of  Bias  Valera,  quoting 
twenty- one  passages  from  his  work,  most  of  them 
long  and  important.  For  a  narrative  of  the  events 
of  each  Inca's  reign,  Garcilasso  wrote  to  his  old 
schoolfellows  asking  them  to  help  him  by  sending 
him  accounts  of  conquests  of  the  Incas  in  the 
countries  of  their  mothers,  for  each  province  has 
its  quipus  and  recorded  annals  and  traditions. 
He  adds  that  they  sent  them  to  him,  and  that 
he  thus  got  the  records  of  the  deeds  of  the  Incas. 
His  great  friend  Diego  de  Alcobasa  had  become  a 
priest,  and  he  sent  a  valuable  account  of  the  ruins 

i  « I  shall  enter  upon  it  more  fully  in  the  proper  descent  and 
history  of  those  Kings  Incas,  if  God  gives  me  strength,  and  if  evil 
fortune  does  not  pursue  me — but  it  always  seems  to  thwart  me 
in  what  I  most  desire.' 


THE  INCA'S  WOKK  ON  PERU  279 

of  Tiahuanacu.  But  Garcilasso  mentions  no  others 
by  name.  The  cruel  edict  of  Toledo  had  banished 
and  scattered  his  mestizo  schoolfellows.  It  is 
difficult  to  avoid  a  suspicion  that  the  narratives  of 
historical  events  are  based  on  the  history  of  Bias 
Valera  and  unacknowledged,  and  not  on  communi- 
cations from  his  schoolfellows.  Garcilasso  further 
says  that  his  plan  is  to  relate  what  he  heard  in 
his  childhood  from  his  mother  and  her  relations 
respecting  the  origin  of  the  Incas. 

His  work  is  divided  into  two  parts,  the  first 
containing  a  history  of  the  Incas  and  their  civilisa- 
tion, and  the  second  being  a  record  of  the  Spanish 
conquest  and  subsequent  civil  wars.  The  title  is, 
'  The  Royal  Commentaries  of  Peru/  The  first  part 
received  the  approval  and  licence  of  the  Inquisition 
in  1604,  and  was  published  at  Lisbon  in  1609, 
dedicated  to  the  Duchess  of  Braganza.  The  second 
part  appeared  at  Cordova  in  1617,  after  the  author's 
death,  '  by  the  widow  of  Andres  Barrera  and  at 
her  cost/ 

The  work  is,  in  fact,  a  commentary  to  a  large 
extent.  For  events,  and  accounts  of  religious  rites 
and  customs,  he  quotes  largely  from  other  authors, 
sometimes  adding  criticisms  of  their  statements. 
The  authors  he  quotes  are  :  Bias  Valera,  twenty-one 
times ;  Cieza  de  Leon,  thirty  times ;  Acosta,  twenty- 
seven  times;  Gomara,  eleven  times;  Zarate,  nine 
times ;  Fernandez  twice ;  and  his  friends  Alcobasa 
and  Figueroa  seven  times.  His  own  personal 
reminiscences  are  by  far  the  most  interesting 


280  THE  INCA'S  WORK  ON  PERU 

passages,  and  they  are  scattered  about  everywhere 
throughout  both  parts. 

The  *  Royal  Commentaries '  were,  until  quite 
recently,  the  most  valued  authority  for  Peruvian 
civilisation  and  the  history  of  the  Incas.  The 
position  of  the  writer  as  an  Inca  on  the  mother's  side, 
the  fulness  of  detail  both  as  regards  the  history  and 
the  manners,  customs,  and  religion  of  the  people, 
and  the  peculiar  charm  of  his  style  fully  account 
for  the  position  his  work  held  for  so  long.  Prescott 
quotes  Garcilasso  twice  as  often  as  any  other 
authority.  But  the  Inca  was  writing  forty  years 
after  he  had  left  the  country.  Sarmiento  now, 
to  a  great  extent,  supersedes  his  history.  Molina, 
Morua,  Bias  Valera,  Salcamayhua,  and  other  writers 
whose  works  have  recently  come  to  light,  are  more 
reliable  as  regards  the  religion  and  manners  and 
customs  of  the  people,  because  they  wrote  on  the 
spot  and  with  fuller  knowledge.  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la 
Rosa  has  shown  reason  for  questioning  Garcilasso's 
integrity  as  regards  the  use  of  the  manuscript  of 
Bias  Valera.  Yet,  in  spite  of  all  this,  the  Inca 
will  continue  to  be  an  important  authority,  while  the 
charm  of  his  personal  reminiscences  must  ever  have 
a  fascination  for  his  readers  from  which  no  criticism 
can  detract. 

The  Inca  must  have  led  a  somewhat  lonely 
bachelor's  life  at  Cordova,  yet  it  can  scarcely  have 
been  an  unhappy  one,  when  his  occupation  filled 
him  constantly  with  happy  remembrances  of  his 
boyhood.  He  had  the  pleasure  of  welcoming 


AGENT  FOR  INCA  RELATIONS  281 

at  least  one  of  his  schoolfellows.  This  was  Juan 
Arias  Maldonado,  son  of  Maldonado  the  rich. 
He  had  been  robbed  of  his  estates  and  driven  out 
of  the  country  by  the  cruel  tyrant  Toledo.  He 
had  obtained  leave  to  return  to  Peru  for  three 
years,  to  recover  some  of  his  property.  Before 
sailing  he  came  to  the  Inca  at  Cordova  with  his 
wife.  They  were  in  great  poverty,  and  the  Inca 
gave  them  all  the  white  clothing  he  possessed,  and 
much  cloth  and  taffeta.  They  reached  the  bay 
of  Payta,  where  Juan  Arias  died  of  joy  at  once 
more  seeing  his  native  land. 

In  1603  the  Inca  was  deeply  interested  in  the 
efforts  of  his  mother's  family  to  obtain  some  small 
modicum  of  justice.  Melchior  Carlos  Inca,  the  son 
of  his  unfortunate  old  schoolfellow  Carlos  Inca, 
accompanied  by  Don  Alonso  de  Mesa,  son  of  one 
of  the  best  of  the  conquerors,  had  come  to  Spain  to 
petition  for  his  rights.  The  few  surviving  Incas 
wrote  to  empower  Garcilasso,  Alonso  de  Mesa,  and 
Melchior  to  act  for  them  in  striving  to  obtain 
immunity  for  them  from  many  vexatious  and 
ruinous  imposts.  They  also  sent  proofs  of  their 
descent  painted  on  a  yard  and  a  half  of  white  silk 
of  China,  with  the  Incas  in  their  ancient  dresses. 
The  covering  letter  was  dated  April  16,  1603,  and 
signed  by  four  Incas,  each  one  representing  an 
ayllu.  There  were  then  567 l  agnates  of  the  royal 

1  The  5  should  certainly  be  2,  but  267  would  include  descendants 
of  all  Orejones,  not  only  Inca  agnates.  There  were  83  Incas 
who  were  witnesses  for  Sarmiento's  history,  and  118  of  Toledo's 


282  THE  INCA'S  WILL 

family.  In  1604  Melchior  Carlos  Inca  received  a 
grant  of  7500  ducats  a  year  in  perpetuity  from 
the  Lima  treasury,  and  was  invested  with  the  order 
of  Santiago.  He  was  not  allowed  to  return  to  Peru, 
and  he  died  at  Alcala  de  Henares  in  1610.  His 
only  son  died  in  the  same  year,  and  thus  the  main 
line  of  Prince  Paullu  became  extinct.1  Nothing 
could  be  effected  for  the  Inca  petitioners.  Most 
of  them,  with  many  of  their  mestizo  relations, 
perished  in  misery  and  exile. 

Garcilasso  Inca  de  la  Vega  was  a  devoted  son 
of  the  Church.  In  his  last  years  he  was  much 
occupied  in  the  preparation  of  a  side-chapel  in  the 
cathedral  of  Cordova  for  his  interment.  It  was  to 
be  dedicated  to  the  souls  in  purgatory.  From 
his  will2  we  gather  that  his  house  was  fairly  well 
furnished,  that  he  had  a  gold  jewel  inlaid  with  a 
diamond,  and  a  grandfather's  clock.  His  plate  for 
table  and  sideboard  was  sufficient  for  his  rank, 
and  his  accoutrements  during  the  Morisco  war 
were  hanging  on  his  walls  :  a  cutlass,  a  battle-axe, 

witnesses,  not  all  Incas,  making  200.    This  allows  for  67  not  called 
upon. 

1  Dr.  Justo  Sahuaraura,  Archdeacon  of  Cuzco,  claimed  that 
Melchior   Carlos   Inca   had   a   brother   named   Bartolome   Quispe 
Atauchi,  from  whom  he  was  descended  in  the  male  line  down  to 
Luis  Ramos  Titu  Atauchi,  a  lawyer  at  Cuzco,  who  died  childles?, 
Maria,  the  sister  of  Luis  Ramos,  is  said  to  have  married  Nicola; 
Sahuaraura,  who  was  the  father  of  Dr.   Justo  Sahuaraura.    Dr. 
Justo  was  in  the  battle  of  Ayacucho  as  a  young  man,  and  afterwards 
took  orders.     He  died  in  1853.     I  knew  his  nieces. 

2  First  discovered  by  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  who  obtained  a 
copy  from  the  '  Archive  '  de  Protocolos  at  Cordova  in.  1908. 


THE  INCA'S  CHAPEL  AT  CORDOVA        283 

an  engraved  helmet,  a  halberd,  and  spurs.  A  cage 
with  five  canary  birds  hung  by  the  old  man's 
chair.  There  were  two  bookcases  and  a  stand  for 
papers.  On  September  18,  1612,  he  had  bought 
the  chapel  in  the  cathedral  from  the  Bishop,  and 
he  left  a  number  of  other  legal  documents,  including 
the  will  of  his  uncle  and  guardian,  Alonzo  de  Vargas, 
dated  1570.  The  Inca  was  well  supplied  with  linen 
sheets  and  pillow-cases  for  his  beds,  as  well  as 
mattresses  and  counterpanes. 

The  old  Inca's  household  consisted  of  Diego  de 
Vargas,  whom  he  had  brought  up,  Beatriz  de  Vega, 
a  captive  slave  named  Marina  de  Cordova,  Maria 
de  Prados,  an  orphan  child  brought  up  by  him, 
and  a  lad  named  Francisco.  By  his  will  he 
emancipated  Marina,  and  left  them  all  small 
pensions,  their  beds  and  chests,  and  all  the  wheat, 
bacon,  and  wine  in  the  house,  to  be  divided  equally. 

Masses  were  to  be  said  daily  in  his  mortuary 
chapel,  a  lamp  was  to  be  kept  burning  in  it,  and 
there  was  to  be  a  salary  for  the  sacristan.  Funds 
were  provided  of  which  the  Dean  and  Chapter 
were  appointed  trustees. 

The  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  died  in  his  house 
in  the  parish  of  Santa  Maria  in  Cordova  on  April  22, 
1616,  just  ten  days  after  his  seventy-seventh 
birthday.  He  was  buried  in  the  chapel  he  had 
purchased  and  restored,  in  the  cathedral  of  Cor- 
dova. Visitors  are  fascinated  by  the  wonderful 
beauty  of  the  interior,  with  its  forests  of  pillars, 
with  its  memories  of  the  Beni  Umeyyah,  and  the 


284  THE  INCA'S  CHAPEL 

exquisite  Mihrab  of  Hakem  II.  Perhaps  a  few  may 
find  time  to  give  a  thought  to  the  good  old  Inca. 
His  chapel  is  on  the  north  side,  the  third  from  the 
east.  His  arms  are  over  the  iron  grating  and  gate. 
On  the  dexter  side  are  Vargas  quartering  Figueroa, 
Saavedra,  and  Mendoza,  and  impaling  the  arms 
granted  to  the  Incas.  These  are  azure  two  serpents 
supporting  a  rainbow  from  their  mouths,  from 
which  hangs  the  llautu,  in  chief  a  sun  and  moon. 
The  stone  covering  the  tomb  is  in  the  centre  of  the 
little  chapel.  The  epitaph  painted  on  boards  is  on 
each  side  of  the  altar.  On  the  gospel  side  : 

'  The  Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  a  distinguished 
man  worthy  of  perpetual  memory,  illustrious  in  blood,  well 
versed  in  letters,  valiant  in  arms.  Son  of  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  of  the  ducal  houses  of  Feria  and  Infantado,  and  of 
Elizabeth  Palla,  sister  of  Huaina  Ccapac,  last  Emperor 
of  Peru.  He  edited  La  Florida,  translated  Leon  Ebreo, 
composed  the  Royal  Commentaries/ 

On  the  epistle  side  : 

'  He  lived  very  religiously  in  Cordova,  died,  and  was 
buried  in  this  chapel.  He  closed  up  his  estate  in  a  chain 
for  the  good  of  souls  in  purgatory,  being  perpetual  trustees 
the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  this  holy  church.  He  died  on  the 
22nd  of  April,  1616.' 

'  Pray  to  God  for  his  soul.' 

A  lamp  hangs  from  the  roof,  and  is  always 
kept  burning,  night  and  day,  in  accordance  with  the 
clause  in  the  Inca's  will. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 

THE  LAST   OF  THE  INCAS 

THE  terrible  doom  of  the  unfortunate  Peruvians 
and  their  beloved  Incas  was  now  inevitable.  It 
fjame  upon  them  in  one  crushing  blow  a  very  little 
more  than  ten  years  after  the  departure  of  the 
Inca  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  for  Europe.  On  the 
death  of  Sayri  Tupac,  his  brother  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui 
was  acclaimed  as  sovereign  Inca  in  Vilcapampa — 
a  man  of  very  different  mould.  Juan  de  Betanzos 
and  Rodriguez  were  sent  to  persuade  him  to  follow 
his  elder  brother's  example,  but  without  effect. 
He  was  firm  in  the  resolve  to  maintain  his  inde- 
pendence.1 

The  Inca  Garcilasso's  old  schoolfellow,  Carlos 
Inca,  had  succeeded  his  father,  Prince  Paullu,  at  the 
palace  of  the  Colcampata,  and  was  married  to  a 
Spanish  lady  born  in  Peru,named  Maria  de  Esquivel. 
Little  of  the  palace  now  remains,  but  it  is  a  very 
interesting  spot  and  closely  connected  with  the 
last  days  of  the  Incas. 

i  A  letter  dictated  by  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui  and  addressed  to 
the  licentiate  Castro  (who  was  Governor  of  Peru  from  1664  to  1569) 
has  been  unearthed  and  will  be  published. 

285 


286  THE  COLCAMPATA 

High  above  the  city,  of  which  there  is  an  exten- 
sive view  bounded  by  the  snowy  peak  of  Vilcanota, 
and  at  the  foot  of  the  precipitous  ascent  to  the 
fortress,  is  the  small  open  space  before  the  little 
church  of  San  Cristoval.  On  the  north  side 
was  the  palace.  On  a  terrace  with  a  stone  revet- 
ment, one  may  still  see  a  wall  built  of  stones  of 
various  sizes  fitting  exactly  one  into  the  other. 
It  is  seventy-four  yards  long  and  sixteen  feet  high. 
In  this  wall  there  are  eight  recesses  at  equal  dis- 
tances, resembling  doorways.  They  are  too  shallow 
to  be  used  for  shelter — only  two  and  a  half  inches. 
They  could  not  have  been  used  as  doors,  for  this 
wall  is  a  revetment.  One  only  is  a  doorway.  They 
are  not  likely  to  have  been  merely  ornamental. 
I  think  that  these  recesses  contained  sacred  or 
royal  emblems  of  some  kind.  The  point  is  interest- 
ing, as  there  are  exactly  the  same  walls  at  the  palaces 
of  Chinchero,  Limatambo,  and  Yucay. 

The  third  recess  from  the  west  is  a  doorway 
leading  to  a  steep  narrow  staircase.  Above  there  is 
a  platform,  now  a  maize-field,  on  a  level  with  the 
top  of  the  recessed  wall,  once  a  garden  leading  to 
and  fronting  the  palace  itself.  The  remains  of  the 
palace  are  now  of  very  small  extent.  They  consist 
of  a  wall  of  admirably  worked  masonry  forty  feet 
long  and  ten  and  a  half  feet  high.  The  stones  are 
beautifully  cut  in  perfect  parallelograms,  all  of  the 
same  height  but  varying  in  length,  fitting  exactly 
one  to  the  other.  The  wall  contains  a  doorway 
and  a  window.  The  sides  of  the  doorway  support 


THE  COLCAMPATA  287 

a  stone  lintel  nearly  eight  feet  long,  while  a  stone 
of  similar  length  forms  the  doorstep.  The  window 
is  nearly  6  ft.  from  the  ground,  2  ft.  3  in.  broad, 
by  2  ft.  8  in.  high.  The  foundations  and  parts  of 
the  wall  continue  for  65  ft. ;  and  behind  there  are 
three  terraces  planted  with  fruit  trees,  up  to  the 
base  of  the  steep  ascent,  on  the  summit  of  which 
the  citadel  once  stood. 

The  palace  was  the  work  of  the  great  Inca 
Pachacuti  at  the  time  when  he  was  remodelling 
the  whole  city.1  In  imagination  we  can  rebuild 
the  palace  from  these  ruins,  with  its  approach 
through  the  revetment  wall,  its  beautiful  gardens 
and  terraces,  its  long  fagade  of  exactly  fitting 
masonry,  and  its  great  hall,  which  we  are  told  by 
Garcilasso  was  intact  in  his  time.  Pachacuti 
called  it  the  Llactapata,  and  desired  to  be  interred 
there.  The  more  modern  term  Colcampata  may 
have  been  given  owing  to  granaries  (colca)  having 
been  placed  there  at  some  later  time. 

Here  dwelt  Carlos  Inca  with  his  wife  Maria  de 
Esquivel,  as  the  head  of  the  section  of  his  family 
that  had  submitted  to  the  Spaniards.  His  relations, 
driven  from  their  homes  in  the  city,  lived  in  the 
suburbs  and  the  neighbouring  villages.  The  Inca 
received  frequent  visits  from  them,  and  appears  to 
have  held  a  somewhat  melancholy  court.  Carlos 
was  the  depositary  of  a  great  secret.  Between  the 
time  when  the  transmission  of  Atahualpa's  ransom 

i  It  is  attributed  to  the  mythical  Manco  Ccapac.    The  masonry 
and  style  of  building  show  this  to  be  impossible. 


288  THE  GREAT  TREASURE 

was  stopped,  owing  to  his  murder,  and  the  arrival 
of  Pizarro  at  Cuzco,  the  respite  was  employed  in 
secretly  concealing  the  vast  treasure  still  remaining 
in  Cuzco  and  the  neighbourhood,  which  amounted 
to  millions.  It  included  the  great  golden  statue 
which  was  the  Huauqui  of  the  Inca  Huayna  Ccapac, 
and  of  course  was  never  found.  It  was  very 
fortunate  for  Carlos  Inca  that  the  Spaniards  did 
not  know  of  the  secret,  or  that  he  was  its  depositary. 
It  is  said  that  once,  when  his  wife  taunted  him  with 
his  poverty,  Carlos  led  her,  under  promise  of 
secrecy,  blindfold  to  the  secret  place,  and  took  her 
breath  away  at  the  sight  of  such  vast  treasure. 
He  handed  the  secret  down  to  a  successor  when  he 
went  into  exile.1 

i  Tradition  told  by  Felipe  de  Pomares.  Squier  had  a  copy  of 
the  MS.,  which  is  in  the  British  Museum. 

My  friend,  the  Senora  Astete  de  Bennet,  was  the  daughter  of 
Colonel  Pablo  Astete  of  Cuzco,  descended  from  that  Miguel  Astete 
who  went  with  Hernando  Pizarro  to  Pachacamac,  and  wrote  an 
interesting  report  of  the  expedition.  Colonel  Astete  was  a  friend 
of  Tupac  Amaru,  who  rose  against  the  Spaniards  in  1782,  and  of 
the  Cacique  Pumacagua,  who  rose  against  them  in  1815. 

My  friend  remembered  Pumacagua  as  a  very  short  old  man, 
with  a  long  nose  and  bright  eyes.  He  could  hardly  speak  Spanish, 
but  could  write  it  perfectly.  In  1815  he  was  seventy-seven.  He  was 
shown  the  immense  concealed  wealth  of  the  Incas  by  an  Indian  who 
had  inherited  the  secret.  Led  up  the  bed  of  the  river  Huatanay 
for  a  long  distance,  blindfold  and  in  the  night,  he  suddenly  found 
himself  surrounded  by  vases,  cups,  plates,  ingots,  and  great  statues, 
all  of  pure  gold,  in  incredible  profusion.  He  only  took  what  was 
urgently  needed  to  equip  his  troops.  Returning  to  Cuzco,  he  went 
straight  to  Colonel  Astete's  house.  The  Senora  Astete  told  me 
that  she  could  remember  his  coming  into  the  room  with  the  gold, 
and  wet  through,  to  relate  his  adventures.  His  conductor  was 
the  last  who  knew  the  secret,  for  when  Pumacagua  was  killed 


THE  VICEROY  TOLEDO  289 

It  is  now  time  to  introduce  the  villain  of  the 
piece.  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo  was  a  younger 
son  of  the  Count  of  Oropesa,  belonging  to  a  family 
of  which  the  butcher  Alva  was  the  head.  Don 
Francisco  was  advanced  in  years  when  he  came 
to  Peru  as  Viceroy  in  1569,  and  resolved  to  visit 
every  part  of  the  vast  territory  under  his  rule. 
He  was  accompanied  by  Agustin  de  la  Coruna, 
Bishop  of  Popayan,  the  author  Josef  de  Acosta,  the 
lawyers  Polo  de  Ondegardo  and  Juan  de  Matienza, 
the  cosmographer  Pedro  Sarmiento,  the  secretary 
Navamuel,  and  some  others.  Toledo  was  an 
indefatigable  worker,  but  excessively  narrow- 
minded,  cruel  and  pitiless.  One  of  his  ideas  was 
to  prove  that  the  King  of  Spain  had  a  right  to 
Peru  because  the  Incas  were  usurpers.  With 
this  object  he  examined  a  number  of  leading 
Indians  at  every  place  he  stopped  at,  but  they 
were  not  Amautas  versed  in  history,  and  their 
evidence  is  of  little  or  no  value.  He  sent  it  all 
to  Spain  in  reports,  which  have  recently  been 
published.1  This  Viceroy  arrived  at  Cuzco  early 

he  despaired  of  his  country,  and  died  without  revealing  it  to  a 
successor. 

Mateo  Garcia  Pumacagua,  Cacique  of  Chinchero,  was  defeated  by 
the  Spanish  General  Ramirez  at  Umachiri  on  March  4,  1815,  taken 
prisoner  and  hanged.  His  rebellion  was  the  forerunner  of  independence. 

My  old  friend  the  Senora  Astete  hoped  that  the  Inca  treasure 
would  never  be  found.  '  No  one  deserves  it,'  she  said. 

l  Informaciones  a  cerca  del  senorio  y  gobierno  de  los  Ingas  hechas 
por  mandado  de  Don  Francisco  de  Toledo,  1570-1572.  Printed  in  the 
same  volume  as  Montesinos  and  edited  by  Jimenez  de  la  Espada 
(Madrid,  1882). 

0 


290  BAPTISMAL  FfiTE 

in  the  year  1571.  There  were  bull  fights,  tourna- 
ments, and  other  displays  in  his  honour. 

At  nearly  the  same  time  the  wife  of  Don  Carlos 
Inca  gave  birth  to  a  son  and  heir,  and  the  Viceroy 
was  requested  to  be  godfather  to  the  child,  and 
'  compadre  '  or  gossip  to  its  parents.  He  consented, 
and  the  baptismal  ceremony  took  place  in  the 
little  church  of  San  Cristoval.  This  edifice  is 
built  of  ancient  masonry,  and  must  once  have  been 
part  of  the  palace.  The  child  received  the  names 
of  Carlos  Melchior.  All  the  ayllus  of  the  Incas 
were  present,  and  when  the  company  adjourned  to 
the  palace  there  were  rejoicings,  dances,  fireworks, 
and  '  many  newly  invented  and  costly  conceits/ 
The  Viceroy  came  up  the  staircase  in  the  revetment 
wall  into  the  gardens  of  the  palace,  like  a  bird  of 
evil  omen,  guarded  by  halberdiers.  He  is  portrayed 
as  a  short  dark  man  of  fifty,  with  narrow  forehead, 
hawk's  nose,  black  eyes,  and  a  saturnine  expression. 
He  would  have  been  in  a  black  velvet  suit,  with 
the  green  cross  of  Alcantara  embroidered  on  his 
doublet — certainly  a  wet  blanket. 

It  is  alleged  that  the  Inca  Titu  Cusi  Yupanqui, 
with  his  young  brother  Tupac  Amaru,  was  present 
and  mingled  among  the  crowd  of  guests.  He  was 
impressed  with  the  ceremony,  and  soon  afterwards 
sent  envoys  to  Cuzco  to  request  that  persons 
might  be  sent  to  him  to  instruct  him  in  the  Christian 
religion.  Two  friars  named  Juan  de  Vivero,  who 
had  baptised  Sayri  Tupac  and  was  Prior  of  the 
Augustine  convent,  and  Diego  Ortiz,  also  one  of 


DEATH  OF  TITU  CUSI  291 

the  Augustine  order,  were  despatched  with  three 
laymen  as  companions,  and  a  mestizo  servant 
named  Pando.  Diego  Rodriguez  de  Figueroa  also 
came  as  Chief  Magistrate  and  leader  of  the  party, 
which  entered  the  fastnesses  of  Vilcapampa  and 
was  well  received.  Rodriguez  wrote  an  account 
of  the  mission,  which  has  been  preserved.  He 
describes  how,  when  courtiers  entered  to  the 
presence  of  Titu  Cusi,  they  first  did  mucha  or 
reverence  to  the  sun  and  then  to  the  Inca.  The 
Spaniards  used  all  the  arts  of  persuasion  they 
possessed  to  induce  Titu  Cusi  to  follow  the  example 
of  his  brother  and  surrender  to  the  conquerors. 
This  he  would  not  do.  He  temporised  and  pro- 
crastinated for  so  long  that  the  embassy  returned. 
Friar  Ortiz  and  Pando  remained  behind.  The 
Inca  had  been  baptised  by  Father  Vivero,  receiving 
the  name  of  Felipe. 

Then  the  Inca  had  a  mortal  illness.  Pando, 
the  interpreter,  had  told  wonderful  stories  about 
the  miraculous  powers  of  the  Christian  priests,  so 
Friar  Ortiz  was  ordered  to  restore  the  Inca  to 
health  ;  and  he  began  to  say  daily  masses.  The 
Inca  died,  and  as  the  fault  was  naturally  supposed 
to  be  with  the  priest  and  his  interpreter,  they  were 
put  to  death.1  Meanwhile  another  embassy  was 

1  It  need  not  be  believed  that  they  were  tortured.  When  monks 
have  to  treat  of  a  '  martyrdom  '  or  a  miracle,  especially  in  connection 
with  their  own  order,  no  exaggeration  is  too  wild  for  them.  There 
could  be  no  evidence  except  from  the  Indians,  and  they  would 
not  have  spoken  unless  under  the  excruciating  pain  of  torture 
themselves. 

u  2 


292  ACCESSION  OF  TUPAC  AMARU 

sent  before  the  news  of  the  Inca's  death  had 
arrived.  The  chiefs  were  thoroughly  alarmed,  and 
when  the  envoy  Atilano  de  Anaya  attempted  to 
force  an  entrance  by  the  bridge  of  Chuqui-chaca  he 
also  was  put  to  death. 

The  deceased  Inca  was  jealous  of  his  younger 
brother,  Tupac  Amaru,  and  confined  him  in  the 
House  of  the  Sun,  in  accordance  with  an  ancient 
usage,  keeping  him  secluded,  on  the  ground  of  his 
inexperience.  Tupac  Amaru,  who,  judging  from 
the  date  of  his  father's  death  must  have  been  at 
least  twenty-five  years  of  age,  was  already  married 
and  had  two  daughters  and  a  little  son.  After 
the  deaths  of  Ortiz,  Pando,  and  Anaya,  the  chiefs 
brought  Tupac  Amaru  out  of  his  seclusion,  so  that 
he  was  not  responsible  for  these  deaths,  and  was 
indeed  perfectly  innocent.  He  was  acclaimed  as 
Sovereign  Inca.  The  llautu,  or  fringe,  was  placed 
on  his  head,  the  yacolla,  or  mantle,  was  fastened 
over  his  shoulders,  the  chipana,  or  bracelet,  was 
clasped  round  his  wrist.  Then  the  achihua,  or 
parasol,  was  held  over  him  while  he  was  invested 
with  the  tumi,  or  knife,  chuqui,  or  lance,  huallcancq, 
or  shield,  and  usuta,  or  shoes.  Finally  he  was 
carried  in  the  Tiuantuy,  or  Utter,  to  thetiana,  or  throne, 
and  was  solemnly  crowned  with  the  mascapaycha, 
or  imperial  head-dress,  over  the  llautu. 

The  deaths  of  Ortiz  and  Pando  furnished  the 
Viceroy  Toledo  with  an  excuse  for  the  invasion 
and  conquest  of  Vilcapampa.  He  assembled  as 
large  a  force  as  he  could  muster,  which  was  placed 


INVASION  OF  VILCAPAMPA  293 

under  the  command  of  Martin  Hernando  de  Arbieto, 
a  veteran  of  the  civil  wars.  His  captains  were  Juan 
Alvarez  Maldonado,  father  of  Garcilasso's  school- 
fellow; Martin  Garcia  de  Loyola,  captain  of  the 
Viceroy's  bodyguard;  Mancio  Serra  de  Leguisamo, 
father  of  another  of  Garcilasso's  schoolfellows ; 
and  nine  others.  They  marched  down  the  valley  of 
Vilcamayu  to  the  bridge  of  Chuqui-chaca,  which 
is  the  key  of  Vilcapampa  by  the  western  door. 
Another  force  watched  the  outlets  on  the  side  of 
Apancay  and  the  Apurimac.  The  Incas  made 
some  resistance,  and  then  retreated  to  their  camp 
under  a  heavy  fire  of  arquebuses  and  field-pieces. 
Next  day  the  Indians  fled  along  a  narrow  path, 
with  dense  undergrowth  on  one  side  and  a  precipice 
on  the  other.  The  Spaniards  followed,  often  in 
single  file.  At  one  place  a  gallant  chief  named 
Hualpa  rushed  out  of  the  bushes,  and  grappled 
with  Loyola,  who  led  the  vanguard.  While  they 
were  struggling  together,  a  servant  named  Carrillo 
drew  Loyola's  sword  and  killed  Hualpa  from 
behind.  It  was  a  lucky  but  not  a  chivalrous  escape 
for  the  Knight  of  Calatrava.  The  pursuit  was 
continued.  The  young  Inca  was  making  his 
way,  by  a  valley  called  Simaponte,  to  the  friendly 
Manari  Indians  in  the  montana.  They  had 
placed  canoes  on  a  river  to  enable  him  to 
escape. 

Loyola  went  in  chase  with  fifty  men  and  over- 
took the  fugitives,  who  were  captured,  after  a  brief 
resistance,  on  October  4,  1571.  When  at  last 


294:  MURDER  OF  TUPAC  AMARU 

General  Arbieto  was  satiated  with  the  slaughter  of 
unarmed  Indians,  he  marched  back  to  Cuzco  with 
the  Inca  Tupac  Amaru,  his  family  and  chiefs,  as 
prisoners.  They  dressed  the  young  sovereign  in 
his  imperial  robes  and  headgear,  put  a  rope  round 
his  neck,  and  so  brought  him  before  Toledo,  a 
most  ignoble  triumph.  Don  Carlos  Inca  had  been 
lawlessly  driven  out  of  the  Colcampata  in  order 
to  convert  it  into  a  prison,  and  here  the  Inca  was 
confined.  There  was  a  mock  trial,  presided  over 
by  one  of  Toledo's  creatures  named  Gabriel  de 
Loarte,  who  condemned  the  Inca  to  be  beheaded 
and  all  his  chiefs  to  be  hanged.  The  chiefs  were 
tortured  with  such  savage  brutality  that  they 
died  in  the  streets  before  they  could  reach  the 
gallows,  and  the  executioners  had  to  hang  the 
dead  bodies. 

The  unfortunate  young  Inca  was  beset  by  monks 
in  his  prison,  and,  at  the  end  of  two  days,  he  was 
baptised.  On  the  third  day  he  was  led  forth 
from  the  Colcampata,  and  through  the  streets  to 
the  great  square,  accompanied  by  four  priests,  one 
being  Father  Cristoval  de  Molina,  the  Quichua 
scholar  and  author.  The  scaffold  was  built  in 
front  of  the  cathedral.  The  open  spaces  and 
streets  were  densely  crowded  with  sorrowing 
Indians.  When  the  Inca  ascended  the  scaffold 
with  the  priests,  the  executioner,  a  Canari  Indian, 
brought  out  the  knife.  '  Then/  wrote  an  eye- 
witness, '  the  whole  crowd  of  natives  raised  such  a 


MURDER  OF  TUPAC  AMARU  295 

cry  of  grief  that  it  seemed  as  if  the  day  of  judgment 
had  come/  Many  invoked  their  most  venerated 
huaca,  and  cried  out : 

'AY  HUANACAURI  MAYTAM  BICUY  SAPRA  AUCACHIC 
CHOMANA  HUCHAYOCTA  CONCAYQUITA  INCAP  CUCHON/ 

'  0  Huanacauri !  behold  where  the  wicked  and  cruel 
enemies  cut  the  neck  of  the  Inca/ 

Even  the  Spaniards  were  horrified,  for  all  knew 
that  the  young  man  was  innocent,  and  had  com- 
mitted no  offence. 

Things  being  in  this  state,  all  the  chief  digni- 
taries of  the  Church  hurried  to  the  Viceroy.  They 
were  the  Bishop  of  Popayan,  the  Provincials  of 
all  the  religious  orders,  and  the  Kector  of  the 
Jesuits.  They  went  down  on  their  knees  and 
entreated  the  ruthless  Toledo  to  show  mercy  and 
spare  the  life  of  the  Inca.  They  urged  that  he 
should  be  sent  to  Spain  to  be  judged  by  the  King 
in  person.  But  no  prayers  could  prevail  with  the 
obstinate,  pitiless  man.  Juan  de  Soto,  chief 
officer  of  the  court,  was  sent  on  horseback  with  a 
pole  to  clear  the  way,  galloping  furiously  and 
riding  down  the  people.  He  ordered  the  Inca's 
head  to  be  cut  off  at  once,  in  the  name  of  the 
Viceroy. 

Tupac  Amaru  was  told  that  the  time  had  come. 
He  took  one  step  forward  and  raised  his  right  arm. 
Instantly  there  was  profound  silence.  He  then 
said  in  a  loud  voice  : 


296  FUNERAL  OF  TUPAC  AMARU 

'CCOLLANAN  PACHACAMAC  RICUY  AUCCACUNAC  YAHU- 
ABNIY  HICHASCANCUTA/ 

'  0  righteous  God  !  behold  how  my  enemies  shed  my 
blood.'  i 

According  to  the  picture  by  Huaman  Poma,  the 
Inca  was  then  thrown  on  his  back,  his  arms  and 
legs  were  held  by  two  men,  and  a  third  cut  his 
throat.  There  was  a  great  and  bitter  cry  from 
the  vast  multitude.  The  head  was  cut  off,  and 
stuck  on  a  pole.  The  Inca's  body  was  carried  to 
the  house  of  his  mother,  the  Queen  Cusi  Huarcay. 
All  the  bells  in  the  city  were  tolled.  Next  day 
the  body  was  interred  in  the  high  chapel  of  the 
cathedral,  the  service  being  performed  by  the 
chapter.  Pontifical  mass  was  said  by  the  good 
Bishop  of  Popayan.  Next  day  all  the  funeral 
honours  were  repeated,  and  the  masses  were  sung 
with  the  organ. 

The  Inca's  head  remained  on  a  pole  in  the 
great  square.  Mancio  Serra  de  Leguisamo  passed 
that  night  in  a  house  to  the  right  of  the  cathedral. 
He  awoke  just  before  dawn  and  thought  he  heard 

1  These  were  certainly  the  last  words  of  Tupac  Amaru,  as  they 
were  handed  down  in  the  family.  Two  eye-witnesses  have  told 
the  story — Captain  Baltasar  de  Ocampo,  and  Friar  Gabriel  de 
Oviedo,  Prior  of  the  Dominicans  at  Cuzco.  The  latter  could  not 
have  heard  what  was  said,  because  he  had  gone  with  the  others 
to  intercede  with  the  Viceroy.  Ocampo  gives  a  childish  speech 
about  his  mother  having  once  put  a  malediction  on  her  son  for 
some  naughtiness,  and  how  the  curse  was  coming  true.  He  may 
have  told  a  tale  of  the  kind,  but  not  at  such  a  moment.  Oviedo 
makes  him  deliver  an  address  on  the  false  nature  of  idolatry.  This 
might  have  come  from  a  monk  in  a  pulpit,  but  not  from  a  young 
man  preparing  for  death.  He  could  not  speak  Spanish. 


THE  LAST  OF  THE  INCAS  297 

a  noise  such  as  would  be  caused  by  a  vast  multitude. 
He  got  up  and  looked  out.  To  his  utter  amazement, 
the  whole  square  was  covered  with  a  closely  packed 
crowd,  all  kneeling,  and  all  offering  mucha  or 
reverence  to  the  Inca's  head.  He  reported  this 
surprising  incident  to  the  Viceroy,  who  promptly 
ordered  the  head  to  be  buried  with  the  body. 

Thus  ended  the  famous  dynasty  of  the  Incas. 
It  formed  a  line  of  wise  and  capable  sovereigns 
ruling  a  vast  empire  on  such  principles,  and  with 
such  capacity  and  wisdom  as  the  world  has  never 
seen  before  or  since.  Assuredly  the  story  of  their 
rise,  their  government,  and  their  sorrowful  end  is 
worthy  of  study. 

'  The  execrable  regicide/  as  Toledo  is  called  on 
the  Inca  Pedigrees,  was  not  yet  satisfied.  He  had 
driven  Carlos  Inca  from  his  property  regardless  of 
right  or  law.  He  now  banished  him  to  Lima 
without  any  suitable  provision.  With  him  were 
expelled  his  brother  Felipe  Inca,  the  clever  pupil 
of  Garcilasso's  school  days,  and  thirty-five  more  of 
the  principal  Incas.  They  all  perished  miserably 
and  in  poverty.  Saddest  of  all  was  the  fate  of 
four  poor  little  Inca  children  ;  neither  their  tender 
age  nor  their  innocence  saved  them  from  Toledo's 
inhuman  persecution.  They  were  Quispi  Titu,  the 
son  of  the  Inca  Cusi  Titu  Yupanqui,  little  Martin, 
son  of  the  murdered  Inca  Tupac  Amaru,  and  his 
two  daughters,  Magdalena  and  Juana.  The  boys 
were  received  in  the  house  of  Don  Martin  Ampuero 
of  Lima,  son  of  Francisco  Ampuero  and  his  wife, 


298  TOLEDO  THE  REGICIDE 

who  was  daughter  of  Francisco  Pizarro  by  the 
Princess  Inez,  daughter  of  Huayna  Ccapac.  But 
both  the  exiled  boys  died  young. 

The  forlorn  little  girls,  Magdalena  and  Juana 
Tupac  Amaru,  were  kindly  received  in  the  house 
of  Dr.  Loaysa,  the  first  Archbishop  of  Lima,  who 
took  charge  of  them.  Juana  married  the  Curaca 
of  Surimani,  named  Condorcanqui,  from  whom 
descended  the  ill-fated  Jose  Gabriel  Condorcanqui, 
who  took  the  name  of  Tupac  Amaru  and  headed 
a  rising  against  the  Spaniards  in  1782. 

The  inhuman  Viceroy  was  not  even  yet  satisfied. 
He  aimed  at  the  extirpation  of  every  branch  of 
the  royal  family  of  Peru.  He  next  decreed  the 
banishment  of  all  the  mestizos,  those  bright  and 
happy  lads  who  were  the  schoolfellows  of  the  Inca 
Garcilasso.  A  few,  having  taken  orders,  were 
overlooked.  The  rest  were  sent  to  perish  in  the 
swamps  of  Darien,  or  the  frozen  wilds  of  Southern 
Chile.  This  persecution  of  the  mestizos  was  as 
stupid  as  it  was  cruel,  for  excellent  service  might 
have  been  got  from  them  by  a  wise  administrator. 

Toledo  remained  for  six  more  years  in  Peru, 
making  an  almost  endless  number  of  laws  and 
ordinances,  until  they  filled  a  large  volume.  They 
were  worse  than  useless,  for  no  attention  was  paid 
to  the  few  just  and  good  rules  amongst  them, 
while  the  wisdom  and  statesmanship  of  the  majority 
may  be  judged  from  a  few  specimens  taken  at 
random : 

'  Any  Indian  who  makes  friendship  with  an  Indian 


TOLEDO  THE  REGICIDE  299 

woman  who  is  an  infidel,  is  to  receive  one  hundred  lashes, 
for  the  first  offence,  that  being  the  punishment  they  dislike 
most. 

'  Indians  shall  no  longer  use  surnames  taken  from  the 
moon,  birds,  animals,  serpents,  or  rivers,  which  they 
formerly  used. 

'  No  Indian  shall  be  elected  for  any  office  who  has  been 
punished  for  idolatry,  worshipping  huacas,  dancing, 
mourning,  or  singing  in  memory  of  infidel  rites,  offering 
up  chicha,  coca,  or  burnt  fat,  or  for  dancing  the  dance 
called  Ayrihua.'' 

Toledo's  term  of  office  came  to  an  end  in  Sep- 
tember 1581,  a  period  of  nearly  twelve  years.  It 
was  generally  reported  that  he  was  received  with 
coldness  by  King  Philip  II,  who  told  him  that  he 
was  not  sent  out  to  kill  Kings  but  to  serve  Kings. 
Huaman  Poma  depicts  the  retired  Viceroy  sitting 
in  a  chair  in  a  state  of  extreme  despondency.  This 
report  would  be  very  satisfactory  if  true.  But 
there  is  some  evidence  that  Toledo's  general  policy 
was  approved,  although  fault  may  have  been  found 
with  some  of  the  details. 

There  can  be  no  doubt  of  the  disastrous  results 
of  the  ruthless  administration  of  such  men  as 
Toledo,  and  of  the  Spanish  rule.  The  last  survivor 
of  the  original  conquerors  has  given  his  testimony 
with  no  uncertain  sound.  Mancio  Serra  de  Legui- 
samo  signed  his  will  at  Cuzco  on  September  18, 
1589,  with  the  following  preamble  : 

'  First,  and  before  I  begin  my  testament,  I  declare 
that  for  many  years  I  have  desired  to  take  order  for  in- 
forming the  Catholic  and  Koyal  Majesty  of  the  King  Don 


300  WILL  OF  THE  LAST 

Felipe  our  Lord,  seeing  how  Catholic  and  most  Christian 
he  is,  and  how  zealous  for  the  service  of  God  our  Lord, 
touching  what  is  needed  for  the  health  of  my  soul,  seeing 
that  I  took  a  great  part  in  the  discovery,  conquest,  and 
settlement  of  these  kingdoms,  when  we  drove  out  those  who 
were  the  Lords  Incas  and  who  possessed  and  ruled  them 
as  their  own.  We  placed  them  under  the  royal  crown,  and 
his  Catholic  Majesty  should  understand  that  we  found 
these  kingdoms  in  such  order,  and  the  said  Incas  governed 
them  in  such  wise  that  throughout  them  there  was  not 
a  thief,  nor  a  vicious  man,  nor  an  adulteress,  nor  was  a 
bad  woman  admitted  among  them,  nor  were  there  immoral 
people.  The  men  had  honest  and  useful  occupations. 
The  lands,  forests,  mines,  pastures,  houses,  and  all  kinds 
of  products  were  regulated  and  distributed  in  such  sort 
that  each  one  knew  his  property  without  any  other  person 
seizing  or  occupying  it,  nor  were  there  law  suits  respecting 
it.  The  operations  of  war,  though  they  were  numerous, 
never  interfered  with  the  interests  of  commerce  nor  with 
agriculture.  All  things  from  the  greatest  to  the  most 
minute  had  their  proper  place  and  order.  The  Incas  were 
feared,  obeyed  and  respected  by  their  subjects,  as  men 
very  capable  and  well  versed  in  the  art  of  government. 
As  in  these  rulers  we  found  the  power  and  command  as 
well  as  the  resistance,  we  subjugated  them  for  the  service 
of  God  our  Lord,  took  away  their  land,  and  placed  it  under 
the  royal  crown,  and  it  was  necessary  to  deprive  them 
entirely  of  power  and  command,  for  we  had  seized  their 
goods  by  force  of  arms.  By  the  intervention  of  our  Lord 
it  was  possible  for  us  to  subdue  these  kingdoms  containing 
such  a  multitude  of  people  and  such  riches,  and  of  their 
lords  we  made  our  servants  and  subjects. 

'  As  is  seen,  and  as  I  wish  your  Majesty  to  understand, 
the  motive  which  obliges  me  to  make  this  statement  is  the 
discharge  of  my  conscience,  as  I  find  myself  guilty.  For 


SURVIVING  CONQUEROR  301 

we  have  destroyed  by  our  evil  example,  the  people  who 
had  such  a  government  as  was  enjoyed  by  these  natives. 
They  were  so  free  from  the  committal  of  crimes  or  excesses, 
as  well  men  as  women,  that  the  Indian  who  had  100,000 
pesos  worth  of  gold  and  silver  in  his  house,  left  it  open 
merely  placing  a  small  stick  across  the  door,  as  a  sign  that 
its  master  was  out.  With  that,  according  to  their  custom, 
no  one  could  enter  nor  take  anything  that  was  there. 
When  they  saw  that  we  put  locks  and  keys  on  our  doors, 
they  supposed  that  it  was  from  fear  of  them,  that  they 
might  not  kill  us,  but  not  because  they  believed  that  any 
one  would  steal  the  property  of  another.  So  that  when 
they  found  that  we  had  thieves  amongst  us,  and  men  who 
sought  to  make  their  daughters  commit  sin,  they  despised 
us.  But  now  they  have  come  to  such  a  pass,  in  offence  of 
God,  owing  to  the  bad  example  that  we  have  set  them  in 
all  things,  that  these  natives  from  doing  no  evil,  have 
changed  into  people  who  now  do  no  good  or  very  little. 

'  This  needs  a  remedy,  and  it  touches  your  Majesty 
for  the  discharge  of  your  conscience,  and  I  inform  you,  being 
unable  to  do  more,  I  pray  to  God  to  pardon  me,  for  I  am 
moved  to  say  this,  seeing  that  I  am  the  last  to  die  of  all 
the  conquerors  and  discoverers,  as  is  well  known.  Now 
there  is  no  one  but  myself  in  this  kingdom  or  out  of  it,  and 
with  this  I  do  what  I  can  to  discharge  my  conscience. 

'  I  had  a  figure  of  the  sun  made  of  gold,  placed  by  the 
Incas  in  the  House  of  the  Sun  at  Cuzco,  which  is  now  the 
convent  of  San  Domingo.  I  believe  it  was  worth  2000 
pesos,1  and  with  what  I  got  at  Caxamarca  and  in  Cuzco, 

1  This  was  not,  as  is  generally  supposed,  the  great  image  of  the 
sun  on  the  wall  of  the  temple,  a  mass  of  gold  worth  fifty  times 
2000  pesos.  The  great  sun  was  never  found,  and  is  still  concealed 
with  the  rest  of  the  Inca  treasure.  There  was  a  great  hollowed 
stone  in  the  temple,  of  an  octangular  shape  outside,  about  4|  feet 
wide  and  4,  feet  deep.  Offerings  of  chicha  were  poured  into  this 


302         WILL  OF  THE  LAST  CONQUEROR 

my  share  was  worth  12,000  pesos.  Yet  I  die  poor  and 
with  many  children.  1  beseech  your  Majesty  to  have 
pity  on  them,  and  God  to  have  pity  on  my  soul/ 

receptacle  at  the  festival  of  the  Raymi,  and  the  opening  was 
covered  with  a  plate  of  gold  on  which  the  sun  was  carved.  It  was 
this  small  gold  sun  that  Leguisamo  gambled  away  in  a  single  night. 
But  he  never  touched  a  card  again,  married  an  Inca  princess,  and 
became  a  most  respectable  official  in  the  municipality  of  the  city 
of  Cuzco.  See  Lizarraga,  p.  348. 


APPENDIX   A 

NOTE  ON  THE  CHAPTEE  ON  THE 
LIST  OF  KINGS 

BRIEF  sketches  of  the  lives  of  Bias  Valera  and  Montesinos 
are  given  in  my  introductory  chapter.1  The  credit  of  the 
list  of  kings  rests  mainly  on  the  correctness  of  the  view 
taken  of  the  works  of  Valera.  It  is  certain  that  he  wrote 
a  '  History  of  Peru '  in  Latin.  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  tells 
us  that  the  manuscript  was  injured  during  the  sack  of 
Cadiz  by  the  Earl  of  Essex  in  1596.  It  was  given  to 
Garcilasso  in  a  mutilated  state,  according  to  him.  He 
quotes  very  largely  from  it,  but  always  acknowledges 
his  obligation,  and  gives  high  praise  to  the  author.  We 
learn  from  the  bibliographers  Leon  Pinelo  and  Antonio 
that  Bias  Valera  also  wrote  a  work  on  the  customs  and 
pacification  of  the  Indians.  In  1879  Don  Marcos  Jimenez 
de  la  Espada  edited  a  valuable  work  on  the  same  subject 
from  a  manuscript  at  Madrid,  calling  the  author  the 
'  anonymous  Jesuit/  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa  has  since 
proved  (Revista  Historica  de  Lima,  t.  II.  trim.  ii.  p.  184) 
that  the  anonymous  Jesuit  was  Bias  Valera.  That  high 
authority  was  also  the  author  of  a  '  Vocabulario  Historico 
del  Peru/  which  was  brought  from  Cadiz  to  Chuqui-apu 
(La  Paz)  in  1604,  by  the  Procurator  of  the  Jesuits, 

1  « Tellers  of  the  Story/  pp.  11  to  14. 
303 


304  NOTE  ON  THE  LIST  OF  KINGS 

P.  Diego  Torres.  At  La  Paz  it  was  consulted  by  Oliva, 
the  author  of  '  Varones  illustres  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus 
en  el  Peru/  Oliva  states  that  Bias  Valera  wrote  it. 
Montesinos  was  probably  allowed  to  make  a  copy 
by  the  Jesuits  at  La  Paz.  He  appropriated  the  list 
without  any  acknowledgment.  The  original  MS.  is  lost. 

The  proofs  that  Bias  Valera  knew  the  list,  and  that  he 
was  identical  with  the  anonymous  Jesuit,  are  satisfactory. 
Valera  (in  Garcilasso)  mentions  one  of  the  kings  in  the 
list,  namely,  Capac  Raymi  Amauta.  The  anonymous 
Jesuit  mentions  Pachacuti  VIII.  This  is  a  proof  that 
Montesinos  merely  copied  the  list,  which  was  made  by 
an  author  long  before  his  time,  and  derived  from  AMAUTAS 
two  generations  at  least  older  than  any  natives  that  he 
knew.  Another  proof  that  Bias  Valera  was  the  author 
of  the  list  is  furnished  by  the  fact  that  the  account  of  the 
calendar  in  Montesinos  is  the  same  as  that  given  by  Bias 
Valera,  as  quoted  by  Garcilasso.  The  anonymous  Jesuit 
mentions  Raymi  as  the  thirty-ninth  king,  and  the  Inca 
Pachacuti  as  the  ninth  of  that  name.  Also  the  names 
Pirua,  Ilia  Tici,  Uira-cocha,  and  Pacari  Manco  are  the 
same  in  Montesinos  and  in  the  anonymous  Jesuit,  and 
nowhere  else.  The  date  of  the  work  of  the  latter  is  shown 
to  be  1591,  because  he  says  that  when  he  wrote  it  was 
twelve  years  since  the  Jesuits  had  a  mission  at  Chachapoyas-. 
Oliva  states  that  the  Jesuits  left  that  mission  in  1579. 

\  Another  proof  of  the  identity  is  that  the  anonymous 
Jesuit  and  Valera  (in  Garcilasso)  both  deny  the  statement 
of  Polo  de  Ondegardo  respecting  human  sacrifices,  in 
almost  the  same  words. 

It  seems  to  me,  for  these  reasons,  to  be  established  that 
Bias  Valera  was  the  anonymous  Jesuit,  and  that  he  ob- 
tained the  list  of  kings  from  the  AMAUTAS  of  an  early 
generation,  which  was  copied  and  appropriated,  without 
acknowledgment,  many  years  afterwards. 


NOTE  ON  THE  LIST  OF  KINGS          305 

In  compiling  the  list,  Bias  Valera  had  the  use  of  the 
following  original  authorities  : 

The  Quipus  of  Juan  Collque, 

of  Cuzco,  Chinchay-suyu,  Cunti-suyu,  Tarma, 
Pachacamac,  and  Sacsahuanac ; 

the  Narratives  of  Don  Luis  Inca,  in  Quichua, 
of  Don  Sebastian  Nina  Uilca, 
of  Don  Diego  Rocca  Inca, 
of    Francisco    Chaves   (friend  of    Titu 

Atauchi), 

of  Ludovico  Alvarez  ('  De  Titulo  Eegni 
^  Peruani ') ; 

the  '  Apologia  pro  Indis '  of  Lie  Falcon ; 
all  since  lost. 

Montesinos  believed  that  Peru  was  first  peopled  by 
Armenians  under  the  leadership  of  Ophir,  a  descendant 
of  Noah  ;  and  his  mind  was  full  of  a  chronology  based 
on  the  date  of  the  deluge  approved  by  Holy  Church. 
Starting  with  all  this  nonsense,  he  read  the  works  on 
Peru  already  published  in  his  time,  and  finally  fell  in  with 
the  list  of  kings  at  La  Paz.  He  tried  to  turn  it  into 
what  he  thought  was  history  by  adding  events  taken 
from  works  on  the  Inca  history,  to  the  bare  record  of  the 
names  of  kings.  Thus  he  attributes  the  great  Inca 
Pachacuti's  Chanca  war  to  one  of  the  earliest  kings  in  the 
list,  placed  by  him  a  century  or  so  after  the  deluge.  In 
short,  having  read  the  history  of  the  Incas  in  other  works, 
and  seeing  the  long  list  of  early  kings  without  any  events, 
he  took  the  accounts  of  Inca  events,  and  of  their  customs 
and  ceremonies,  and  distributed  them  among  the  reigns  of 
the  ancient  kings. 


306 


s 


LIST  OF  KINGS 


We 


wish  that   Montesinos   had  given   us   the 
list  with  proper  acknowledgments,  yet   a 
ute   of   thanks   is    due   to    his   memory   for   having 
eserved  it  even  in  its  present  form. 

.v  y 


OLD  KINGS  OP  PERU 


From  the  List  of  Montesinos 


(Average  27) 


1000  years  from 
the  Deluge. 


I. 
II. 

HII. 
IV. 

V. 

VI. 

VII. 

VIII. 

IX. 

X. 


Eeign.  Age. 
PIRUA  PACARI  MANCO  .     30      50 


XVII. 
XVIII. 


MANGO  CAPAC  I 
HUANACAURI  PIRUA     . 

SlNCHI   COZQUE 

PACHACUTI  I     .  „    . 
INTI  CAPAC  YUPANQUI 
MANCO  CAPAC  II 
TUPAC  CAPAC      ? 
TINI  CAPAC  YUPANQUI 
TITU  CAPAC  YUPANQUI 
INTI  CAPAC  PIRUA 

AMARU    .  •'     . 
CAPAC  SAYHUA  CAPAC  . 
CAPAC  TINIA  YUPANQUI 
AYAR  TACCO  CAPAC 
HUASCAR  TITU    . 
QUISPI  TITU 
TITU  YUPANQUI 

PACHACUTI  II  . 
TITU  CAPAC 
PAULLU  TICAC  PIRUA  . 


30 
50 

60 
50 
20 


50 
90 

100 


60 
40 
25 
30 


80 
90 
90 

64 
30 


25 
30 


18  Piruas. 


LIST  OF  KINGS 


307 


OLD  KINGS  OF  PERU — continued. 

Reign.  Age. 

XIX.    LLOQUE  TUPAC  AMAUTA    50 


XX. 

CAYO  MANCO  AMAUTA 

90 

XXI. 

HUASCAB  TITU  TUPAC  .  ^3 

75 

XXII. 

MANCO  CAPAC  AMAUTA 

50 

80 

XXIII. 

~V~VT~\7 

TICAC  TUPAC 
PAULLU  TOTO  CAPAC    . 

30, 
39' 

r 
•f 

XXV. 

CAIO  MANCO  AMAUTA  . 

30 

r 

XXVI. 

MABASCO  PACHACUTI 

'l 

1 

III          ... 

40 

80 

v  XXVII. 

PAULLU  ATAUCHI  CAPAC 

70 

. 

XXVIII. 

LLOQUE  YUPANQUI 

14 

30 

XXIX. 

LLOQUE  TICAC    . 

8 

30 

f   , 

XXX. 

CAPAC  YUPANQUI 

50 

80 

<- 

XXXI. 

TUPAC  YUPANQUI 

18 

XXXII. 

AUQUI   TUPAC 

PACHACUTI  IV 

50 

XXXIII. 

SINCHI    APUSQUI,   also 

^  o*")  £ 

called  HUABMA  UIBA 

COCHA 

40 

80 

XXXIV. 

AUQUI  QUITU  ATAUCHI 

,  5 

29 

XXXV. 

AYAB  MANCO 

60 

^ 

XXXVI. 

UIBA  COCHA  CAPAC 

5 

XXXVII. 

SINCHI  KOCA  AMAUTA 

20 

XXXVIII. 

TUPAC  AMARU  AMAUTA 

25 

£gT: 

XXXIX. 

CAPAC  KAYMI  AMAUTA  i 

9 

cC 

XL. 

ILLA  TUPAC 

3 

30 

XLI. 

TUPAC  AMABU     . 

u 

30 

XLII. 

HUANACAUBI          i 

4 

^i.     XLIII. 

TOCA  COBCA  APU  CAPAC 

45 

XLIV. 

HUAMPAB  SAYBI  TUPAC 

32 

2000  years  from 

^  XLV. 

HINAC  HUILLA  AMAUTA 

tlie  Deluge. 

PACHACUTI  V  . 

35 

XLVI. 

CAPAC  YUPANQUI 

^ 

AMAUTA2 

3  ^, 

i 

1  Mentioned  by  Bias  Valera  and  Oliva. 

2  Mentioned  by  Oliva, 


308 


kO  LIST  OF  KINGS 


OLD  KINGS  OF  PERU — continued. 


- 


. 


/>• 

Reign.   Age. 

XLVII. 

HUAMPAR  SAYRI  TUPAC 

XLVIII. 
XLIX. 

CAYO  MANGO  AUQUI    . 
HINAC  HUILLU    .        . 

13 

30 

L. 

INTI  CAPAC  AMAUTA    . 

30 

LI. 

AYAR  MANGO  CAPAC    . 

.           LII. 
i-       LIII. 

YAHUAR  HUQUIZ 
CAPAC  Trru  YUPANQUI 

30 

LIV. 

TUPAC  CURI  AMAUTA  . 

39 

80 

LV. 

HUILLCANOTA  AMAUTA 

90 

l\?L-   LVI. 

TUPAC  YUPANQUI 

43 

90 

-Cs*  LVII. 

ILLA  TUPAC  CAPAC 

4 

LVIII. 

TITU  KAYMI  COZQUE    . 

31 

»£fev                      LIX. 

HUQUI  NINA  AUQUI    . 

43 

2900  years  after                  T.v 
the  Deluge,  1  A.D.                ^^ 
(reaUy  230  A.D.)                LXI. 

MANGO  CAPAC 
CAYO  MANGO  CAPAC  •  .  • 

23 

26 

-' 

LXII. 

SINCHI  AYAR  MANGO   . 

7 

jLyiLxm. 

HUAMAN  TACCO  AMAUTA 

5 

3000  years  from              T/XTV 
the  Deluge.          '  /  f             ' 

TITU  YUPANQUI 
PACHACUTI  VI 

46  Amautas. 


KINGS  OF  TAMPU-TOCCO 
Decadence. 


Reign.  Age. 

LXV.  TITU  HUAMAN  QUICHO 

LXVI.  COZQUE  HUAMAN  TITU  25 

LXVII.  GUIS  MANco1     .        .  50 

LXVIII.  HUILLCATITU     .         .  30 

LXIX.  SAYRI  TUPAC      .        .  40 

LXX.  (?) 

LXXI.  TUPAC  YUPANQUI        .  25 

LXXII.  HUAYNA  TUPAC  .  37 


Mentioned  by  Oliva. 


LIST  OP  KINGS 


309 


KINGS  OP  TAMPU-TOCCO — continued. 


3500  years  from 
the  Deluge, 
450  B.C. 


4000  years 
after  the  Deluge. 


LXXIII.      HUANACAURI 

LXXIV.    HUILLCA  HUAMAN 
LXXV.    HUAMAN  CAPAC  . 

LXXVI.      PAULLURAYMI    . 

LXXVII.  MANCO  CAPAC  AMAUTA 

LXXVIII.  AUQUI  ATAU  HUILLCA 

LXXIX.  MANCO  TITU  CAPAC     .".' 

LXXX.  HUAYNA  TUPAC  . 

LXXXI.  TUPAC  CAURI  PACHACUTI 

VII        .        ,        . 

LXXXII.  RANTI  ALLI  (ARANTIAL) 

LXXXIII.  HUARI  TITU  CAPAC      . 

LXXXIV.  HUISPA  TITU  AUQUI    . 

LXXXV.  TocoCozQUE      . 

LXXXVI.  AYAR  MANCO      .. 

LXXXVII.  AMARO       . 

LXXXVIII.  SINCHI  ROCCA     . 

LXXXIX.  ILLA-TOCA     .     . 

XC.  LLOQUE  YUPANQUI  l     . 

XCI.  ROCCA  TITU 

XCII.  INTI  MAITA  CAPAC 
PACHACUTI  VIII 

(27  Descents.) 
INCAS 

VERSION  OF  MONTESINOS 

Mama  Ciuaco 

I.    ROCCA — about  1200  A.D. 
II.    LLOQUE  YUPANQUI  l 
III.    MAYTA  CAPAC 


Reign. 
10 
70 
40 
19 


35 


50 


80 
80 
80 
70 
80 


18 


22 


45 
25 

27 


80 

fcr*' 


1  Mentioned  by  Oliva, 


310  THE  INCAS  OF  PERU 

IV.    CAPAC  YUPANQUI 

V.      SlNCHI   ROCCA 

VI.  YAHUAR  HUACAC  MAYTA  YUPANQUI 

VII.  HUIRA  CocHA-TuPAC  YUPANQUI  (omits  PACHACUTI) 

VIII.  TUPAC  YUPANQUI 

IX.  HUAINA  CAPAC  (!NTI  Cusi  HUALPA) 

X.  HUASCAR  INTI  (Cusi  HUALPA  YUPANQUI) 

The  lengths  of  the  reigns  of  65  of  the  old  kings    are 
given,  26  not  given. 


APPENDIX   B 

NOTE  ON  THE  NAMES  QUICHUA  AND  AYMARA 

THE  dialects  still  existing,  to  some  extent,  at  the  time  of 
the  Spanish  conquest,  besides  the  separate  Mochica 
language  on  the  coast,  were  the  speech  used  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  empire  of  the  Incas,  called  Chinchay-suyu, 
differing  very  slightly  from  the  Kuna-simi,  and  the  Cauqui, 
a  form  of  the  Chinchay-suyu,  spoken  by  the  mountaineers 
of  Yauyos.  In  the  Colla-suyu  a  language  was  spoken 
which  was  more  distinct,  its  declining  and  conjugating 
particles  differing  from  those  of  the  general  language,  but 
it  contained  a  great  number  of  roots  which  were  the  same. 
A  wild  aquatic  tribe,  living  on  fish  among  the  reeds  in 
the  south-west  angle  of  Lake  Titicaca,  spoke  a  dialect 
called  Puquina. 

The  Spanish  administrators,  especially  the  priests, 
at  once  saw  the  importance  of  acquiring  a  knowledge  of 
the  highly  cultivated  EUNA-SIMI,  or  general  language, 
before  turning  their  attention  to  the  dialects.  Several 
Spanish  soldiers  studied  and  mastered  the  language,  in- 
cluding Juan  de  Betanzos,husband  of  Atahualpa's  daughter, 
and  the  only  Spanish  lay  Quichua  scholar  whose  writings 
have  reached  us.  To  the  priests,  some  of  whom  were 
burning  with  impatience  for  the  means  of  teaching  the 
natives  the  tenets  of  their  Church,  it  was  a  matter  of  greater 
importance.  One  of  their  first  duties,  as  they  understood 
them,  was  to  make  the  language  accessible  to  their  fellow 

311 


312  NAME  QUICHUA 

priests.  The  very  first  to  undertake  the  task  was  a 
Dominican  friar  named  Domingo  de  Santo  Tomas.  His 
name  occurs  several  times  in  the  story  of  the  conquest. 
He  was  an  indefatigable  inquirer  and  traveller,  even 
studying  the  difficult  Mochica  language  and  founding  a 
monastery  in  the  coast  region  of  the  Chimu.  Santo  Tomas 
eventually  became  Bishop  of  La  Plata. 

This  worthy  Dominican  was  the  first  to  construct  a 
grammar  of  the  Runa-simi,  or  general  language  of  Peru, 
which  was  published  at  Valladolid  in  1560.  A  second 
edition  appeared  at  Lima  in  1586. l  Santo  Tomas,  in 
his  title-page,  calls  the  Runa-simi  '  the  general  language 
of  the  Indians  of  the  kingdom  of  Peru/  and  gives  it  the 
name  of  Quichua.  But  he  does  not  inform  his  readers  of 
the  reason  for  giving  it  that  name. 

The  Quichuas  formed  a  group  of  ayllus  or  village 
communities  in  the  valley  of  the  Pachachaca.  We  know 
the  area  which  this  group  occupied  with  a  fair  amount 
of  exactness,  because  places,  the  positions  of  which  are 
fixed,  are  mentioned  by  Sarmiento  and  others,  in  relating 
the  course  of  the  Incas'  conquests,  as  being  in  the  territory 
of  the  Quichuas.  This  Quichua  province  is  small  as 
compared  with  the  area  over  which  the  general  language 
was  spoken,  nor  was  it  of  much  importance.  It  is,  there- 
fore, an  inappropriate  name  for  the  general  language  of  the 
Incas.  It  can  only  be  supposed  that  the  name  was  given 
by  Santo  Tomas  because  it  was  in  the  Quichua  province 
that  he  studied  the  language.2  Some  name  was  needed, 
and  that  first  given  by  Santo  Tomas  was  adopted  by 
subsequent  grammarians.  The  Jesuits,  who  came  to 
Peru  some  thirty  years  after  the  Dominicans,  devoted 
themselves  to  the  study  of  the  languages.  Diego  Gonzalez 

1  A  reprint  was  published  at  Leipzig  in  1891. 

2  Mossi  derives  the  name  from  Quehnariy,  to  twist  rope ;   and 
Tchu,  grass. 


NAME  AYMARA  313 

Holguin  was  appointed  Interpreter-General  to  the  Viceroy 
of  Peru  on  September  10,  1575.  He  published  his  vocabu- 
lary of  the  general  language  at  Lima  in  1586,  calling  it 
'  Quichua,  or  the  language  of  the  Inca/1  His  elaborate 
grammar  was  published  in  1607.3  Another  Jesuit,  Diego 
de  Torres  Rubio,  published  his  '  grammar  and  vocabulary 
of  the  general  language  of  Peru,  called  Quichua,'  at  Seville 
in  1603. 3  In  1607  the  excellent  Bishop  Luis  Geronimo 
Ore,  a  native  of  Guamanga  in  Peru,  published  his  '  Rituale 
seu  Manuale  Peruanum  '  at  Naples.  It  contains  specimens 
of  the  different  languages  and  dialects. 

The  Jesuits  established  a  mission  at  Juli,  on  the  west 
oeast  of  Lake  Titicaca,  and  studied  the  language  of  the 
natives  of  Colla-suyu.  Other  priests  had  studied  that 
language  before  the  Jesuits  were  established  at  Juli,  and 
had  given  it  the  name  of  Aymara,  which  is  even  more 
inappropriate  for  the  language  of  Colla-suyu  than  the  name 
of  Quichua  is  for  the  Runa-simi,  or  general  language  of  the 
Incas.  The  Jesuits  had  a  printing-press  at  Juli,  and  were 
very  active  in  the  work  of  conversion.  The  native  tribe  at 
Juli  and  on  the  west  side  of  the  lake  of  Titicaca  was  called 
Lupaca.  To  the  north  were  the  Collas,  to  the  south  the 
Pacajes,  and  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  were  the  Pacasas. 
As  the  Collas  were  the  most  powerful,  all  the  tribes  in  the 
basin  of  Lake  Titicaca  were  usually  referred  to  by  the 
early  Spanish  writers  under  the  generic  name  of  Collas. 

Colla  would,  therefore,  be  the  correct  name  for  the 
language  of  the  Collas,  and  not  Aymara.  None  of  the  early 
writers  ever  mentioned  the  inhabitants  of  Colla-suyu  except 
as  Collas.  There  is  not  one  single  instance  of  the  name 

1  Second  edition,  Lima,  1607. 

2  Ibid.,  Lima,  1842. 

3  Ibid.,  Lima,  1629 ;  third,   1700 ;  fourth,  1754.       A  vocabu- 
lary   of   Chinchay-suyu,   by   Juan    de    Figueredo,    ia    bound    up 
with  Torres  Rubio's. 


314  NAME  AYMARA 

Aymara  having  been  given  to  them.  It  is,  therefore, 
quite  certain  that  the  name  of  Aymara  was  absolutely 
unknown  in  Colla-suyu,  either  before  the  Spanish  conquest 
or  for  at  least  forty  years  after  that  event. 

Whence,  then,  conies  the  name  of  Aymara  ?  The 
answer  is  quite  conclusive.  It  is  the  name  of  a  small 
province  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Pachachaca  river, 
bordering  on  the  Quichuas.  These  Aymaras  were  a 
Quichua  tribe  wholly  unconnected  with  Colla-suyu  and 
the  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca.  This  is  quite  certain,  and  is 
proved  in  the  same  way  as  the  position  of  the  Quichuas  is 
proved.  Places  are  mentioned,  in  the  course  of  the  Inca 
conquests  in  Cunti-suyu,  which  were  said  to  belong  to 
the  Aymaras  then,  and  which  are  now  actually  in  Aymaras, 
which  is  a  province  in  the  department  of  Cuzco. 

The  word  is  from  AYMA,  a  harvest  song,  in  the  general 
language  which  the  Spanish  grammarians  called  Quichua. 
From  the  same  root  comes  AYMAEAY,  the  '  harvest  month ' ; 
and  AYMURANI,  '  I  gather  the  harvest.' 

The  question  arises,  why  should  the  priests  who  first 
learnt  the  Colla  language  have  given  this  name  of  Aymara, 
that  of  a  purely  Quichua  tribe,  to  the  language  of  the 
Lupacas  which  they  were  diligently  learning  ?  The  explana- 
tion is  perhaps  to  be  found  by  a  reference  to  the  work 
of  Fray  Alonzo  Ramos  Gavilan  published  in  1620,  and 
giving  a  history  of  the  church  of  Copacabana,1  near  Juli. 
The  great  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui,  having  conceived  a 
devotion  to  the  Titicaca  myth,  determined  to  erect  a  palace 
on  one  of  the  islands  of  the  lake.  Kamos  tells  us  that 
he  transferred  a  large  body  of  mitimaes,  or  colonists,  from 
the  provinces  of  Cunti-suyu,  that  is  the  valley  of  the 
Apurimac  and  its  tributaries,  to  the  provinces  of  Colla-suyu. 

1  The  Augustine  monks  had  charge  of  the  sanctuary  of  Copaca- 
bana from  1589  to  1826.  A  full  account  of  it  and  its  images  is 
given  by  the  Augustinian  chronicler  Calancha,  as  well  as  by  Ramos, 


NAME  AYMARA  315 

He  gives  a  list  of  the  tribes  so  transferred,  and  among  them 
were  the  Aymaras.  These  Aymaras,  according  to  Bias 
Valera,  were  settled  at  Juli.  They  had  been  there 
for  three  generations.  The  priests  would  learn  the 
language  of  the  Lupacas,  the  original  inhabitants,  from 
them,  intermingled  with  a  great  number  of  Quichua 
words.  This  is  actually  what  appears  to  have  happened. 
Finding  that  the  language  of  the  Lupacas  was  practically 
the  same  as  that  spoken  by  the  Collas,  Pacasas,  and  other 
tribes  of  the  basin  of  Lake  Titicaca,  a  generic  name  was 
required  for  the  whole  group,  and  the  word  Aymara 
was  adopted,  being  the  name  of  the  mitimaes  with  whom 
the  priests  were  associated  at  Juli.  This  would  explain 
tfHe  puzzle. 

The  word  Aymara,  as  applied  to  the  language  of 
Colla-suyu,  first  occurs  in  1575.1  We  find  it  again  in  a 
'  Doctrina  Christiana/  published  in  1583,  but  applied 
to  the  language,  not  to  the  people.  The  word  was  not 
applied  to  the  people  until  many  years  afterwards.  The 
Jesuits  had  settled  at  Juli  in  about  1576.  Their  name 
for  the  language  appears  to  have  been  adopted  by  others, 
as  soon  as  the  Jesuits  began  to  use  it.  Garcilasso  de  la 
Vega  mentions  it  once,  referring  to  the  language :  so  does 
Huaman  Poma.  Morua  mentions  it  twice,  writing  in 
1590,  applied  to  the  language,  but  never  to  the  people. 
The  Italian  Jesuit,  Ludovico  Bertonio,  composed  a 
grammar  and  dictionary  of  the  Lupaca  language  for 
which  his  colleagues  at  Juli  had  adopted  the  name  of 
Aymara.  It  was  published  at  Eome  in  1603.  A  second 
edition  was  issued  from  the  Juli  press  in  1612.2  Diego  de 
Torres  Rubio  published  a  grammar  and  vocabulary  of  the 
same  language  in  1616. 

An    examination    of   the    Bertonio    dictionary   either 

1  In  Tit.  xv.  p.  84  of  Ordenanzas  del  Peru.  Battesteros  (Lima,  1685), 

2  Reprinted  at  Leipzig  in  1879, 


316  NAME  AYMARA 

shows  the  extent  to  which  the  general  language  had  been 
made  to  prevail  in  Colla-suyu,  or  else  that  the  language 
of  the  Collas  and  Lupacas  was  merely  a  dialect.  My 
conclusion  is  that  it  was  originally  the  distinct  language 
of  tribes  living  in  the  region  which  was  once  the  centre  of  the 
great  megalithic  empire.  It  is  just  as  the  Arabs  now 
encamp  among  the  ruins  of  Babylon,  and  the  Kurds 
build  huts  within  the  walls  of  Ecbatana.  The  auxiliary 
verb  in  the  Colla-suyu  language  has  the  same  root,  can, 
as  in  the  general  language ;  but  the  particles  forming  the 
declinations  of  nouns  and  conjugations  of  verbs  are 
different.  The  first  person  singular  indicative  ends  in 
Ni  in  the  general  language,  in  Tha  in  the  language  of  Colla- 
suyu.  Four  of  the  Colla  numerals  are  borrowed  from  the 
general  language,  the  rest,  beyond  six,  being  compound.1 

It  may  be  assumed,  judging  from  the  dictionaries  of 
Bertonio    and  Torres  Rubio,  that  the   extension   of  the 

General  General 

Language.  Colla.  Language.  Colla. 

1 1,  Hue  ..  Maya  6,  Socta     ..  Socta 

2,  Iscay  ..  Paya  7,  Canchis..  Pa  Allco 

3,  Quimsa  . .  Quimsa  8,  Pussac  . .  Quimsa  Allco 

4,  Ttahua  . .  Pusi  9,  Yscun    . .  Llalla  Tunca 

5,  Pichca  .  .  Pichca  10,  Chunca . .  Tunca 

Three  and  five  are  missing,  but  we  may  assume  that  they  once 
existed  in  the  Colla  language,  for  the  Collas  must  have  counted 
at  least  to  five,  the  fingers  and  thumb  of  one  hand.  Three,  five, 
and  six  were  borrowed  from  the  general  language  in  Bertonio's 
dictionary.  The  Colla  word  for  three  is  lost.  Seven,  eight,  and 
nine  are  compound  words,  seven  and  eight  with  the  word  Allco. 
Possibly  Allco  was  the  Colla  five.  Then  we  have — 

Maya  Allco    . .  6  =  5+1=  Socta 

Paya  Allco     . .   7  =  5  +  2 

Quimsa  Allco. .  8  =  5+3 

Pusi  Allco       . .  9  =  5  +  4 

Allco  Allco     . .  10  =  5  +  5  =  Tunca  or  Chunca 
The  tribes  of  Colla-suyu  made  progress  in  civilisation  after  the 
Inca  conquest,  and  of  course  required  a  more  complete  system  of 
numeration. 


NAMES  QUICHUA  AND  AYMARA  317 

general  language  over  Colla-suyu  had  already  made 
considerable  progress  at  the  time  of  the  Spanish  conquest. 
The  system  of  numeration  had  been  improved,  and  though 
a  large  proportion  of  the  roots  in  the  two  languages  were 
originally  the  same,  the  ability  to  give  expression  to  many 
abstract  ideas  was  acquired  by  the  additions  from  the 
general  language  which  enriched  that  of  Colla-suyu. 

The  usage  of  three  centuries  has  made  it  inevitable 
that  the  names  QUICHUA  and  AYMARA  for  the  general 
language  of  the  Incas  and  the  language  of  Colla-suyu 
should  continue  to  be  used,  although  they  are  inappropriate 
and  misleading. 


APPENDIX   C 

NOTE  ON  THE  ARCHITECTURE  AND  ARTS 
OF  THE  INCAS 

THE  architecture  of  the  Incas  has  been  so  well  described  by 
my  old  friend  Squier1  that  a  chapter  on  that  subject  is 
superfluous.  I  should  not  advise  any  one  to  go  elsewhere, 
except  to  the  old  writers  and  to  Senor  Larrabure  y  Unanue, 
who  is  always  accurate,  for  an  account  of  any  ruins  which 
Squier  has  described,  because  his  account  will  be  found  to 
be  incomparably  the  best.  I  can  speak  with  some  authority, 
because^!  have  personally  visited  and  examined  most  of 
the  ruins  which  engaged  Squier's  attention. 

At  the  same  time  the  reader  must  be  warned  not  to 
rely  upon  Squier's  references  to  history.  He  is  almost 
always  inaccurate,  and  sometimes  quite  wrong.  For  he 
dipped  into  early  writers  to  illustrate  his  accounts  of  the 
ruins.  He  did  not  use  his  knowledge  of  the  ruins  to  throw 
light  on  a  thorough  study  of  the  early  writers. 

1  propose,  however,  to  give  a  list  of  the  Inca  ruins,  with 
a  few  references  and  other  notes,  as  a  guide  to  inquirers. 
The  megalithic  ruins,  and  those  of  the  Grand  Chimu  on  the 
coast,  have  already  been  described. 

Cuzco-  1.  The  ruins  of  the  Cokampata  palace,  prob- 

ably of  the  time   of  the  Inca  Pachacuti 
and  the  same  as  his  Patallacta.     See  my 

1  Peru.  Incidents  of  Travel  and  Exploration  in  the  Land  of  the 
Incas,  by  E.  George  Squier  (Macmillan,  1877). 


INCAEIAL  RUINS 


319 


Cuzco. 


Vflcamayu 

Valley. 


Basin  of  Lake 

Titicaca. 


Cuzco  and  Lima,'  p.  100.    Squier,  p.  449. 
Also  described  at  p.  286  of  this  work. 

2.  Temple  of  the  Sun.      l  Cuzco    and   Lima,' 

p.  119  ;  Squier,  pp.  439  to  445,  with  plan. 

3.  Yacha-huasi,  or  school.    Squier,  p.  447. 

4.  Pampa  Maroni  wall.     Squier,  p.  446. 

5.  Inca  walls  of  houses.    Squier,  p.  444.    See 

my  plan  in  the  first  volume  of  the  '  Royal 
Commentaries,'  showing  the  Inca  work 
throughout  Cuzco. 

6.  Great  Halls  at  Cuzco,  described  by  the  Inca 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega. 

7.  Fortress  of  Piquillacta,  southern  approach 

to  Cuzco.    Squier,  p.  420. 

8.  Ollant ay  - 1 ampu,    p.     150.      Described    in 

Chap.  X,  '  Cuzco  and  Lima,'  pp.  179 
to  184.  Squier,  pp.  493  to  510. 

9.  Palace  of  Chinchero.    Squier,  p.   483,  and 

'  Cuzco  and  Lima.' 

10.  Yucay,  one  ornamental  wall  remaining. 

11.  Pissac  and  the  Int i-huat ana.    Squier,  pp.  523 

to  530. 

12.  Cacha.    A  very  curious  temple  with  pillars, 

and  an  upper  story,  described  by  the  Inca 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega.  Squier,  p.  402. 

13.  Copacabana.    Squier,  p.  325. 

14.  Coati.    Squier,  pp.  359  to  365. 

15.  Sillustani   chulpas.      My  '  Travels  in  Peru 

and  India,'  pp.  Ill,  112  ;  Larrabure  y 
(Jnamie,  p.  424  ;  Squier,  p.  376. 

16.  Sondor-huasi.      See  my  '  Travels  in  Peru 

andjndia,'  p.  193  ;  Squier,  pp.  394,  395. 

17.  Hatun-colla.    Squier,  p.  385. 

18.  Limatambo    palace.     '  Cuzco    and    Lima,' 

p.  93 ;   Squier,  p.  86. 

19.  Curamha  fortress.    '  Cuzco  and  Lima,'  p.  83. 

20.  Choque-quirao.       Important   ruins    on    the 

Apurimac,     about     thirty     miles     from 


320  INCARIAL   RUINS 

Abancay  ;  described  by  Castelnau.  Re- 
cently visited  by  Dr.  Bingham,  an 
American  traveller.  About  to  be  exhaus- 
tively examined  by  Dr.  Max  Uhle. 

21.  Vilcas-huaman.     Described     by    Cieza    de 

Leon  and  in  the  '  Relaciones  Geograficas.' 
Not  visited  by  Squier.  But  see  Wiener, 
pp.  264  to  271. 

22.  Huanuco   palace.     Squier,   p.   216.    Larra- 

bure  y  Unanue,  p.  293.  Enock,  Chap.  XXII. 

23.  Chavin.      Enock,  '  Andes    and    Amazon/ 

pp.  72,  73. 

24.  Fortress    Palace    of    Hervay.    '  Cuzco  r  and 

Lima,'  p.  29  ;  Squier,  p.  83 ;  Larrabure 
y  Unanue,  p.  316. 

25.  Lunahuana.    Larrabure  y  Unanue,  pp.  299 

to  322.    Inca  Huasi,  use  of  columns. 

26.  Paramunca  fortress.    Cieza  de  Leon,  p.  247 ; 

Proctor,  p.  175 ;  Squier,  p.  101 ;  Larrabure 
y  Unanue,  p.  279. 

27.  Pachacamac.      Max     Uhle,     Squier,     who 

describes  an  arch. 

The  Inca  roads  and  bridges  are  well  described  by 
Zarate  and  Cieza  de  Leon,  p.  153,  a  passage  which  is  quoted 
at  length  by  the  Inca  Garcilasso  (I.  lib.  ix.  cap.  13).  See 
also  Velasco,  '  Historia  de  Quito/  I.  p.  59. 

The  ceramic  and  metallurgic  art  of  the  Incas  is  best 
seen  in  the  collections  of  the  Senora  Centeno  and  of  Dr. 
Caparo  Muniz,  both  once  at  Cuzco.  The  Centeno  collection 
is  now  at  Berlin.  After  the  conquest  of  the  coast  the  Incas 
brought  a  number  of  the  Chimu  potters  and  metal  workers 
to  Cuzco,  and  careful  study  in  the  museums  might  perhaps 
lead  to  discrimination  between  the  purely  Inca  work,  and 
the  work  after  an  infusion  of  the  Chimu  element. 


APPENDIX  D 


APU  OLLANTAY 

A  DKAMA   OF  THE   TIME   OF  THE  INCAS 
SOVEEEIGNS   OF  PEEU 


ABOUT  A.D.   1470 


FIRST  REDUCED  TO  WRITING   BY 

DB.  VALDEZ,  CUBA  OF  SICUANI 
A.D.  1770 


THE  ORIGINAL  MANUSCRIPT  COPIED  BY 

DB.  JUSTO  PASTOE  JUSTINIANI 

THIS   JUSTINIANI  TEXT 
COPIED  AT  LABIS,  IN  APRIL  1853,  BY 

CLEMENTS   B.   MAEKHAM 
A  FREE   TRANSLATION  INTO  ENGLISH 

BY 

SIR  CLEMENTS   MARKHAM,  K.C.B. 
1910 


INTRODUCTION 

THE  drama  was  cultivated  by  the  Incas,  and  dramatic 
performances  were  enacted  before  them.  Garcilasso  de 
la  Vega,  Molina,  and  Salcamayhua  are  the  authorities 
who  received  and  have  recorded  the  information  given 
by  the  Amautas  respecting  the  Inca  drama.  Some  of 
these  dramas,  and  portions  of  others,  were  preserved  in 
the  memories  of  members  of  Inca  and  Amauta  families. 
The  Spanish  priests,  especially  the  Jesuits  of  Juli,  soon 
discovered  the  dramatic  aptitude  of  the  people.  Plays 
were  composed  and  acted,  under  priestly  auspices,  which 
contained  songs  and  other  fragments  of  the  ancient 
Inca  drama.  These  plays  were  called  '  Autos  Sacra- 
mentales.' 

But  complete  Inca  dramas  were  also  preserved  in 
the  memories  of  members  of  the  Amauta  caste  and,  until 
the  rebellion  of  1781,  they  were  acted.  The  drama  of 
Ollantay  was  first  reduced  to  writing  and  arranged  for 
acting  by  Dr.  Don  Antonio  Valdez,  the  Cura  of  Tinto. 
It  was  acted  before  his  friend  Jose  Gabriel  Condorcanqui l 

1  INCA  PACHACTTTI 

I 
TUPAC  YTTPANQUI 

I 
INCA  HTTAYNA  CCAPAC 

I 
MANGO  INCA 

! 

325 


326  DR.  VALDEZ  AND  DRAMA  OF  OLLANTAY 

in  about  1775.  Taking  the  name  of  his  maternal  ancestor, 
the  Inca  Tupac  Amaru,  the  ill-fated  Condorcanqui  rose 
in  rebellion,  was  defeated,  taken,  and  put  to  death  under 
torture,  in  the  great  square  of  Cuzco.  In  the  monstrous 
sentence  '  the  representation  of  dramas  as  well  as  all 
other  festivals  which  the  Indians  celebrate  in  memory 
of  their  Incas  '  was  prohibited.1  This  is  a  clear  proof 
that  before  1781  these  Quichua  dramas  were  acted. 

The  original  manuscript  of  Valdez  was  copied  by  his 
friend  Don  Justo  Pastor  Justiniani,  and  this  copy  was 
inherited  by  his  son.  There  was  another  copy  in  the 
convent  of  San  Domingo  at  Cuzco,  but  it  is  corrupt,  and 
there  are  several  omissions  and  mistakes  of  a  copyist. 
Dr.  Valdez  died,  at  a  very  advanced  age,  in  1816.  In 
1858  the  original  manuscript  was  in  the  possession  of  his 
nephew  and  heir,  Don  Narciso  Cuentas  of  Tinta. 

The  Justiniani  copy  was,  in  1853,  in  the  possession 
of  Dr.  Don  Pablo  Justiniani,  Cura  of  Laris,  and  son 
of  Don  Justo  Pastor  Justiniani.  He  is  a  descendant  of 

TUPAC  AMAKU 

I 
JUANA  NUSTA  =  DIEGO  CONDORCANQUI 


FELIPE  CONDORCANQUI 

PEDRO  CONDORCANQUI 

I 
MIGUEL  CONDORCANQUI 


i  '  Sentencia  pronunciada  en  el  Cuzco  por  el  Visitador  Don  Jose 
Antonio  de  Areche,  contra  Jose  Gabriel  Tupac  Amaru.'  In  Coleccion 
de  obras  y  documentos  de  Don  Pedro  de  Angelis,  vol.  v.  (Buenos 
Ayres,  1836-7). 


VON  TSCHUDI— BARRANCA— ZEGARRA     327 

the  Incas.1  In  April  1858  I  went  to  Laris,  a  secluded 
valley  of  the  Andes,  and  made  a  careful  copy  of  the  drama 
of  Ollantay.  From  this  Justinian!  text  my  first  very 
faulty  line-for-line  translation  was  made  in  1871,  as  well 
as  the  present  free  translation. 

The  first  printed  notice  of  Ollantay  appeared  in  the 
Museo  Erudito,  Nos.  5  to  9,  published  at  Cuzco  in  1837, 
and  edited  by  Don  Jose  Palacios.  The  next  account 
of  the  drama,  with  extracts,  was  in  the  '  Antiguedades 
Peruanas,'  a  work  published  in  1851  jointly  by  Dr.  von 
Tschudi  and  Don  Mariano  Rivero  of  Arequipa.  The 
complete  text,  from  the  copy  in  the  convent  of  San 
Domingo  at  Cuzco,  was  first  published  at  Vienna  in  1853 
by  Dr.  von  Tschudi  in  his  '  Die  Kechua  Sprache.'  It 

i  INCA  PACHACUTI 

I 
TUPAC  YUPANQUI 

I 

HUAYNA   CCAPAC 

I 

MANCO  INCA 

I 
MARIA  TUPAC  USCA  =  PEDRO  ORTIZ  DE  ORUE 


CATALINA  ORTIZ  =  Luis  JUSTINIANI 


Luis  JUSTINIANI 

I 
Luis  JUSTINIANI 

I 
NICOLO  JUSTINIANI 

I 
JUSTO  PASTOR  JUSTINIANI 

I 
Dr.  PABLO  POLICARPO  JUSTINIANI 

(Cura  of  Laris) 


328  GREAT  VALUE  OF  ZEGARRA'S  WORK 

was  obtained  for  him  by  Dr.  Ruggendas  of  Munich. 
The  manuscript  was  a  corrupt  version,  and  in  very  bad 
condition,  in  parts  illegible  from  damp.  In  1868  Don 
Jose  Barranca  published  a  Spanish  translation,  from  the 
Dominican  text  of  von  Tschudi.  The  learned  Swiss 
naturalist,  von  Tschudi,  published  a  revised  edition  of 
his  translation  at  Vienna  in  1875,  with  a  parallel  German 
translation.  In  1871  I  printed  the  Justiniani  text  with  a 
literal,  line-for-line  translation,  but  with  many  mistakes, 
since  corrected  ;  and  in  1874,  a  Peruvian,  Don  Jose 
Fernandez  Nodal,  published  the  Quichua  text  with  a 
Spanish  translation. 

In  1878  Gavino  Pacheco  Zegarra  published  his  version 
of  Ollantay,  with  a  free  translation  in  French.  His 
text  is  a  manuscript  of  the  drama  which  he  found  in 
his  uncle's  library.  Zegarra,  as  a  native  of  Peru 
whose  language  was  Quichua,  had  great  advantages. 
He  was  a  very  severe,  and  often  unfair,  critic  of  his 
predecessors. 

The  work  of  Zegarra  is,  however,  exceedingly  valuable. 
He  was  not  only  a  Quichua  scholar,  but  also  accomplished 
and  well  read.  His  notes  on  special  words  and  on  the 
construction  of  sentences  are  often  very  interesting.  But 
his  conclusions  respecting  several  passages  which  are  in 
the  Justiniani  text,  but  not  in  the  others,  are  certainly 
erroneous.  Thus  he  entirely  spoils  the  dialogue  between 
the  Uillac  Uma  and  Piqui  Chaqui  by  omitting  the 
humorous  part  contained  in  the  Justiniani  text ;  and 
makes  other  similar  omissions  merely  because  the 
passages  are  not  in  his  text.  Zegarra  gives  a  useful 
vocabulary  at  the  end  of  all  the  words  which  occur  in 
the  drama. 

The  great  drawback  to  the  study  of  Zegarra's  work 
is  that  he  invented  a  number  of  letters  to  express  the 
various  modifications  of  sound  as  they  appealed  to  his 


THE  PRESENT  FREE  TRANSLATION       329 

ear.  No  one  else  can  use  them,  while  they  render 
the  reading  of  his  own  works  difficult  and  intolerably 
tiresome. 

The  last  publication  of  a  text  of  Ollantay  was  by  the 
Rev.  J.  H.  Gybbon  Spilsbury,  at  Buenos  Ayres  in  1907, 
accompanied  by  Spanish,  English,  and  French  translations 
in  parallel  columns. 

There  is  truth  in  what  Zegarra  says,  that  the  attempts 
to  translate  line  for  line,  by  von  Tschudi  and  myself, '  fail 
to  convey  a  proper  idea  of  the  original  drama  to  European 
readers,  the  result  being  alike  contrary  to  the  genius  of 
the  modern  languages  of  Europe  and  to  that  of  the 
Quichua  language.'  Zegarra  accordingly  gives  a  very 
free  translation  in  French. 

In  the  present  translation  I  believe  that  I  have  always 
preserved  the  sense  of  the  original,  without  necessarily 
binding  myself  to  the  words.  The  original  is  in  octo- 
syllabic lines.  Songs  and  important  speeches  are  in 
quatrains  of  octosyllabic  lines,  the  first  and  last  rhyming, 
and  the  second  and  third.  I  have  endeavoured  to  keep 
to  octosyllabic  lines  as  far  as  possible,  because  they  give 
a  better  idea  of  the  original ;  and  I  have  also  tried  to 
preserve  the  form  of  the  songs  and  speeches. 

The  drama  opens  towards  the  close  of  the  reign  of 
the  Inca  Pachacuti,  the  greatest  of  all  the  Incas,  and 
the  scene  is  laid  at  Cuzco  or  at  Ollantay-tampu,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Vilcamayu.  The  story  turns  on  the  love 
of  a  great  chief,  but  not  of  the  blood-royal,  with  a  daughter 
of  the  Inca.  This  would  not  have  been  prohibited  in 
former  reigns,  for  the  marriage  of  a  sister  by  the  sovereign 
or  his  heir,  and  the  marriage  of  princesses  only  with 
princes  of  the  blood-royal,  were  rules  first  introduced 
by  Pachacuti.1  His  imperial  power  and  greatness  led 

i  The  wives  of  the  Incas  were  called  ccoya.  The  ccoya  of  the 
second  Inca  was  a  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Sanoc.  The  third  Inca 


330  ARGUMENT  OF  THE  PLAY 

him  to  endeavour  to  raise  the  royal  family  far  above  all 
others. 

The  play  opens  with  a  dialogue  between  Ollantay  and 
Piqui  Chaqui,  his  page,  a  witty  and  humorous  lad. 
Ollantay  talks  of  his  love  for  the  Princess  Cusi  Coyllur, 
and  wants  Piqui  Chaqui  to  take  a  message  to  her,  while 
the  page  dwells  on  the  danger  of  loving  in  such  a  quarter, 
and  evades  the  question  of  taking  a  message.  Then  to 
them  enters  the  Uillac  Uma,  or  High  Priest  of  the  Sun, 
who  remonstrates  with  Ollantay — a  scene  of  great 
solemnity,  and  very  effective. 

The  next  scene  is  in  the  Queen's  palace.  Anahuarqui, 
the  Queen,  is  discovered  with  the  Princess  Cusi  Coyllur, 
who  bitterly  laments  the  absence  of  Ollantay.  To  them 
enters  the  Inca  Pachacuti,  quite  ignorant  that  his  daughter 
has  not  only  married  Ollantay  in  secret,  but  that  she 
is  actually  with  child  by  him.  Her  mother  keeps  her 
secret.  The  Inca  indulges  in  extravagant  expressions  of 
love  for  his  daughter.  Then  boys  and  girls  enter  dancing 
and  singing  a  harvest  song.  Another  very  melancholy 
yarahui  is  sung ;  both  capable  of  being  turned  by  the 
Princess  into  presages  of  the  fate  of  herself  and  her 
husband. 

In  the  third  scene  Ollantay  prefers  his  suit  to  the  Inca 
Pachacuti  in  octosyllabic  quatrains,  the  first  and  last 

married  a  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Oma,  the  fourth  married  a  girl 
of  Tacucaray,  the  wife  of  the  fifth  was  a  daughter  of  a  Cuzco  chief. 
The  sixth  Inca  married  a  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Huayllacan,  the 
seventh  married  a  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Ayamarca,  and  the  eighth 
went  to  Anta  for  a  wife.  This  Anta  lady  was  the  mother  of  Pacha- 
cuti. The  wife  of  Pachacuti,  named  Anahuarqui,  was  a  daughter 
of  the  chief  of  Choco.  There  was  no  rule  about  marrying  sisters 
when  Pachacuti  succeeded.  He  introduced  it  by  making  his  son 
Tupac  Yupanqui  marry  his  daughter  Mama  Ocllo,  but  this  was 
quite  unprecedented.  The  transgression  of  a  rule  which  he  had 
just  made  may  account  for  his  extreme  severity. 


ARGUMENT  OF  THE  PLAY  331 

lines  rhyming,  and  the  second  and  third.  His  suit  is 
rejected  with  scorn  and  contempt.  Ollantay  next  appears 
on  the  heights  above  Cuzco.  In  a  soliloquy  he  declares 
himself  the  implacable  enemy  of  Cuzco  and  the  Inca. 
Then  Piqui  Chaqui  arrives  with  the  news  that  the  Queen's 
palace  is  empty,  and  abandoned,  and  that  Cusi  Coyllur 
has  quite  disappeared  ;  while  search  is  being  made  for 
Ollantay.  While  they  are  together  a  song  is  sung  behind 
some  rocks,  in  praise  of  Cusi  Coyllur's  beauty.  Then  the 
sound  of  clarions  and  people  approaching  is  heard,  and 
Ollantay  and  Piqui  Chaqui  take  to  flight.  The  next  scene 
finds  the  Inca  enraged  at  the  escape  of  Ollantay,  and  order- 
ing his  general  Bumi-naui  to  march  at  once,  and  make 
him  prisoner.  To  them  enters  a  chasqui,  or  messenger, 
bringing  the  news  that  Ollantay  has  collected  a  great  army 
at  Ollantay-tampu,  and  that  the  rebels  have  proclaimed 
him  Inca. 

The  second  act  opens  with  a  grand  scene  in  the  hall 
of  the  fortress-palace  of  Ollantay-tampu.  Ollantay  is 
proclaimed  Inca  by  the  people,  and  he  appoints  the 
Mountain  Chief,  Urco  Huaranca,  general  of  his  army. 
Urco  Huaranca  explains  the  dispositions  he  has  made 
to  oppose  the  army  advancing  from  Cuzco,  and  his  plan 
of  defence.  In  the  next  scene  Eumi-naui,  as  a  fugitive 
in  the  mountains,  describes  his  defeat  and  the  complete 
success  of  the  strategy  of  Ollantay  and  Urco  Huaranca. 
His  soliloquy  is  in  the  octosyllabic  quatrains.  The  last 
scene  of  the  second  act  is  in  the  gardens  of  the  Convent 
of  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  A  young  girl  is  standing  by  a  gate 
which  opens  on  the  street.  This,  as  afterwards  appears, 
is  Yma  Sumac,  the  daughter  of  Ollantay  and  Cusi  Coyllur, 
aged  ten,  but  ignorant  of  her  parentage.  To  her  enters 
Pitu  Salla,  an  attendant,  who  chides  her  for  being  so  fond 
of  looking  out  at  the  gate.  The  conversation  which 
follows  shows  that  Yma  Sumac  detests  the  convent  and 


332  ARGUMENT  OF  THE  PLAY 

refuses  to  take  the  vows.  She  also  has  heard  the  moans 
of  some  sufferer,  and  importunes  Pitu  Salla  to  tell  her  who 
it  is.  Yma  Sumac  goes  as  Mama  Ccacca  enters  and  cross- 
examines  Pitu  Salla  on  her  progress  in  persuading  Yma 
Sumac  to  adopt  convent  life.  This  Mama  Ccacca  is  one 
of  the  Matrons  or  Mama  Cuna,  and  she  is  also  the  jailer 
of  Cusi  Coyllur. 

The  third  act  opens  with  an  amusing  scene  between 
the  Uillac  Uma  and  Piqui  Chaqui,  who  meet  in  a  street 
in  Cuzco.  Piqui  Chaqui  wants  to  get  news,  but  to  tell 
nothing,  and  in  this  he  succeeds.  The  death  of  Inca 
Pachacuti  is  announced  to  him,  and  the  accession  of 
Tupac  Yupanqui,  and  with  this  news  he  departs. 

Next  there  is  an  interview  between  the  new  Inca 
Tupac  Yupanqui,  the  Uillac  Uma,  and  the  defeated  general 
Rumi-fiaui,  who  promises  to  retrieve  the  former  disaster 
and  bring  the  rebels  to  Cuzco,  dead  or  alive.  It  after- 
wards appears  that  the  scheme  of  Rumi-naui  was  one  of 
treachery.  He  intended  to  conceal  his  troops  in  caves 
and  gorges  near  Ollantay-tampu  ready  to  rush  in,  when  a 
signal  was  made.  Rumi-naui  then  cut  and  slashed  his 
face,  covered  himself  with  mud,  and  appeared  at  the  gates 
of  Ollantay-tampu,  declaring  that  he  had  received  this 
treatment  from  the  new  Inca,  and  imploring  protection.1 
Ollantay  received  him  with  the  greatest  kindness  and 
hospitality.  In  a  few  days  Ollantay  and  his  people 
celebrated  the  Eaymi  or  great  festival  of  the  sun  with 

i  A  bust,  on  an  earthen  vase,  was  presented  to  Don  Antonio 
Maria  Alvarez,  the  political  chief  of  Cuzco,  in  1837,  by  an  Indian 
who  declared  that  it  had  been  handed  down  in  his  family  from 
time  immemorial,  as  a  likeness  of  the  general,  Rumi-naui,  who 
plays  an  important  part  in  this  drama  of  Ollantay.  The  person 
represented  must  have  been  a  general,  from  the  ornament  on  the 
forehead,  called  mascapaycha,  and  there  are  wounds  cut  on  the 
face. — Museo  Erudito,  No.  5. 


ARGUMENT  OF  THE  PLAY  333 

much  rejoicing  and  drinking.  Rumi-naui  pretended  to 
join  in  the  festivities,  but  when  most  of  them  were 
wrapped  in  drunken  sleep,  he  opened  the  gates,  let  in  his 
own  men,  and  made  them  all  prisoners. 

There  is  next  another  scene  in  the  garden  of  the 
convent,  in  which  Yma  Sumac  importunes  Pitu  Salla 
to  tell  her  the  secret  of  the  prisoner.  Pitu  Salla  at  last 
yields  and  opens  a  stone  door.  Cusi  Coyllur  is  discovered, 
fastened  to  a  wall,  and  in  a  dying  state.  She  had  been 
imprisoned,  by  order  of  her  father,  Inca  Pachacuti  on 
the  birth  of  Yma  Sumac.  She  is  restored  with  food  and 
water,  and  the  relationship  is  discovered  when  Cusi 
Coyllur  hears  the  child's  name,  for  she  had  given  it 
to  her. 

Next  the  Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui  is  discovered  in  the 
great  hall  of  his  palace,  seated  on  his  tiana  or  throne, 
with  the  Uillac  Uma  in  attendance.  To  them  enters  a 
chasqui,  or  messenger,  who  describes  the  result  of  Rumi- 
naui's  treachery  in  octosyllabic  quatrains.  Rumi-naui 
himself  enters  and  receives  the  thanks  of  his  sovereign. 
Then  the  prisoners  are  brought  in  guarded — Ollantay, 
Hanco  Huayllu,  Urco  Huaranca,  and  Piqui  Chaqui.  The 
Inca  upbraids  them  for  their  treason.  He  then  asks  the 
Uillac  Uma  for  his  judgment.  The  High  Priest  recom- 
mends mercy.  Rumi-naui  advises  immediate  execution. 
The  Inca  seems  to  concur  and  they  are  ordered  off,  when 
suddenly  the  Inca  cries  '  Stop.'  He  causes  them  all  to  be 
released,  appoints  Ollantay  to  the  highest  post  in  the 
empire  next  to  himself,  and  Urco  Huaranca  to  a  high 
command.  There  are  rejoicings,  and  in  the  midst  of  it 
all  Yma  Sumac  forces  her  way  into  the  hall,  and  throws 
herself  at  the  Inca's  feet,  entreating  him  to  save  her 
mother  from  death.  The  Inca  hands  over  the  matter  to 
Ollantay,  but  this  Yma  Sumac  will  not  have,  and,  the  Uillac 
Uma  intervening,  the  Inca  consents  to  go  with  the  child. 


334    REVIEW  OF  DON  E.  LARRABURE  Y  UNANUE 

The  final  scene  is  in  the  gardens  of  the  convent.  The 
Inca  enters  with  Yma  Sumac,  followed  by  the  whole 
strength  of  the  company.  Mama  Ccacca  is  ordered  to 
open  the  stone  door  and  Cusi  Coyllur  is  brought  out. 
She  proves  to  be  the  sister  of  the  Inca  and  the  wife 
of  Ollantay.  There  are  explanations,  and  all  ends 
happily. 

Of  the  antiquity  of  the  drama  of  Ollantay  there  is  now 
no  question.  General  Mitre  wrote  an  elaborate  paper  on 
its  authenticity,  raising  several  points  to  prove  that 
it  was  of  modern  origin.  But  every  point  he  raised  has 
been  satisfactorily  refuted.  At  the  same  time  there  are 
many  other  points,  some  of  them  referred  to  by  Zegarra, 
which  establish  the  antiquity  of  the  drama  beyond  any 
doubt.  The  antiquity  of  the  name  Ollantay-tampu, 
applied  to  the  fortress  in  memory  of  the  drama,  is  proved 
by  its  use  in  the  narratives  of  Molina  (1560)  and  of 
Salcamayhua. 

An  able  review  of  the  literature  connected  with  the 
drama  of  Ollantay  was  written  by  Don  E.  Larrabure  y 
Unanue,  the  present  Vice-President  of  Peru,  who  con- 
siders that  Ollantay  would  make  a  good  acting  play  with 
magnificent  scenic  effects. 

MS.  TEXTS. 

1.  The  original  text  of  Valdez.     In  1853  the  property 
of  Don  Narciso  Cuentas  of  Tinta,  heir  of  Dr.  Valdez. 

2.  The  Justiniani  text.     In  1853  at  Laris.    Copy  of 
the  Valdez  text. 

3.  Markham's  copy  of  the  Justiniani  text  (printed 
1871). 

4.  Rosas  copy  of  the  Justiniani  text. 

5.  Copy  in  the  convent  of  San  Domingo  at  Cuzco 
(the  Dominican  text). 


THE  NAME  OLLANTAY  335 

6.  Von  Tschudi's  copy  of  the  Dominican  text  (printed 
1853). 

7.  Text  of  Zegarra  (printed  1878). 

8.  Second  text  of  von  Tschudi. 

9.  Text  of  Spilsbury. 

10.  Text  of  Sahuaraura  penes   Dr.  Gonzalez  de   la 
Rosa. 

There  is  light  thrown  upon  the  name  Ollantay  by  the 
evidence  taken  during  the  journey  of  the  Viceroy  Toledo 
from  Jauja  to  Cuzco,  from  November  1570  to  March 
1571.  He  wanted  information  respecting  the  origin  of 
th#  Inca  government,  and  200  witnesses  were  examined, 
the  parentage  or  lineage  of  each  witness  being  recorded. 
Among  these  we  find  six  witnesses  of  the  Antasayac  ayllu. 
Sayac  means  a  station  or  division,  Anta  is  a  small  town 
near  Cuzco.  The  names  of  the  six  Anta  witnesses  were  : — 

ANOAILLO  ;      USCA  :  HUACBO  ; 

MANCOY  ;         AUCA  PURI  ;  ULLANTAY  ; 

Besides    ANTONIO    PACROTRICA    and  PUNICU    PAUCAR, 
Chiefs  of  Anta. 

We  thus  find  that  the  name  of  Ollantay  belonged  to 
Anta.  Now  the  Incas  were  under  great  obligations  to 
the  chief  of  Anta,  for  that  chief  had  rescued  the  eldest 
son  of  Inca  Eocca  from  the  chief  of  Ayamarca,  and  had 
restored  him  to  his  father.  For  this  great  service  the 
chief  of  Anta  was  declared  to  be  a  noble  of  the  highest 
rank  and  cousin  to  the  Inca  family.  Moreover,  the 
daughter  of  the  Anta  chief  was  married  to  the  Inca 
Uira-cocha,  and  was  the  mother  of  Pachacuti.  Assuming, 
as  seems  probable,  that  Ollantay  was  a  son  of  the  chief 
of  Anta,  he  would  be  a  cousin  of  the  Inca,  and  of  very 


336  THE  NAME  OLLANTAY 

high  rank,  though  not  an  agnate  of  the  reigning  family. 
This,  I  take  it,  is  what  is  intended.  Pachacuti  desired 
to  raise  his  family  high  above  all  others,  and  that,  con- 
sequently, there  should  be  no  marriages  with  subjects 
even  of  the  highest  rank ;  and  his  excessive  severity  on 
the  transgression  of  his  rule  by  his  daughter  is  thus 
explained. 


OLLANTAY 


ACTS   AND   SCENES 

ACT  I.      Sc.  1. — Open  space  near  Cuzco. 

Ollantay,  Piqui  Chaqui,  Uillac  Uma. 
Sc.  2. — Hall  in  the  Colcampata. 

Anahuarqui,     Cusi     Coyllur,     Inca 
^  Pachacuti,  Boys  and  Girls,  Singers. 

Sc.  8. — Hall  in  the  Inca's  palace. 

Pachacuti,  Kumi-naui,  Ollantay. 
Sc.  4. — Height  above  Cuzco. 

Ollantay,  Piqui  Chaqui,  Unseen  Singer. 
Sc.  5. — Hall  in  the  Inca's  palace. 

Pachacuti,  Rumi-naui,  and  a  Chasqui. 

ACT  II.    Sc.  1. — Ollantay-tampu  Hall. 

Ollantay,    Urco    Huaranea,    Hanco 

Huayllu,  People  and  Soldiers. 
Sc.  2. — A  wild  place  in  the  mountains. 

Rumi-naui's  soliloquy. 
Sc.  8. — Gardens  of  the  Virgins. 

Yma    Sumac,    Pitu    Salla,    Mama 
Ccacca. 

ACT  III.  Sc.  1. — Pampa  Maroni  at  Cuzco. 

Uillac  Uma  and  Piqui  Chaqui. 
Sc.  2. — Palace  of  Tupac  Yupangui. 

Tupac     Yupanqui,      Uillac      Uma, 
Rumi-naui. 

337  z 


338  OLLANTAY 

Sc.  8. — Ollantay-tampu,  Terrace. 

Kumi-naui,  Ollantay,  Guards. 
Sc.  4. — House  of  Virgins,  Corridor. 
Yma  Sumac,  Pitu  Salla. 
Sc.  5. — House  of  Virgins,  Garden. 

Yma  Sumac,  Pitu  Salla,  Cusi  Coyllur. 
Sc.  6. — Palace  of  Tupac  Yupanqui. 

Tupac  Yupanqui,  UUlac  Uma,  a 
Chasqui,  Rumi-naui,  Ollantay,  Urco 
Huaranca,  Hanco  Huayllu,  Piqui 
Chaqui,  Chiefs  and  Guards,  then 
Yma  Sumac. 
Sc.  7. — House  of  Virgins,  Garden. 

All  of  Scene  6,  and  Mama  Ccacca 
Cusi  Coyllur,  Pitu  Salla. 


OLLANTAY  DRAMATIS  PERSONS 

SCENE 
In  Cuzco  and  its  environs,  and  Ollantay-tampu 

DRAMATIS  PERSONS 

Apfj  OLLANTAY. — General  of  Anti-suyu,  the  eastern 
province  of  the  empire.  A  young  chief,  but  not  of 
the  blood-royal.  His  rank  was  that  of  a  Tucuyricuo 
or  Viceroy.  The  name  occurs  among  the  witnesses 
examined  by  order  of  the  Viceroy  Toledo,  being  one 
of  the  six  of  the  Antasayac  ayllu. 

PACHACUTI. — The  Sovereign  Inca. 

TUPAC  YUPANQUI. — Sovereign  Inca,  son  and  heir  of 
Pachacuti. 

RUMI-NAUI. — A  great  chief,  General  of  Colla-suyu.  The 
word  means  '  Stone-eye.' 

UILLAO  UMA. — High  Priest  of  the  Sun.  The  word  Uma 
means  head,  and  Uillac,  a  councillor  and  diviner. 

URCO  HUARANCA. — A  chief.  The  words  mean  '  Mountain 
Chief.'  The  word  huaranca  means  1000 ;  hence, 
Chief  of  a  Thousand. 

HANCO  Hu  AYLLU  AUQUI. — An  old  officer,  of  the  blood-royal. 

PIQUI  CHAQUI. — Page  to  Ollantay.  The  words  mean 
'  fleet-footed.' 

ANAHUARQUI. — The  Ccoya  or  Queen,  wife  of  Pachacuti. 

339  z  2 


340  OLLANTAY 

Cusi  COYLLUR  &USTA. — A  Princess,  daughter  of  Pachacuti. 
The  words  mean  *  the  joyful  star.' 

YMA   SUMAC. — Daughter  of   Cusi   Coyllur.    The  words 
mean  '  How  beautiful.' 

PITU  SALLA. — A  girl,  companion  of  Yma  Sumac. 

COACOA  MAMA. — A  matron  of  Virgins  of  the  Sun.    Jailer 
of  Cusi  Coyllur. 

Nobles,  captains,  soldiers,  boys  and  girls  dancing,  singers, 
attendants,  messengers  or  Chasqui. 


ACT  I 

SCENE  1 

An  open  space  near  the  junction  of  the  two  torrents  of 
Cuzco,  the  Huatanay  and  Tullumayu  or  Bodadero,  called 
Pumap  Chupan,  just  outside  the  gardens  of  the  Sun.  The 
Temple  of  the  Sun  beyond  the  gardens,  and  the  Sacsahuaman 
hill  surmounted  by  the  fortress,  rising  in  the  distance.  The 
palace  of  Cokampata  on  the  hillside. 

(Enter  OLLANTAY  L.  [in  a  gilded  tunic,  breeches 
of  llama  sinews,  usutas  or  shoes  of  llama 
hide,  a  red  mantle  of  ccompi  or  fine  cloth, 
and  the  chucu  or  head-dress  of  his  rank, 
holding  a  battle-axe  (champi)  and  club 
(macana)]  ancZPiqui  CHAQUI  coming  up  from 
the  back  R.  [in  a  coarse  brown  tunic  of  auasca 
or  llama  cloth,  girdle  used  as  a  sling,  and 
chucu  or  head-dress  of  a  Cuzqueno].) 

Ollantay.  Where,  young  fleet-foot,  hast  thou  been  ? 
Hast  thou  the  starry  Rusta  seen  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  The  Sun  forbids  such  sacrilege ; 
'Tis  not  for  me  to  see  the  star. 
Dost  thou,  my  master,  fear  no  ill, 
Thine  eyes  upon  the  Inca's  child  ? 

Ollantay.  In  spite  of  all  I  swear  to  love 
That  tender  dove,  that  lovely  star ; 
My  heart  is  as  a  lamb  l  with  her, 
And  ever  will  her  presence  seek. 

i  Chita  is  the  lamb  of  the  llama.  A  lamb  of  two  or  three  months 
was  a  favourite  pet  in  the  time  of  the  Incas.  It  followed  its  mistress, 
adorned  with  a  little  bell  and  ribbons. 

341 


342  OLLANTAY  AND  PIQUI  CHAQUI          ACT  i 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Such  thoughts  are  prompted  by  Supay l ; 
That  evil  being  possesses  thee. 
All  round  are  beauteous  girls  to  choose 
Before  old  age  and  weakness  come. 
If  the  great  Inca  knew  thy  plot 
And  what  thou  seekest  to  attain, 
Thy  head  would  fall  by  his  command, 
Thy  body  would  be  quickly  burnt. 

Ollantay.  Boy,  do  not  dare  to  cross  me  thus. 
One  more  such  word  and  thou  shalt  die. 
These  hands  will  tear  thee  limb  from  limb, 
If  still  thy  councils  are  so  base. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Well !    treat  thy  servant  as  a  dog, 
But  do  not  night  and  day  repeat, 
4  Piqui  Chaqui !    swift  of  foot ! 
Go  once  more  to  seek  the  star.' 

Ollantay.  Have  I  not  already  said 
That  e'en  if  death's  fell  scythe  2  was  here, 
If  mountains  should  oppose  my  path 
Like  two  fierce  foes3  who  block  the  way, 
Yet  will  I  fight  all  these  combined 
And  risk  all  else  to  gain  my  end, 
And  whether  it  be  life  or  death 
I'll  cast  myself  at  Coyllur's  feet. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  But  if  Supay  himself  should  come  ? 

Ollantay.  I'd  strike  the  evil  spirit  down. 

1  Supay,  an  evil  spirit,  according  to  some  authorities. 

2  Ichuna,  a  sickle  or  scythe.     The  expression  has  been  cited  by 
General  Mitre  and  others  as  an  argument  that  the  drama  is  modern, 
because  this  is  a  metaphor  confined  to  the  old  world.     But  ichuna 
was    in  use,    in    Quichua,    in    this  sense,   before    the   Spaniards 
came.     The  word  is  from  Ichu,  grass. 

3  The  Peruvians  personified  a  mountain  as  two  spirits,  good 
and  evil.     In  writing  poetically  of  a  mountain  opposing,  it  would 
be  referred  to  in  the  persons  of  its  genii  or  spirits,  and  spoken  of 
as  two  foes,  not  one. 


SCENE  i         OLLANTAY  AND  PIQUI  CHAQUI          343 

Piqui  Chaqui.  If  thou  shouldst  only  see  his  nose, 
Thou  wouldst  not  speak  as  thou  dost  now. 

Ollantay.  Now,  Piqui  Chaqui,  speak  the  truth, 
Seek  not  evasion  or  deceit. 
Dost  thou  not  already  know, 
Of  all  the  flowers  in  the  field, 
Not  one  can  equal  my  Princess  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Still,  my  master,  thou  dost  rave. 
I  think  I  never  saw  thy  love. 
Stay !   was  it  her  who  yesterday 
Came  forth  with  slow  and  faltering  steps 
And  sought  a  solitary  ]  path  2  ? 
If- so,  'tis  true  she's  like  the  sun, 
The  moon  less  beauteous  than  her  face.3 

Ollantay.  It  surely  was  my  dearest  love. 
How  beautiful,  how  bright  is  she  ! 
This  very  moment  thou  must  go 
And  take  my  message  to  the  Star. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  dare  not,  master ;  in  the  day, 
I  fear  to  pass  the  palace  gate. 
With  all  the  splendour  of  the  court, 
I  could  not  tell  her  from  the  rest. 

Ollantay.  Didst  thou  not  say  thou  sawest  her  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  said  so,  but  it  was  not  sense. 
A  star  can  only  shine  at  night ; 
Only  at  night  could  I  be  sure. 

Ollantay.  Begone,  thou  lazy  good-for-nought. 
The  joyful  star  that  I  adore, 
If  placed  in  presence  of  the  Sun, 
Would  shine  as  brightly  as  before. 

1  Rwrun,  desert,  solitude. 

2  Tasquiy,  to  march ;    tasquina,  promenade,  path. 

3  Cusi  Coyllur,  while  daylight  lasted,  was,  in  the  eyes  of  Piqui 
Chaqui,  like  the  sun.     A  change  takes  place  at  twilight,  and  at 
night  she  is  like  the  moon, 


344  THE  UILLAC  UMA  ACT  i 

Pigui  Chaqui.  Lo  !  some  person  hither  comes, 
Perhaps  an  old  crone  seeking  alms  ; 
Yes  !  Look  !  he  quite  resembles  one. 
Let  him  the  dangerous  message  take. 
Send  it  by  him,  0  noble  Chief ! 
From  me  they  would  not  hear  the  tale  ; 
Thy  page  is  but  a  humble  lad. 

(Enter  the  UILLAO  UMA,  or  High  Priest  of  the 
Sun,  at  the  back,  arms  raised  to  the  Sun. 
In  a  grey  tunic  and  black  mantle  from  the 
shoulders  to  the  ground,  a  long  knife  in 
his  belt,  the  undress  chucu  on  his  head.) 

Uillac  Uma.  0  giver  of  all  warmth  and  light ! 

0  Sun  !  I  fall  and  worship  thee. 
For  thee  the  victims  are  prepared, 
A  thousand  llamas  and  their  lambs 
Are  ready  for  thy  festal  day. 

The  sacred  fire  '11  lap  their  blood, 
In  thy  dread  presence,  mighty  one, 
After  long  fast  l  thy  victims  fall. 

Ollantay.  Who  comes  hither,  Piqui  Chaqui  ? 
Yes,  'tis  the  holy  Uillac  Uma  ; 
He  brings  his  tools  of  augury. 
No  puma  2  more  astute  and  wise — 

1  hate  that  ancient  conjurer 
Who  prophesies  of  evil  things, 
I  feel  the  evils  he  foretells ; 
'Tis  he  who  ever  brings  ill-luck. 

l  Fasting  was  a  preparation  for  all  great  religious  ceremonies. 
Victims  for  sacrifice  underwent  a  previous  fast,  which  was  looked 
upon  in  the  light  of  purification  before  being  offered  to  the  Deity. 

3  They  gave  the  attributes  we  usually  assign  to  the  fox  to 
the  puma. 


SCENE  i    OLLANTAY  ANI>  THE  UILLAC  UMA        345 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Silence,  master,  do  not  speak, 
The  old  man  doubly  is  informed  ; 
Fore-knowing  every  word  you  say, 
Already  he  has  guessed  it  all. 

(He  lies  doum  on  a  bank.) 

Ollantay  (aside).  He  sees  me.    I  must  speak  to  him, 
(The  Uillac  Uma  comes  forward.) 

0  Uillac  Uma,  Great  High  Priest, 

1  bow  before  thee  with  respect ; 
MayJihe  skies  be  clear  for  thee, 

And  brightest  sunshine  meet  thine  eyes. 

Uillac  Uma.  Brave  Ollantay  !  Princely  one  ! 
May  all  the  teeming  land  be  thine  ; 
May  thy  far-reaching  arm  of  might 
Reduce  the  wide-spread  universe. 

Ollantay.  Old  man  !   thine  aspect  causes  fear, 
Thy  presence  here  some  ill  forebodes  ; 
All  round  thee  dead  men's  bones  appear, 
Baskets,  flowers,  sacrifice. 
All  men  when  they  see  thy  face 
Are  filled  with  terror  and  alarm. 
What  means  it  all  ?  why  comest  thou  ? 
It  wants  some  months  before  the  feast. 
Is  it  that  the  Inca  is  ill  ? 
Perchance  hast  thou  some  thought  divined 
Which  soon  will  turn  to  flowing  blood. 
Why  comest  thou  ?  the  Sun's  great  day, 
The  Moon's  libations  are  not  yet 
The  moon  has  not  yet  nearly  reached 
The  solemn  time  for  sacrifice. 

Uillac  Uma.  Why  dost  thou  these  questions  put, 
In  tones  of  anger  and  reproach  ? 


346        OLLANTAY  AND  THE  UILLAC  UMA        ACT  i 

Am  I,  forsooth,  thy  humble  slave  ? 
That  I  know  all  I  '11  quickly  prove. 

Ollantay.  My  beating  heart  is  filled  with  dread, 
Beholding  thee  so  suddenly  ; 
Perchance  thy  coming  is  a  sign, 
Of  evils  overtaking  me. 

Uillac  Uma.  Fear  not,  Ollantay  !  not  for  that, 
The  High  Priest  comes  to  thee  this  day. 
It  is  perhaps  for  love  of  thee, 
That,  as  a  straw  is  blown  by  wind, 
A  friend,  this  day,  encounters  thee. 
Speak  to  me  as  to  a  friend, 
Hide  nothing  from  my  scrutiny. 
This  day  I  come  to  offer  thee 
A  last  and  most  momentous  choice — 
'Tis  nothing  less  than  life  or  death. 

Ollantay.  Then  make  thy  words  more  clear  to  me, 
That  I  may  understand  the  choice  ; 
Till  now  'tis  but  a  tangled  skein, 
Unravel  it  that  I  may  know. 

Uillac  Uma.  'Tis  well.    Now  listen,  warlike  Chief : 
My  science  has  enabled  me, 
To  learn  and  see  all  hidden  things 
Unknown  to  other  mortal  men. 
My  power  will  enable  me 
To  make  of  thee  a  greater  prince. 
I  brought  thee  up  from  tender  years, 
And  cherished  thee  with  love  and  care  ; 
I  now  would  guide  thee  in  the  right, 
And  ward  off  all  that  threatens  thee. 
As  chief  of  Anti-suyu  now, 
The  people  venerate  thy  name ; 
Thy  Sovereign  trusts  and  honours  thee, 
E'en  to  sharing  half  his  realm. 
From  all  the  rest  he  chose  thee  out, 


SCENE  I 


OLLANTAY  AND  THE  UILLAC  UMA        347 


And  placed  all  power  in  thy  hands  ; 
He  made  thy  armies  great  and  strong, 
And  strengthened  thee  against  thy  foes  ; 
How  numerous  soe'er  they  be, 
They  have  been  hunted  down  by  thee. 
Are  these  good  reasons  for  thy  wish, 
To  wound  thy  Sovereign  to  the  heart  ? 
His  daughter  is  beloved  by  thee ; 
Thy  passion  thou  wouldst  fain  indulge, 
Lawless  and  forbidden  though  it  be. 
I  call  upon  thee,  stop  in  time, 
Tear  this  folly  from  thy  heart. 
If  thy  passion  is  immense, 
Still  let  honour  hold  its  place. 
You  reel,  you  stagger  on  the  brink— 
I  'd  snatch  thee  from  the  very  edge. 
Thou  knowest  well  it  cannot  be, 
The  Inca  never  would  consent. 
If  thou  didst  e'en  propose  it  now, 
He  would  be  overcome  with  rage ; 
From  favoured  prince  and  trusted  chief, 
Thou  wouldst  descend  to  lowest  rank. 

Ollantay.  How  is  it  that  thou  canst  surely  know 
What  still  is  hidden  in  my  heart  ? 
Her  mother  only  knows  my  love, 
Yet  thou  revealest  all  to  me. 

Uillac  Uma.  I  read  thy  secret  on  the  moon, 
As  if  upon  the  Quipu  knots  ; 
And  what  thou  wouldst  most  surely  hide, 
Is  plain  to  me  as  all  the  rest. 

Ollantay.  In  my  heart  I  had  divined 
That  thou  wouldst  search  me  through  and  through  ; 
Thou  knowest  all,  0  Councillor, 
And  wilt  thou  now  desert  thy  son  ? 

Uillac  Uma.  How  oft  we  mortals  heedless  drink, 


348        OLLANTAY  AND  THE  UILLAC  UMA        ACT  i 

A  certain  death  from  golden  cup  ; 

Recall  to  mind  how  ills  befall, 

And  that  a  stubborn  heart 's  the  cause. 

Ollantay  (kneeling).  Plunge  that  dagger  in  my  breast, 
Thou  holdst  it  ready  in  thy  belt ; 
Cut  out  my  sad  and  broken  heart — 
I  ask  the  favour  at  thy  feet. 

V iliac  Uma  (to  Piqui  Chaqui).  Gather  me  that  flower, 
boy. 

(Piqui  Chaqui  gives  him  a  withered  flower  and 
lies  down  again,  pretending  to  sleep.) 

(To  Ollantay).  Behold,  it  is  quite  dead  and  dry. 
Once  more  behold  !  e'en  now  it  weeps, 
It  weeps.    The  water  flows  from  it. 

(Water  flows  out  of  the  flower.) 

Ollantay.  More  easy  for  the  barren  rocks 
Or  for  sand  to  send  forth  water, 
Than  that  I  should  cease  to  love 
The  fair  princess,  the  joyful  star. 

Uillac  Uma.  Put  a  seed  into  the  ground, 
It  multiplies  a  hundredfold  ; 
The  more  thy  crime  shall  grow  and  swell, 
The  greater  far  thy  sudden  fall. 

Ollantay.  Once  for  all,  I  now  confess 
To  thee,  0  great  and  mighty  Priest ; 
Now  learn  my  fault.    To  thee  I  speak, 
Since  thou  hast  torn  it  from  my  heart. 
The  lasso  to  tie  me  is  long, 
'Tis  ready  to  twist  round  my  throat ; 
Yet  its  threads  are  woven  with  gold, 
It  avenges  a  brilliant  crime. 
Cusi  Coyllur  e'en  now  is  my  wife, 
Already  we  're  bound  and  are  one  ; 


SCENE  I 


OLLANTAY  AND  THE  UILLAC  UMA        349 


My  blood  now  runs  in  her  veins, 

E'en  now  I  am  noble  as  she. 

Her  mother  has  knowledge  of  all, 

The  Queen  can  attest  what  I  say  ; 

Let  me  tell  all  this  to  the  King, 

I  pray  for  thy  help  and  advice. 

I  will  speak  without  fear  and  with  force, 

He  may  perhaps  give  way  to  his  rage  ; 

Yet  he  may  consider  my  youth, 

May  remember  the  battles  I  've  fought ; 

The  record  is  carved  on  my  club. 

(Holds  up  his  macana.) 

He  may  think  of  his  enemies  crushed, 
The  thousands  I  've  thrown  at  his  feet. 

Uillac  Uma.  Young  Prince  !  thy  words  are  too  bold, 
Thou  hast  twisted  the  thread  of  thy  fate — 
Beware,  before  'tis  too  late  ; 
Disentangle  and  weave  it  afresh, 
Go  alone  to  speak  to  the  King, 
Alone  bear  the  blow  that  you  seek  ; 
Above  all  let  thy  words  be  but  few, 
And  say  them  with  deepest  respect ; 
Be  it  life,  be  it  death  that  you  find, 
I  will  never  forget  thee,  my  son. 

[Walks  up  and  exit. 

Ollantay.  Ollantay,  thou  art  a  man, 
No  place  in  thy  heart  for  fear  ; 
Cusi  Coyllur,  surround  me  with  light. 
Piqui  Chaqui,  where  art  thou  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui  (jumping  up).  I  was  asleep,  my  master, 
And  dreaming  of  evil  things. 

Ollantay.  Of  what  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Of  a  fox  with  a  rope  round  its  neck. 


350      COLCAMPATA  PALACE=-ANAHUARQUI     ACT  i 

Ollantay.  Sure  enough,  thou  art  the  fox. 
Piqui  Chaqui.  It  is  true  that  my  nose  is  growing  finer, 
And  my  ears  a  good  deal  longer. 
Ollantay.  Come,  lead  me  to  the  Coyllur. 
Piqui  Chaqui.  It  is  still  daylight. 

[Exeunt. 


SCENE  2 

A  great  hall  in  the  Colcampata,  then  the  palace  of  the 
Queen  or  Ccoya  Anahuarqui.  In  the  centre  of  the  lack 
scene  a  doorway,  and  seen  through  it  gardens  with  the 
snowy  peak  of  Vilcanota  in  the  distance.  Walls  covered 
with  golden  slabs.  On  either  side  of  the  doorway  three 
recesses,  with  household  gods  in  the  shape  of  maize-cobs 
and  llamas,  and  gold  vases  in  them.  On  B.  a  golden  tiana 
or  throne.  On  L.  two  lower  seats  covered  with  cushions  of 
fine  woollen  cloth. 

(ANAHUARQUI,  the  Queen  or  Ccoya  (in  blue 
chucu,  white  cotton  bodice,  and  red  mantle 
secured  by  a  golden  topu  or  pin,  set  with 
emeralds,  and  a  blue  skirt),  and  the  princess 
Cusi  COYLLUR  (in  a  chucu,  with  feathers  of 
the  tunqui,  white  bodice  and  skirt,  and 
grey  mantle  with  topu,  set  with  pearls) 
discovered  seated.) 

Anahuarqui.  Since  when  art  thou  feeling  so  sad, 
Cusi  Coyllur  !  great  Inti's  prunelle  ?  1 
Since  when  hast  thou  lost  all  thy  joy, 
Thy  smile  and  thy  once  merry  laugh  ? 

i  Intip  llirpun,  '  apple  of  the  sun's  eye.'  There  is  no  English 
equivalent  that  is  suitable. 


SCENE  II 


CUSI  COYLLUR'S  LAMENT  351 


Tears  of  grief  now  pour  down  my  face, 
As  I  watch  and  mourn  over  my  child  ; 
Thy  grief  makes  me  ready  to  die. 
Thy  union  filled  thee  with  joy, 
Already  you  're  really  his  wife. 
Is  he  not  the  man  of  thy  choice  ? 
0  daughter,  devotedly  loved, 
Why  plunged  in  such  terrible  grief  ? 

(Cusi  Coyllur  has  had  her  face  hidden  in  the 
pillows.  She  now  rises  to  her  feet,  throwing 
up  her  arms.) 

Cusi  Coyllur.  0  my  mother  !  0  most  gracious  Queen  ! 
How  can  my  tears  e'er  cease  to  flow, 
How  can  my  bitter  sighs  surcease, 
While  the  valiant  Chief  I  worship 
For  many  days  and  sleepless  nights, 
All  heedless  of  my  tender  years, 
Seems  quite  to  have  forgotten  me  ? 
He  has  turned  his  regard  from  his  wife 
And  no  longer  seeks  for  his  love. 
0  my  mother  !  0  most  gracious  Queen  ! 
0  my  husband  so  beloved  ! 
Since  the  day  when  I  last  saw  my  love 
The  moon  has  been  hidden  from  view  ; 
The  sun  shines  no  more  as  of  old, 
In  rising  it  rolls  among  mist ; 
At  night  the  stars  are  all  dim, 
All  nature  seems  sad  and  distressed  ; 
The  comet  with  fiery  tail, 
Announces  my  sorrow  and  grief  ; 
Surrounded  by  darkness  and  tears, 
Evil  auguries  fill  me  with  fears. 
0  my  mother  !  0  most  gracious  Queen  ! 
0  my  husband  so  beloved  ! 


ACT  I 


352  THE  INCA  PACHACUTI 

Andhuarqui.  Compose  thyself  and  dry  thine  eyes, 
The  King,  thy  father,  has  arrived. 
Thou  lovest  Ollantay,  my  child  ? 

(Enter  the  INOA  PACHACUTI.  On  his  head 
the  mascapaycha,  with  the  llautu  or  imperial 
fringe.  A  tunic  of  cotton  embroidered  with 
gold }  on  his  breast  the  golden  breastplate 
representing  the  sun,  surrounded  by  the 
calendar  of  months.  Round  his  waist  the 
fourfold  belt  of  tocapu.  A  crimson  mantle  of 
fine  vicuna  wool,  fastened  on  his  shoulders 
by  golden  puma's  heads.  Shoes  of  cloth  of 
gold.  He  sits  down  on  the  golden  tiana.) 

Inca  Pachacuti.  Cusi  Coyllur  !  Star  of  joy, 
Most  lovely  of  my  progeny  ! 
Thou  symbol  of  parental  love — 
Thy  lips  are  like  the  huayruru.1 
Rest  upon  thy  father's  breast, 
Repose,  my  child,  within  mine  arms. 

(Cusi  Coyllur  comes  across.     They  embrace.} 

Unwind  thyself,  my  precious  one, 
A  thread  of  gold  within  the  woof. 
All  my  happiness  rests  upon  thee, 
Thou  art  my  greatest  delight. 
Thine  eyes  are  lovely  and  bright, 
As  the  rays  of  my  father  the  Sun. 
When  thy  lips  are  moving  to  speak, 
When  thine  eyelids  are  raised  with  a  smile, 
The  wide  world  is  fairly  entranced. 
Thy  breathing  embalms  the  fresh  air  ; 

1  Huayruru  is  the  seed  of  a  thorny  bush,  erythrina  rubra,  of  a 
bright  red  colour,     Zegarra  has  coral  as  the  equivalent  for  huayruru. 


SCENE  II 


THE  HARVEST  SONG  353 


Without  thee  thy  father  would  pine, 
Life  to  him  would  be  dreary  and  waste. 
He  seeks  for  thy  happiness,  child, 
Thy  welfare  is  ever  his  care. 

(Cusi  Coyllur  throws  herself  at  Ms  feet.) 

Cusi  Coyllur.  0  father,  thy  kindness  to  me 
I  feel ;  and  embracing  thy  knees 
All  the  grief  of  thy  daughter  will  cease, 
At  peace  when  protected  by  thee. 

Pachacuti.  How  is  this  !  my  daughter  before  me 
On  knees  at  my  feet,  and  in  tears  ? 
I  fear  some  evil  is  near — 
Such" emotion  must  needs  be  explained. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  The  star  does  weep  before  Inti, 
The  limpid  tears  wash  grief  away. 

Pachacuti.  Rise,  my  beloved,  my  star, 
Thy  place  is  on  thy  dear  father's  knee. 

(Cusi  Coyllur  rises  and  sits  on  a  stool  by  her 
father.    An  attendant  approaches.) 

Attendant.  0  King  !  thy  servants  come  to  please  thee. 
Pachacuti.  Let  them  all  enter. 

(Boys   and    girls   enter    dancing.     After   the 
dance  they  sing  a  harvest  song.) 

Thou  must  not  feed, 

0  Tuyallay  * 
In  ftusta's  field, 

0  Tuyallay. 
Thou  must  not  rob, 

0  Tuyallay, 
The  harvest  maize, 

0  Tuyallay. 

1  The  tuya  (coccoborus  chrysogaster)  is  a  small  finch,  and  tuyallay 
means  '  my  little  tuya.* 


354:  THE  HARVEST  SONG  ACT  i 

The  grains  are  white, 

0  Tuyallay, 
So  sweet  for  food, 

0  Tuyallay. 
The  fruit  is  sweet, 

0  Tuyallay, 
The  leaves  are  green 

0  Tuyallay  ; 
But  the  trap  is  set, 

0  Tuyallay, 
The  lime  is  there, 

0  Tuyallay. 
We  '11  cut  thy  claws, 

0  Tuyallay, 
To  seize  thee  quick, 

0  Tuyallay. 
Ask  Piscaca,1 

0  Tuyallay, 
Nailed  on  a  branch, 

0  Tuyallay. 
Where  is  her  heart, 

0  Tuyallay  ? 
Where  her  plumes, 

0  Tuyallay  ? 
She  is  cut  up, 

0  Tuyallay, 
For  stealing  grain, 

0  Tuyallay. 
See  the  fate, 

0  Tuyallay, 
Of  robber  birds, 

0  Tuyallay. 

i  The  piscaca  is  a  much  larger  bird  than  the  tuya.  These 
piscacas  (coccoborus  torridus)  are  nailed  to  trees  as  a  warning  to 
other  birds.  They  are  black,  with  white  breasts. 


SCENE  II 


THE  YARAHUT  355 


Pachacuti.  Cusi  Coyllur,  remain  thou  here, 
Thy  mother's  palace  is  thy  home  ; 
Pail  not  to  amuse  thyself, 
Surrounded  by  thy  maiden  friends. 

[Exeunt  the  Inca  Pachacuti,  the  Ccoya 
Anahuarqui,  and  attendants. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  I  should  better  like  a  sadder  song. 
My  dearest  friends,  the  last  you  sang 
To  me  foreshadowed  evil  things  ; l 
You  who  sang  it  leave  me  now. 

[Exeunt  boys  and  girls,  except  one  girl 
who  sings. 

Two  loving  birds  are  in  despair,2 
They  moan,  they  weep,  they  sigh  ; 

For  snow  has  fallen  on  the  pair, 
To  hollow  tree  they  fly. 

But  lo  !  one  dove  is  left  alone 

And  mourns  her  cruel  fate  ; 
She  makes  a  sad  and  piteous  moan, 

Alone  without  a  mate. 

She  fears  her  friend  is  dead  and  gone — 

Confirmed  in  her  belief, 
Her  sorrow  finds  relief  in  song, 

And  thus  she  tells  her  grief. 

'  Sweet  mate  !  Alas,  where  art  thou  now  ? 

I  miss  thine  eyes  so  bright, 
Thy  feet  upon  the  tender  bough, 

Thy  breast  so  pure  and  bright.' 

1  In  the  tuya  she  sees  her  husband  Ollantay,  while  the  poor 
princess  herself  is  the  forbidden  grain. 

2  This  is  a  yarahui  or  mournful  elegy,  of  which  there  are  so 
many  in  the  Quichua  language.     The  singers  of  them  were  known 
as  yarahuec, 

AA   2 


356  PACHACUTI  AND  OLLANTAY  A0ri 

She  wanders  forth  from  stone  to  stone, 

She  seeks  her  mate  in  vain  ; 
'  My  love  !  my  love  ! '  she  makes  her  moan, 

She  falls,  she  dies  in  pain. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  That  yarahui  is  too  sad, 
Leave  me  alone. 

[Exit  the  girl  who  sang  the  yarahui. 
Now  my  tears  can  freely  flow. 


SCENE  3 

Great  hall  in  the  palace  of  Pachacuti.  The  INCA,  as 
before,  discovered  seated  on  a  golden  tiana  L.  Enter  to  him  K. 
OLLANTAY  and  BUMI-NAUI. 

Pachacuti.  The  time  has  arrived,  0  great  Chiefs, 
To  decide  on  the  coming  campaign. 
The  spring  is  approaching  us  now, 
And  our  army  must  start  for  the  war. 
To  the  province  of  Colla  x  we  march — 
There  is  news  of  Chayanta's  2  advance. 
The  enemies  muster  in  strength, 
They  sharpen  their  arrows  and  spears. 

Ollantay.  0  King,  that  wild  rabble  untaught 
Can  never  resist  thine  array  ; 
Cuzco  alone  with  its  height 
Is  a  barrier  that  cannot  be  stormed. 
Twenty  four  thousand  of  mine, 
With  their  champis  3  selected  with  care, 
Impatiently  wait  for  the  sign, 

1  Colla-suyu,  the  basin  of  lake  Titicaca. 

2  Chayanta,  a  tribe  in  the  montana  south  of  the  Collas. 

3  Champi,  a  one-handed  battle-axe. 


SCENE  in  PAGHACUTI,  OLLANTAY,  &  RUMI-ftAUI  357 

The  sound  of  the  beat  of  my  drums,1 
The  strains  of  my  clarion  and  fife. 

Pachacuti.  Strive  then  to  stir  them  to  fight, 
Arouse  them  to  join  in  the  fray, 
Lest  some  should  desire  to  yield, 
To  escape  the  effusion  of  blood. 

Rumi-naui.  The  enemies  gather  in  force, 
The  Yuncas 2  are  called  to  their  aid  ; 
They  have  put  on  their  garbs  for  the  war, 
And  have  stopped  up  the  principal  roads. 
All  this  is  to  hide  their  defects — 
The  men  of  Chayanta  are  base. 
We  hear  they  're  destroying  the  roads, 
But  we  can  force  open  the  way  ; 
Our  llamas  are  laden  with  food — 
We  are  ready  to  traverse  the  wilds. 

Pachacuti.  Are  you  really  ready  to  start 
To  punish  those  angry  snakes  ? 
But  first  you  must  give  them  a  chance 
To  surrender,  retiring  in  peace, 
So  that  blood  may  not  flow  without  cause, 
That  no  deaths  of  my  soldiers  befall. 

Ollantay.  I  am  ready  to  march  with  my  men, 
Every  detail  prepared  and  in  place, 
But  alas  !  I  am  heavy  with  care, 
Almost  mad  with  anxious  suspense. 

Pachacuti.  Speak,  Ollantay.    Tell  thy  wish — 
'Tis  granted,  e'en  my  royal  fringe. 

Ollantay.  Hear  me  in  secret,  0  King. 

Pachacuti  (to  Rumi-naui).  Noble  Chief  of  Colla,  retire ; 
Seek  repose  in  thy  house  for  a  time. 
I  will  call  thee  before  very  long, 

1  Huancar,  a  drum  ;   pwtuiu,  fife. 

2  Yunca,  inhabitant  of    warm  valley.     Here  it  refers  to  the 
wild  tribes  of  the  montana. 


358      THE  APPEAL  OF  OLLANTAY 


ACT  I 


Having  need  of  thy  valour  and  skill. 
Eumi-naui.  With  respect  I  obey  thy  command. 

[Exit  Kumi-naui. 

Ollantay.  Thou  knowest,  0  most  gracious  Lord, 
That  I  have  served  thee  from  a  youth, 
Have  worked  with  fortitude  and  truth, 
Thy  treasured  praise  was  my  reward.1 

All  dangers  I  have  gladly  met, 
For  thee  I  always  watched  by  night, 
For  thee  was  forward  in  the  fight, 
My  forehead  ever  bathed  in  sweat. 

For  thee  I  've  been  a  savage  foe, 
Urging  my  Antis  2  not  to  spare, 
But  kill  and  fill  the  land  with  fear, 
And  make  the  blood  of  conquered  flow. 

My  name  is  as  a  dreaded  rope,3 
I  've  made  the  hardy  Yuncas  4  yield, 
By  me  the  fate  of  Chancas  5  sealed, 
They  are  thy  thralls  without  a  hope. 

1  In  the  original  Quichua,  Ollantay  makes  his  appeal  to  the 
Inca  in  quatrains  of  octosyllabic  verses,  the  first  line  rhyming  with 
the  last,  and  the  second  with  the  third.     Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  and 
others  testify  to  the  proficiency  of  the  Incas  in  this  form  of  com- 
position. 

2  Ollantay  was  Viceroy  of  Anti-suyu. 

3  Chahuar,  a  rope  of  aloe  fibre.     A  curb  or  restraint. 

4  Baprancutan  cuchurcani  ;  literally, '  I  have  clipped  their  wings.' 
Rapra,  a  wing. 

5  The  powerful  nation  of  Chancas,  with  their  chief,  Huan- 
cavilca,  inhabited   the   great   valley   of   Andahuaylas   and   were 
formidable  rivals   of   the   Incas.      But   they   were   subdued    by 
Pachacuti  long  before  Ollantay  can  have  been  born.     An  allow- 
able dramatic  anachronism. 


SCENE  m        THE  APPEAL  OF  OLLANTAY  359 

'Twas  I  who  struck  the  fatal  blow, 
When  warlike  Huancavilca  l  rose, 
Disturbing  thy  august  repose 
And  laid  the  mighty  traitor  low.2 

OUantay  ever  led  the  van, 
Wherever  men  were  doomed  to  die  ; 
When  stubborn  foes  were  forced  to  fly, 
Ollantay  ever  was  the  man. 

Now  every  tribe  bows  down  to  thee — 
/"          Some  nations  peacefully  were  led, 

Those  that  resist  their  blood  is  shed — 
But  ah1,  0  King,  was  due  to  me. 

0  Sovereign  Inca,  great  and  brave 
Eewards  I  know  were  also  mine, 
My  gratitude  and  thanks  are  thine, 
To  me  the  golden  axe  you  gave. 

Inca  !  thou  gavest  me  command 
And  rule  o'er  all  the  Anti  race, 
To  me  they  ever  yield  with  grace, 
And  thine,  great  King,  is  all  their  land. 

My  deeds,  my  merits  are  thine  own, 
To  thee  alone  my  work  is  due. 
For  one  more  favour  I  would  sue, 
My  faithful  service — thy  renown. 

(Ollantay  kneels  before  the  Inca.) 
i  &  2  Huancavilca  was  chief  of  ths  powerful  nation  of  Chancas- 


360  THE  APPEAL  REJECTED  ACT  i 

Thy  thrall :  I  bow  to  thy  behest, 
Thy  fiat  now  will  seal  my  fate. 

0  King,  my  services  are  great, 

1  pray  thee  grant  one  last  request. 

I  ask  for  Cusi  Coyllur's  hand 
If  the  ffiusta's  l  love  I  've  won. 
0  King  !  you  '11  have  a  faithful  son, 
Fearless,  well  tried,  at  thy  command. 

Pachacuti.  Ollantay,  thou  dost  now  presume. 
Thou  art  a  subject,  nothing  more. 
Remember,  bold  one,  who  thou  art, 
And  learn  to  keep  thy  proper  placef 

Ollantay.  Strike  me  to  the  heart. 

Pachacuti.  'Tis  for  me  to  see  to  that, 
And  not  for  thee  to  choose. 
Thy  presumption  is  absurd. 
Be  gone ! 

[Ollantay  rises  and  exit  R. 


SCENE  4 

A  rocky  height  above  Cuzco  to  the  NE.  Distant  view 
of  the  city  of  Cuzco  and  of  the  Sacsahuaman  hill,  crowned 
by  the  fortress. 

(Enter  OLLANTAY  armed.) 

Ollantay.  Alas,  Ollantay  !  Ollantay  ! 
Thou  master  of  so  many  lands, 
Insulted  by  him  thou  servedst  well. 
0  my  thrice-beloved  Coyllur, 
Thee  too  I  shall  lose  for  ever. 

l  Rusta,  Princess. 


SCENE  IV 


SOLILOQUY  OF  OLLANTAY  361 


0  the  void  l  within  my  heart, 

0  my  princess  !  0  precious  dove  ! 
Cuzco  !  0  thou  beautiful  city  ! 
Henceforth  behold  thine  enemy. : 

1  '11  bare  thy  breast  to  stab  thy  heart, 
And  throw  it  as  food  for  condors  ; 
Thy  cruel  Inca  I  will  slay. 

I  will  call  my  men  in  thousands, 
The  Antis  will  be  assembled, 
Collected  as  with  a  lasso. 
All  will  be  trained,  all  fully  armed, 
I  will  guide  them  to  Sacsahuaman. 
They  will  be  as  a  cloud  of  curses, 
When  flames  rise  to  the  heavens. 
Cuzco  shall  sleep  on  a  bloody  couch, 
The  King  shall  perish  in  its  fall ; 
Then  shall  my  insulter  see 
How  numerous  are  my  followers. 
When  thou,  proud  King,  art  at  my  feet, 
We  then  shall  see  if  thou  wilt  say, 
'  Thou  art  too  base  for  Coyllur's  hand.' 
Not  then  will  I  bow  down  and  ask, 
For  I,  not  thou,  will  be  the  King — 
Yet,  until  then,  let  prudence  rule. 

(Enter  PIQUI  CHAQUI  from  back,  K.) 
Piqui  Chaqui,  go  back  with  speed, 
Tell  the  Princess  I  come  to-night. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  have  only  just  come  from  there — 
The  palace  was  deserted  quite, 
No  soul  to  tell  me  what  had  passed, 
Not  even  a  dog  2  was  there. 

1  Pisipachiyqui,  to  suffer   from  the  void  caused   by  absence. 
Pisipay,  to  regret  the  absence  of,  to  miss  any  one. 

2  The  Dominican  text  has  misi,  a  cat,  instead  of  alko,  a  dog. 
Von  Tschudi  thought  that  misi  was  a  word  of  Spanish  origin. 


362          OLLANTAY  AND  PIQUI  CHAQUI 

All  the  doors  were  closed  and  fastened, 
Except  the  principal  doorway, 
And  that  was  left  without  a  guard. 

Ollantay.  And  the  servants  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Even  the  mice  had  fled  and  gone, 
For  nothing  had  been  left  to  eat. 
Only  an  owl  was  brooding  there, 
Uttering  its  cry  of  evil  omen. 

Ollantay.  Perhaps  then  her  father  has  taken  her, 
To  hide  her  in  his  palace  bounds. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  The  Inca  may  have  strangled  her ; 
Her  mother  too  has  disappeared. 

Ollantay.  Did  no  one  ask  for  me 
Before  you  went  away  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Near  a  thousand  men  are  seeking 
For  you,  and  all  are  enemies, 
Armed  with  their  miserable  clubs. 

Ollantay.  If  they  all  arose  against  me, 
With  this  arm  I  'd  fight  them  all ; 
No  one  yet  has  beat  this  hand, 
Wielding  the  champi  sharp  and  true. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  too  would  like  to  give  a  stroke — 
At  least,  if  my  enemy  was  unarmed. 

Ollantay.  To  whom  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  mean  that  Urco  Huaranca  chief, 
Who  lately  was  in  search  of  thee. 

Ollantay.  Perhaps  the  Inca  sends  him  here  ; 
If  so  my  anger  is  aroused. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Not  from  the  King,  I  am  assured, 
He  cometh  of  his  own  accord  ; 
And  yet  he  is  an  ignoble  man. 

Ollantay.  He  has  left  Cuzco,  I  believe  ; 

Zegarra  says  that  it  is  not.  Before  the  Spaniards  came,  there  was 
a  small  wild  cat  in  the  Andes  called  misi-puna.  But  the  Justiniani 
text  has  attco,  a  dog. 


SCENE  iv  THE  SONG  OF  THE  STAR  363 

My  own  heart  tells  me  it  is  so — 
I  'm  sure  that  owl  announces  it. 
We  '11  take  to  the  hills  at  once. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  But  wilt  thou  abandon  the  Star  ? 

Ollantay.  What  can  I  do,  alas  ! 
Since  she  has  disappeared  ? 
Alas,  my  dove  !  my  sweet  princess. 

(Music  heard  among  the  rocks.) 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Listen  to  that  yarahui, 
The  sound  comes  from  somewhere  near. 
(They  sit  on  rocks.) 

r1 

SONG 

In  a  moment  I  lost  my  beloved, 
She  was  gone,  and  I  never  knew  where  ; 

I  sought  her  in  fields  and  in  woods, 
Asking  all  if  they  'd  seen  the  Coyllur. 

Her  face  was  so  lovely  and  fair, 

They  called  her  the  beautiful  Star, 
No  one  else  can  be  taken  for  her, 

With  her  beauty  no  girl  can  compare. 

Both  the  sun  and  the  moon  seem  to  shine, 
Resplendent  they  shine  from  a  height, 

Their  rays  to  her  beauty  resign 
Their  brilliant  light  with  delight. 

Her  hair  is  a  soft  raven  black, 
Her  tresses  are  bound  with  gold  thread, 

They  fall  in  long  folds  down  her  back, 
And  add  charm  to  her  beautiful  head. 

Her  eyelashes  brighten  her  face, 
Two  rainbows  less  brilliant  and  fair, 


364          OLLANTAY  AND  PIQUI  CHAQUI  ACT  i 

Her  eyes  full  of  mercy  and  grace, 

With  nought  but  two  suns  can  compare. 

The  eyelids  with  arrows  concealed, 
Gaily  shoot  their  rays  into  the  heart  ; 

They  open,  lo  !   beauty  revealed, 
Pierces  through  like  a  glittering  dart. 

Her  cheeks  Achancara  l  on  snow, 

Her  face  more  fair  than  the  dawn, 
From  her  mouth  the  laughter  doth  flow, 

Between  pearls  as  bright  as  the  morn. 

Smooth  as  crystal  and  spotlessly  clear 
Is  her  throat,  like  the  corn  in  a  sheaf ; 

Her  bosoms,  which  scarcely  appear, 
Like  flowers  concealed  by  a  leaf. 

Her  beautiful  hand  is  a  sight, 

As  it  rests  from  all  dangers  secure, 
Her  fingers  transparently  white, 

Like  icicles  spotless  and  pure. 

Ollantay  (rising).  That  singer,  unseen  and  unknown, 
Has  declared  Coyllur's  beauty  and  grace  ; 
He  should  fly  hence,  where  grief  overwhelms. 

0  Princess  !  0  loveliest  Star, 

1  alone  am  the  cause  of  thy  death, 
I  also  should  die  with  my  love. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Perhaps  thy  star  has  passed  away, 
For  the  heavens  are  sombre  and  grey. 

Ollantay.  When  they  know  that  their  Chief  has  fled, 

l  Achancara,  a  begonia.     A  red  flower  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Guzco,  according  to  Zegarra.     One  variety  is  red  and  white. 


SCENE  V 


INCA  PACHACUTI  AND  RUMI-ftAUI       365 


My  people  will  rise  at  my  call, 
They  will  leave  the  tyrant  in  crowds 
And  he  will  be  nearly  alone. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Thou  hast  love  and  affection  from  men, 
For  thy  kindness  endears  thee  to  all, 
For  thy  hand  's  always  open  with  gifts, 
And  is  closely  shut  only  to  me. 

Ollantay.  Of  what  hast  thou  need  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  What  ?  the  means  to  get  this  and  that, 
To  offer  a  gift  to  my  girl, 
To  let  others  see  what  I  have, 
So  that  I  may  be  held  in  esteem. 

Ollantay.  Be  as  brave  as  thou  art  covetous, 
And  all  the  world  will  fear  thee. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  My  face  is  not  suited  for  that  ; 
Always  gay  and  ready  to  laugh, 
My  features  are  not  shaped  that  way. 
To  look  brave  !  not  becoming  to  me. 
What  clarions  sound  on  the  hills  ? 
It  quickly  cometh  near  to  us. 

(Both  look  out  at  different  sides.) 

Ollantay.  I  doubt  not  those  who  seek  me — come, 
Let  us  depart  and  quickly  march. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  When  flight  is  the  word,  I  am  here. 

[Exeunt. 


SCENE  5 

The  great  hall  of  the  palace  of  Pachacuti.     The  INOA, 
as  before,  seated  on  the  tiana.    Enter  to  him  RUMI-NAUI. 

Pachacuti.  I  ordered  a  search  to  be  made, 
But  Ollantay  was  not  to  be  found. 
My  rage  I  can  scarcely  control — 
Hast  thou  found  this  infamous  wretch  ? 


366         PACHACUTI  AND  RUMI-^AUI 

Rumi-naui.  His  fear  makes  him  hide  from  thy  wrath, 
Pachacuti.  Take  a  thousand  men  fully  armed, 

And  at  once  commence  the  pursuit. 

Rumi-naui.  Who  can  tell  what  direction  to  take  ? 

Three  days  have  gone  by  since  his  flight, 

Perchance  he  's  concealed  in  some  house,'* 

And  till  now  he  is  there,  safely  hid. 

(Enter  a  chasqui  or  messenger  loifh  quipus.) 

Behold,  0  King,  a  messenger  ; 
From  Urubamba  he  has  come. 

Chasqui.  I  was  ordered  to  come  to  my  King, 
Swift  as  the  wind,  and  behold  me. 

Pachacuti.  What  news  bringest  thou  ? 

Chasqui.  This  quipu  will  tell  thee,  0  King. 

Pachacuti.  Examine  it,  0  Rumi-naui. 

Rumi-naui.  Behold  the  llanta,  and  the  knots1 
Announce  the  number  of  his  men. 

Pachacuti  (to  Chasqui).  And  thou,  what  hast  thou  seen  ? 

Chasqui.  'Tis  said  that  all  the  Anti  host 
Received  Ollantay  with  acclaim  ; 
Many  have  seen,  and  they  recount, 
Ollantay  wears  the  royal  fringe. 

Rumi-naui.  The  quipu  record  says  the  same. 

Pachacuti.  Scarcely  can  I  restrain  my  rage ! 
Brave  chief,  commence  thy  march  at  once, 
Before  the  traitor  gathers  strength. 
If  thy  force  is  not  enough, 
Add  fifty  thousand  men  of  mine. 
Advance  at  once  with  lightning  speed, 
And  halt  not  till  the  foe  is  reached. 

Rumi-naui.  To-morrow  sees  me  on  the  route, 

i  The  llanta  is  the  main  rope  of  the  quipu,  about  a  yard  long. 
The  small  cords  of  llama  wool,  of  various  colours,  denoting  different 
subjects,  each  with  various  kinds  of  knots,  recording  numbers. 


SCENE  v     INCA  PACHACUTI  AND  RUMI-ftAUI       367 

I  go  to  call  the  troops  at  once  ; 
The  rebels  on  the  Colla  road, 
I  drive  them  flying  down  the  rocks. 
Thine  enemy  I  bring  to  thee, 
Dead  or  alive,  Ollantay  falls. 
Meanwhile,  0  Inca,  mighty  Lord, 
Best  and  rely  upon  thy  thrall. 

[Exeunt. 


END    OF  ACT   I. 


ACT  II 

SCENE  1 

Ollantay-tampu.  Hall  of  the  fortress-palace.  Back 
scene  seven  immense  stone  slabs,  resting  on  them  a  monolith 
right  across.  Above  masonry.  At  sides  masonry  with  re- 
cesses ;  in  the  B.  centre  a  great  doorway.  A  golden  tiana 
against  the  central  slab. 

(Enter  OLLANTAY  and  UBCO  HUAKANCA,  both 
fully  armed.) 

Urco  Huaranca.  Ollantay,  thou  hast  been  proclaimed 
By  all  the  Antis  as  their  Lord. 
The  women  weep,  as  you  will  see — 
They  lose  their  husbands  and  their  sons, 
Ordered  to  the  Chayanta  war. 
When  will  there  be  a  final  stop 
To  distant  wars  ?    Year  after  year 
They  send  us  all  to  far-off  lands, 
Where  blood  is  made  to  flow  like  rain. 
The  King  himself  is  well  supplied 
With  coca  and  all  kinds  of  food. 
What  cares  he  that  his  people  starve  ? 
Crossing  the  wilds  our  llamas  die, 
Our  feet  are  wounded  by  the  thorns, 
And  if  we  would  not  die  of  thirst 
We  carry  water  on  our  backs. 

Ollantay.  Gallant  friends  !  Ye  hear  those  words, 
Ye  listen  to  the  mountain  chief. 

368 


SCENE  I 


OLLANTAY-TAMPU— OLLANTAY  369 


Filled  with  compassion  for  my  men, 
I  thus,  with  sore  and  heavy  heart, 
Have  spoken  to  the  cruel  king  : 
'  The  Anti-suyu  must  have  rest ; 
All  her  best  men  shan't  die  for  thee, 
By  battle,  fire,  and  disease — 
They  die  in  numbers  terrible. 
How  many  men  have  ne'er  returned, 
How  many  chiefs  have  met  their  death 
For  enterprises  far  away  ?  ' 
For  this  I  left  the  Inca's  court,1 
Saying  that  we  must  rest  in  peace ; 
Let-none  of  us  forsake  our  hearths, 
And  if  the  Inca  still  persists, 
Proclaim  with  him  a  mortal  feud. 

(Enter  HANCO  HUAYLLU,  several  chiefs,  and  a 
great  crowd  of  soldiers  and  people.) 

People.  Long  live  our  king,  Ollantay  ! 
Bring  forth  the  standard  and  the  fringe, 
Invest  him  with  the  crimson  fringe ; 
In  Tampu  now  the  Inca  reigns, 
He  rises  like  the  star  of  day. 

(The  chiefs,  soldiers,  and  people  range  them- 
selves round.  Ollantay  is  seated  on  the 
tiana  by  Hanco  Huayllu,  an  aged  Auqui  or 
Prince.) 

Hanco  Huayllu.  Keceive  from  me  the  royal  fringe, 
'Tis  given  by  the  people's  will. 

1  This,  as  we  have  seen,  was  not  the  reason  why  Ollantay  fled 
from  Cuzco  ;  but,  from  a  leader's  point  of  view,  it  was  an  excellent 
reason  to  give  to  the  people  of  Anti-suyu.  The  great  wars  of  the 
Incas  were,  to  some  extent,  a  heavy  drain  upon  the  people,  but 
the  recruiting  was  managed  with  such  skill,  and  was  so  equally 
divided  among  a  number  of  provinces,  that  it  was  not  much  felt. 


370          ACCLAMATION  OF  OLLANTAY  ACT  n 

Uilcanota1  is  a  distant  land, 

Yet,  even  now,  her  people  come 

To  range  themselves  beneath  thy  law. 

(Ollantay  is  invested  with  the  fringe.    He 
rises.) 

Ollantay.  Urco  Huaranca,  thee  I  name 
Of  Anti-suyu  Chief  and  Lord ; 
Eeceive  the  arrows  and  the  plume, 

(Gives  them.) 

Henceforth  thou  art  our  general. 

"People.  Long  life  to  the  Mountain  Chief. 

''.Ollantay.  Hanco  Huayllu,2  of  all  my  lords 
Thou  art  most  venerable  and  wise, 
Being  kin  to  the  august  High  Priest, 
It  is  my  wish  that  thou  shouldst  give 
The  ring  unto  the  Mountain  Chief. 

(Urco  Huaranca  kneels,  and  Hanco  Huayllu 
addresses  him.) 

Hanco  Huayllu.  This  ring  around  thy  finger  's  placed 
That  thou  mayst  feel,  and  ne'er  forget, 
That  when  in  fight  thou  art  engaged, 
Clemency  becomes  a  hero  chief. 

Urco  Huaranca.  A  thousand  times,  illustrious  king, 
I  bless  thee  for  thy  trust  in  me. 

Hanco  Huayllu.  Behold  the  valiant  Mountain  Chief. 
Now  fully  armed  from  head  to  foot, 
And  bristling  like  the  quiscahuanp 
Accoutred  as  becomes  a  knight. 

1  The  snowy  mountain  far  to  the  south,  in  sight  from  Cuzco. 
Uilca,  sacred  ;  unuta,  water.     Here  is  the  source  of  the  river  Uilca- 
mayu,  which  flows  by  Ottantay-tampu. 

2  The  aged  Hanco  Huayllu  as  Auqui,  or  Prince  of  the  Blood, 
and  relation  of  the  High  Priest,  gave  6clat  to  these  ceremonies. 

3  Quiscahwn,  anything  full  of  thorns. 


SCENE  I 


INVESTITURES  371 


(Turning  to  Urco  Huaranca.) 
Ne'er  let  thine  enemies  take  thee  in  rear  ; 
Man  of  the  Puna,1  it  ne'er  can  be  said 
You  fled  or  trembled  as  a  reed. 

Urco  Huaranca.  Hear  me,  warriors  of  the  Andes  ! 
Already  we  have  a  valiant  king, 
It  might  be  he  will  be  attacked ; 
'Tis  said  th'  old  Inca  sends  a  force, 
The  men  of  Cuzco  now  advance. 
We  have  not  a  single  day  to  lose ; 
Call  from  the  heights  our  Puna  men, 
Prepare  their  arms  without  delay, 
Make  Tampu  strong  with  rampart  walls, 
No  outlet  leave  without  a  guard ; 
On  hill  slopes  gather  pois'nous  herbs 
To  shoot  our  arrows,  carrying  death. 

Ollantay  (to  Urco  Huaranca).  Select  the  chiefs  ! 
Fix  all  the  posts  for  different  tribes ; 
Our  foes  keep  marching  without  sleep — 
Contrive  to  check  them  by  surprise. 
The  compi  3  ruse  may  cause  their  flight. 

Urco  Huaranca.  Thirty  thousand  brave  Antis  are  here. 
Amongst  them  no  weakling  is  found  ; 
Apu  Maruti,3  the  mighty  in  war, 
From  high  Uilcapampa  4  will  come, 
On  steep  Tinquiqueru  5  he  '11  stand 

1  Puna,  the  loftier  parts  of  the  Andes. 

2  Compi,  cloth  or  a  cloak.     This  was  an  expression  of  the 
ancient  Peruvians,  perhaps  equivalent  to  our  '  hoodwinking.' 

3  Apu  Maruti  was  the  head  of  the  ayttu  of   the  Inca  Yahuar 
Huaccac,    grandfather   of   Pachacuti.     It   was   called   the   ayllu 
Aucaylli  Panaca. — Mesa,  Anales  del  Cuzco,  quoted  by  Zegarra. 

4  Uilcapampa,  mass  of  mountains  between  the  Uilcamayu  and 
Apurimac. 

5  Tinqui  Queru,  between  Urupampa  and  Tampu.     The  word 
means  '  two  vases  coupled.'     Here  are  two  rounded  hills  connected 
by  a  saddle,  three  and  a  half  miles  from  Tampu. 

BB  2 


372  SOLILOQUY  OF  RUMI-ftAUI  ACT  n 

To  march  when  the  signal  appears  ; 
On  the  opposite  side  of  the  stream 
Prince  Chara  l  has  mustered  his  force ; 
In  the  gorge  Charamuni  3  I  post 
Ten  thousand  armed  Antis  on  watch ; 
Another  such  force  is  in  wait 
On  the  left,  in  the  vale  of  Pachar.3 
We  are  ready  to  meet  our  foes, 
We  await  them  with  resolute  calm  ; 
They  will  march  in  their  confident  pride 
Until  their  retreat  is  cut  off, 
Then  the  trumpet  of  war  shall  resound, 
From  the  mountains  the  stones  shall  pour  down, 
Great  blocks  will  be  hurled  from  above. 
The  Huancas  4  are  crushed  or  dispersed, 
Then  the  knife  shall  do  its  fell  work, 
All  will  perish  by  blows  from  our  hands, 
Our  arrows  will  follow  their  flight. 
People  and  soldiers.  It  is  well !   It  is  very  well ! 
(Cheers  and  martial  music.) 

[Exeunt. 

SCENE  2 

A    wild   'place   in   the   mountains.    Distant   view   of 
Ollantay-tampu. 

(Enter  BUMI-NAUI,    torn   and   ragged,    and 

covered  with  blood,  with  two  attendants.) 
Rumi-naui.  Ah  !    Rumi-naui — Rumi-naui,5 

1  Chara  was  another  descendant  of  Yahuar  Huaccac. 

2  A  ravine  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Vilcamayu. 

3  Pachar  is  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Vilcamayu  opposite  Ollantay- 
tampu,  with  which  it  is  connected  by  a  rope  bridge. 

4  Huancas,  natives  of  the  valley  of  Jauja — Inca  recruits. 

6  Like  Ollantay  in  his  appeal  to  the  Inca,  Rumi-naui,  in  the 


SCENE  n  SOLILOQUY  OF  RUMI-ff AUI  373 

Thou  art  a  fated  rolling  stone,1 
Escaped  indeed,  but  quite  alone, 
And  this  is  now  thy  yardhui. 

Ollantay  posted  on  the  height, 
Thou  couldst  not  either  fight  or  see, 
Thy  men  did  quickly  fall  or  flee ; 
No  room  was  there  to  move  or  fight. 

Thou  knowest  now  thy  heart  did  beat 
And  flutter  like  a  butterfly ; 
Thy  skill  thou  couldst  not  then  apply, 
,_*       No  course  was  left  thee  but  retreat. 

They  had  recourse  to  a  surprise, 
Our  warriors  immolated  quite. 
Ah  !  that  alone  could  turn  thee  white — 
From  shame  like  that,  canst  e'er  arise  ? 

By  thousands  did  thy  warriors  fall, 
I  hardly  could  alone  escape, 
With  open  mouth  fell  death  did  gape, 
A  great  disaster  did  befall. 

Holding  that  traitor  to  be  brave, 
I  sought  to  meet  him  face  to  face — 
Rushing  to  seek  him  with  my  mace, 
I  nearly  found  a  warrior's  grave. 

My  army  then  was  near  the  hill, 
When  suddenly  the  massive  stones 
Came  crashing  down,  with  cries  and  moans, 
While  clarions  sounded  loud  and  shrill. 

original  Quichua,  has  recourse  to  octosyllabic  quatrains,  the  first 
and  last  lines  rhyming,  and  the  second  and  third. 
i  Bumi,  a  stone. 


374  SOLILOQUY  OF  RUMK&AUI  ACTU 

A  rain  of  stones  both  great  and  small 
Down  on  the  crowd  of  warriors  crashed, 
On  every  side  destruction  flashed, 
Thy  heart  the  slaughter  did  appal. 

Like  a  strong  flood  the  blood  did  flow, 
Inundating  the  ravine ; 
So  sad  a  sight  thou  ne'er  hast  seen — 
No  man  survived  to  strike  a  blow. 

0  thou  who  art  by  this  disgraced, 
What  figure  canst  thou  ever  show 
Before  the  king,  who  seeks  to  know 
The  truth,  which  must  be  faced  ? 

'Tis  better  far  myself  to  kill, 
Or  losing  every  scrap  of  hope, 
To  hang  my  body  with  this  rope. 

(Takes  a  sling  off  his  cap — going.) 
Yet  may  it  not  be  useful  still  ? 

(Turns  again.) 
When  bold  Ollantay's  end  has  come.1 

[Exit. 

i  Clearly,    from   Rumi-naui's   own   account,    the   strategy   of 
Urco  Huaranca  had  been  a  complete  and  brilliant  success. 


SCENE  ra        PITU  SALLA  AND  YMA  SUMAC  375 


A  garden  in  the  house  of  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  Chilca 
shrubs  and  mulli  trees  (Schinus  Molle)  with  'panicles  of 
red  berries.  The  walls  of  the  house  at  the  back,  with  a  door. 
A  gate  (L.)  opening  on  the  street. 

(YMA  SUMAC  discovered  at  the  gate  looking 
out.  To  her  enters  (R.)  PITU  SALLA.  Both 
dressed  in  white  with  golden  belts.) 

tytu  Salla.  Yma  Sumac,  do  not  approach 
So  near  that  gate,  and  so  often  ; 
It  might  arouse  the  Mother's  wrath. 
Thy  name,  which  is  so  dear  to  me, 
Will  surely  pass  from  mouth  to  mouth. 
Honour  shall  be  shown  to  chosen  ones,1 
Who  wish  to  close  the  outer  gate. 
Amuse  thyself  within  the  walls, 
And  no  one  then  can  say  a  word. 
Think  well  what  you  can  find  within — 
It  gives  you  all  you  can  desire, 
Of  dresses,  gold,  and  dainty  food. 
Thou  art  beloved  by  every  one, 
E'en  Virgins  of  the  royal  blood. 
The  Mothers  love  to  carry  thee, 
They  give  thee  kisses  and  caress — 
You  they  prefer  to  all  the  rest. 
What  more  could  any  one  desire, 
Than  always  to  remain  with  them, 

i  Aclla  Cuna,  the  selected  ones,  the  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  They 
were  under  the  supervision  of  so  called  Mothers — Mama  Cuna.  The 
novices  were  not  obliged  to  take  the  oaths  at  the  end  of  their 
novitiate. 


376  PITU  SALLA  AND  YMA  SUMAC 

Destined  to  be  servant  of  the  Sun  ? 
In  contemplating  Him  there  's  peace. 

Ywa  Sumac.  Pitu  Salla,  ever  you  repeat 
The  same  thing  and  the  same  advice ; 
I  will  open  to  thee  my  whole  heart, 
And  say  exactly  what  I  think. 
Know  that  to  me  this  court  and  house 
Are  insupportable — no  less  ; 
The  place  oppresses — frightens  me — 
Each  day  I  curse  my  destiny. 
The  faces  of  all  the  Mama  Cuna 
Fill  me  with  hatred  and  disgust, 
And  from  the  place  they  make  me  sit, 
Nothing  else  is  visible. 
Around  me  there  is  nothing  bright, 
All  are  weeping  and  ne'er  cease  ; 
If  I  could  ever  have  my  way, 
No  person  should  remain  within. 
I  see  the  people  pass  outside, 
Laughing  as  they  walk  along. 
The  reason  it  is  plain  to  see — 
They  are  not  mewed  and  cloistered  here, 
Is  it  because  I  have  no  mother, 
That  I  am  kept  a  prisoner  ? 
Or  is  it  I  'm  a  rich  novice  ? 
Then  from  to-day  I  would  be  poor. 
Last  night  I  could  not  get  to  sleep, 
I  wandered  down  a  garden  walk ; 
In  the  dead  silence  of  the  night, 
I  heard  one  mourn.    A  bitter  cry, 
As  one  who  sought  and  prayed  for  death. 
On  every  side  I  looked  about, 
My  hair  almost  on  end  with  fright, 
Trembling,  I  cried, '  Who  canst  thou  be  ? ' 
Then  the  voice  murmured  these  sad  words  : 


ACT  n 


SCENE  m        PITU  SALLA— MAMA  CCACCA  377 

4  0  Sun,  release  me  from  this  place  ! ' 
And  this  amidst  such  sighs  and  groans  ! 
I  searched  about,  but  nothing  found — 
The  grass  was  rustling  in  the  wind. 
I  joined  my  tears  to  that  sad  sound, 
My  heart  was  torn  with  trembling  fear. 
When  now  the  recollection  comes, 
I  'm  filled  with  sorrow  and  with  dread. 
You  know  now  why  I  hate  this  place. 
Speak  no  more,  my  dearest  friend, 
Of  reasons  for  remaining  here. 

Pitu  Salla.  At  least  go  in.    The  Mother  may  appear. 

&ma  Sumac.  But  pleasant  is  the  light  of  day. 

[Exit,  R, 

(Enter  MAMA  COACOA,  L.,  in  grey  with  black 
edges  and  belt.) 

Mama  Ccacca.  Pitu  Salla,  hast  thou  spoken 
All  I  told  thee  to  that  child  ? 

Pitu  Salla.  I  have  said  all  to  her. 

Mama  Ccacca.  And  she,  does  she  answer  freely  ? 

Pitu  Salla.  She  has  wept  and  asked  for  pity, 
Refusing  to  comply  at  all. 
She  will  not  take  the  virgin's  oath. 

Mama  Ccacca.  And  this  in  spite  of  thy  advice  ? 

Pitu  Salla.  I  showed  her  the  dress  she  will  wear, 
Telling  her  misfortune  would  befall 
If  she  refused  to  be  a  chosen  one — 
That  she  would  ever  be  an  outcast, 
And  for  us  a  child  accursed. 

Mama  Ccacca.  What  can  she  imagine, 
Wretched  child  of  an  unknown  father, 
A  maid  without  a  mother, 
Just  a  fluttering  butterfly  ? 
Tell  her  plainly,  very  plainly, 


378         MAMA  CCACCA  AND  PITU  SALLA          ACTH 

That  these  walls  offer  her  a  home, 
Suited  for  outcasts  such  as  she, 
And  here  no  light  is  seen. 

[Exit,  L. 

Pitu  Salla.  Ay,  my  Sumac  !  Yma  Sumac  ! 
These  walls  will  be  cruel  indeed, 
To  hide  thy  surpassing  beauty. 

(Glancing  to  where  Mama  Ccacca  went  out.) 
What  a  serpent !  What  a  puma  ! 


ACT  III 

SCENE  1 

Tlie  Pampa  Moroni,  a  street  in  Cuzco.     Enter  RUMI- 
NAUI  (L.)  !  in  a  long  black  cloak  wih  a  train,  and  PIQUI 
(K.),  meeting  each  other. 


Eumi-naui.  Whence,  Piqui  Chaqui,  comest  thou  ? 
Dost  thou  here  seek  Ollantay's  fate  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Cuzco,  great  lord,  is  my  birthplace  ; 
I  hasten  back  unto  my  home. 
I  care  not  more  to  pass  my  days 
In  dismal  and  profound  ravines. 

Bumi-naui.  Tell  me,  Ollantay  —  what  does  he  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  He  is  busy  now  entangling 
An  already  entangled  skein. 

Eumi-naui.  What  skein  ? 

1  Runii-naui  is  the  interlocutor  in  the  Justiniani  text,  in  the 
Dominican  text,  and  in  the  text  of  Spilsbury.  Yet  Zegarra  would 
substitute  the  Uillac  Uma  or  High  Priest  for  Bumi-naui.  His 
argument  is  that  the  interlocutor  was  of  the  blood-royal,  and  that 
the  High  Priest  was  always  of  the  blood-royal,  while  Rumi-naui 
was  not.  But  the  text  does  not  say  that  the  interlocutor  was  of 
the  royal  blood.  Zegarra  also  says  that  the  interlocutor  wore  a 
black  cloak  with  a  long  train,  and  that  this  was  the  dress  of  the 
High  Priest.  But  it  was  not  the  dress  of  the  High  Priest  as 
described  by  the  best  authorities.  It  was  probably  the  general 
mourning  dress.  The  threats  addressed  to  Piqui  Chaqui  were 
likely  enough  to  come  from  a  soldier,  but  not  from  the  High  Priest 
as  he  is  portrayed  in  this  drama. 

379 


380          RUMI-ftAUI  AND  PIQUI  CHAQUI         ACTUI 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Should  you  not  give  me  some  present 
If  you  want  me  to  talk  to  you. 

Eumi-naui.  With  a  stick  will  I  give  thee  blows, 
With  a  rope  I  will  hang  thee. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  0,  do  not  frighten  me  I 

Eumi-naui.  Speak  then. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Ollantay.    Is  it  Ollantay  ? 
I  can  remember  no  more. 

Eumi-naui.  Piqui  Chaqui.!    Take  care  ! 

Piqui  Chaqui.  But  you  will  not  listen  ! 
I  am  turning  blind, 
My  ears  are  getting  deaf, 
My  grandmother  is  dead, 
My  mother  is  left  alone. 

Eumi-naui.  Where  is  Ollantay  ?    Tell  me. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  am  in  want  of  bread, 
And  the  Paccays l  are  not  ripe. 
I  have  a  long  journey  to-day — 
The  desert  is  very  far  off. 

Eumi-naui.  If  you  continue  to  vex  me 
I  will  take  your  life. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Ollantay,  is  it  ?    He  is  at  work. 
Ollantay  !  He  is  building  a  wall, 
With  very  small  stones  indeed  ; 
They  are  brought  by  little  dwarfs — 
So  small  that  to  be  a  man's  size 
They  have  to  climb  on  each  other's  backs. 
But  tell  me,  0  friend  of  the  King,3 

1  Paccay  [mimosa  incana),  a  tree  with  large  pods,    having   a 
snow-white  woolly  substance  round  the  seeds,  with  sweet  juice. 

2  The  Zegarra  and  Spilsbury  texts  have  Ccan  Incacri,  which 
Zegarra  translates,   '  relation  of  the  Inca,  of  the  royal  family.' 
Spilsbury  is  more  correct.     He  has  '  partisan  of  the  Inca.'     The 
more  authentic  Justiniani  text  has  Ccan  Pana.    The  particle  ri  is 
one  of  emphasis  or  repetition.    It  does  not  mean  a  relation. 


SCENE  i    DEATH  OF  THE  INCA  PACHACUTI         381 

Why  art  thou  in  such  long  clothes, 
Trailing  like  the  wings  of  a  sick  bird1 — 
As  they  are  black  it  is  better. 

Eumi-naui.  Hast  thou  not  seen  already 
That  Cuzco  is  plunged  in  grief  ? 
The  great  Inca  Pachacuti  3  is  dead, 
All  the  people  are  in  mourning, 
Every  soul  is  shedding  tears. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Who,  then,  succeeds  to  the  place 
Which  Pachacuti  has  left  vacant  ? 
If  Tupac  Yupanqui  succeeds, 
That  Prince  is  the  youngest ; 
There  are  some  others  older.3 

Rumi-naui.  All  Cuzco  has  elected  him, 
For  the  late  king  chose  him, 
Giving  him  the  royal  fringe  ; 
We  could  elect  no  other. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  I  hasten  to  bring  my  bed  here.4 

[Exit  running. 

1  The  Zegarra  and  Spilsbury  texts  have  hualpa,  a  game  bird. 
The  Justinian!  text  has  anca,  an  eagle,  which  is  the  correct  reading. 

2  The  Inca  Pachacuti  does  not  appear  to  advantage    in    the 
drama.     But  he  was  the  greatest  man  of  his  dynasty,  indeed  the 
greatest  that  the  red  race  has  produced.     He  was  a  hero  in  his 
youth,  a  most  able  administrator  in  mature  age.     As  a  very  old 
man  some  needless  cruelties  are  reported  of  him  which  annoyed 
his  son. 

3  The  eldest  son  was  Amaru  Tupac.     He  was  passed  over  by 
his  father  with  his  own  consent,  and  was  ever  faithful  to  his  younger 
brother.     He  was  an  able  general. 

4  This  was  exactly  what  Piqui  Chaqui  was  sent  to  Cuzco  to 
find  out.     The  expression  Afumusac  pununayta,  '  I  go  to  fetch 
my  bed,'  is  one  of  joy  at  any  fortunate  event,  in  Quichua. 


382       ACCESSION  OF  TUPAC  YUPANQUI        ACTIII 


SCENE  2 

Great  hall  of  the  palace  of  Tupac  Yupanqui.      The 
INOA  seated  on  golden  tiana  (c.). 

(Enter  the  HIGH  PRIEST  or  UILLAO  UMA,  with 
priests  and  chosen  Virgins  of  the  Sun.  The 
INCA  dressed  as  his  father.  Uillac  Uma  in 
full  dress,  wearing  the  huampar  chucu. 
Virgins  in  white  with  gold  belts  and  diadems. 
They  range  themselves  by  the  throne  (L.). 
Then  enter  KUMI-NAUI  and  a  crowd  of  chiefs, 
all  in  full  dress,  ranging  themselves  by  the 
throne  (&.}.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  This  day,  0  Councillors  and  Chiefs, 
Let  all  receive  my  benison ; 
You  Holy  Virgins  of  the  Sun  * 
Receive  our  father's  tenderest  care. 
The  realm,  rejoicing,  hails  me  king ; 
From  deep  recesses  of  my  heart 
I  swear  to  seek  the  good  of  all. 

Uillac  Uma.  To-day  the  smoke  of  many  beasts 
Ascends  on  high  towards  the  sun, 
The  Deity  with  joy  accepts 
The  sacrifice  of  prayer  and  praise. 

l  Intic  Huamin  Caccunan  (Intic  Huarminca  Caycuna,  correct), 
'Ye  women  of  the  Sun.'  Zegarra  thought,  on  the  authority  of 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  that  these  could  not  be  select  Virgins  of  the 
Sun,  because  the  virgins  were  never  allowed  outside  their  convent, 
and  not  even  women  might  enter.  He  is  clearly  wrong.  Much 
higher  authorities  than  Garcilasso,  as  regards  this  point,  especially 
Valera,  tell  us  that  the  virgins  were  treated  with  the  greatest  honour 
and  respect.  They  took  part  in  great  receptions  and  festivals, 
and  when  they  passed  along  the  streets  they  had  a  guard  of  honour. 


SCENE  II 


UILLAC  UMA— RUMI-tfAUI  383 


We  found  in  ashes  of  the  birds 
Our  only  Inca,  King,  and  Lord, 
In  the  great  llama  sacrifice ; 
All  there  beheld  an  eagle's  form, 
We  opened  it  for  augury, 
But  lo  !   the  heart  and  entrails  gone. 
The  eagle  Anti-suyu  means — 
To  thy  allegiance  they  return. 

(Bowing  to  the  Inca.) 
Thus  I,  thy  augur,  prophesy. 

(Acclamation.)    [Exeunt  all  but  Uillac  Uma 
and  Kumi-naui. 

Tupac  Yupanqui  (turning  to  Kumi-naui).    Behold  the 

Hanan-suyu  Chief 
Who  let  the  enemy  escape, 
Who  led  to  almost  certain  death 
So  many  thousands  of  my  men. 

Rumi-naui.  Before  his  death  thy  father  knew 
Disaster  had  befallen  me  ; 
'Tis  true,  0  King,  it  was  my  fault, 
Like  a  stone 1 1  gave  my  orders, 
And  volleying  stones  soon  beat  me  down ; 
It  was  with  stones  I  had  to  fight, 
And  in  the  end  they  crushed  my  men. 
Oh !   grant  me,  Lord,  a  single  chance, 
Give  perfect  freedom  to  my  plans, 
Myself  will  to  the  fortress  march, 
And  I  will  leave  it  desolate. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  For  thee  to  strive  with  all  thy  might, 
For  thee  thine  honour  to  regain, 
For  thou  shalt  ne'er  command  my  men 
Unless  thy  worthiness  is  proved. 

l  Rumi.    He  keeps  playing  upon  his  namej 


384  TREACHERY  OF  RUMI-ftAUI  ACTIH 

Uillac  Uma.  Not  many  days  shall  pass,  0  King, 
E'er  all  the  Antis  are  subdued. 
I've  seen  it  in  the  quipu  roll, 
Haste  !    Haste  !   thou  Rumi  Tunqui.1 

[Exeunt. 


SCENE  8 

The  great  terrace  entrance  to  Ollantay-tampu.  On  R. 
a  long  masonry  wall  with  recesses  at  intervals.  At  bach 
a  great  entrance  doorway.  On  L.  terraces  descend,  with 
view  of  valley  and  mountains. 

(Guards  discovered  at  entrance  doorway.  To 
them  enter  RUMI-NAUI  in  rags,  his  face  cut 
and  slashed  with  wounds,  and  covered  with 
blood.) 

Rumi-naui.  Will  no  one  here  have  pity  on  me  ? 

One  of  the  Guards.  Who  art  thou,  man  ? 
Who  has  ill-treated  thee  ? 
Thou  comest  in  a  frightful  state, 
Covered  with  blood  and  gaping  wounds 

Rumi-naui.  Go  quickly  to  thy  king  and  say 
That  one  he  loves  has  come  to  him. 

One  of  the  Guards.  Thy  name  ? 

Rumi-naui.  There  is  no  need  to  give  a  name. 

One  of  the  Guards.  Wait  here. 

[Exit  one  of  the  guards. 

l  Again  playing  upon  the  name  of  Rumi-naui.  The  High 
Priest  calls  for  haste,  so  he  substitutes  Tunqui  for  Raui  (eye),  the 
tunqui  (Rupicola  Peruviana)  being  one  of  the  most  beautiful  birds 
in  the  forests. 


SCENE  m         TREACHERY  OF  RUMI-ftAUI  385 

(Enter  OLLANTAY  with  guards,  R.  front.) 

Bumi-naui.  A  thousand  times  I  thee  salute, 
Ollantay,  great  and  puissant  king  ! 
Have  pity  on  a  fugitive 
Who  seeks  a  refuge  here  with  thee. 

Ollantay.  Who  art  thou,  man  ?   Approach  nearer. 
Who  has  thus  ill-treated  thee  ? 
Were  such  deep  and  fearful  wounds 
Caused  by  a  fall,  or  what  mishap  ? 

Bumi-naui.  Thou  knowest  me,  0  mighty  chief. 
I  am  that  stone  that  fell  down  once, 
But  now  I  fall  before  thy  feet ; 
0  Ihca  !   mercy  !   Raise  me  up  ! 
(Kneels.) 

Ollantay.  Art  thou  the  noble  Rumi-naui, 
Great  Chief  and  Lord  of  Hanan-suyu  ? 

Bumi-naui.  Yes,  I  was  that  well-known  Chief — 
A  bleeding  fugitive  to-day. 

Ollantay.  Rise,  comrade  mine.    Let  us  embrace. 

(Bises.) 

Who  has  dared  to  treat  thee  thus, 
And  who  has  brought  thee  here  to  me 
Within  my  fortress,  on  my  hearth  ? 

(To  attendants.) 
Bring  new  clothes  for  my  oldest  friend. 

[Exit  an  attendant. 
How  is  it  that  thou  art  alone? 
Camest  thou  not  fearing  death  ? 

Bumi-naui.  A  new  king  reigns  in  Cuzco  now — 
Tupac  Yupanqui  is  installed. 
Against  the  universal  wish, 
He  rose  upon  a  wave  of  blood ; 
Safety  he  sees  in  headless  trunks, 

CO 


386  TREACHERY  OF  RUMI-ftAUI  ACTIII 

The  sunchu l  and  the  nucchu 2  red 
Are  sent  to  all  he  would  destroy. 
Doubtless  you  have  not  forgot 
That  I  was  Hanan-suyu's  Chief. 
Yupanqui  ordered  me  to  come  ; 
Arrived,  I  came  before  the  long, 
And  as  he  has  a  cruel  heart, 
He  had  me  wounded  as  you  see ; 
And  now  thou  knowest,  king  and  friend, 
How  this  new  Inca  treated  me. 

Ollantay.  Grieve  not,  old  friend  Rumi-naui, 
Thy  wounds  before  all  must  be  cured ; 
I  see  in  thee  th'  avenging  knife, 
To  use  against  the  tyrant's  heart. 
At  Tampu  now  we  celebrate 
The  Sun's  great  Eaymi  festival ; 
On  that  day  all  who  love  my  name, 
Throughout  my  realms  hold  festival. 

Bumi-naui.  Those  three  days  of  festival 
To  me  will  be  a  time  of  joy, 
Perhaps  I  may  be  healed  by  then, 

So  that  my  heart  may  pleasure  seek. 

Ollantay.  It  will  be  so.    For  three  whole  nights 

We  drink  and  feast,  to  praise  the  Sun, 

The  better  to  cast  all  care  aside 

We  shall  be  shut  in  Tampu  fort. 
Rumi-naui.  The  youths,  as  is  their  wont,  will  find 

Their  great  delight  in  those  three  nights, 

Then  will  they  rest  from  all  their  toils, 

And  carry  off  the  willing  girls. 

1  Sunchu,  a  very  large  composite,  with  a  yellow  flower,  growing  round 
Cuzco.     It  was  one  of  those  which  were  used  on  sacred  festivals. 

2  Nucchu  is  a  salvia,  also  considered  sacred.     A  red  flower. 
Perhaps  these  flowers  were  sent  as  a  summons  from  the  Inca,  but 
I  have  not  seen  ''the  custom  mentioned  elsewhere. 


SCENIC  iv        THE  SECRET  IN  THE  GARDEN  387 


A  corridor  in  the  palace  of  Chosen  Virgins. 

(Enter  YMA  SUMAC  and  PITU  SALLA.) 
Yma  Sumac.  Pitu  Salla,  beloved  friend, 

How  long  wilt  thou  conceal  from  me 

The  secret  that  I  long  to  know  ? 

Think,  dearest,  of  my  anxious  heart, 

How  I  shall  be  hi  constant  grief 

Unjiil  you  tell  the  truth  to  me. 

Within  these  hard  and  cruel  bounds 

Does  some  one  suffer  for  my  sins  ? 

My  sweet  companion,  do  not  hide 

Prom  me,  who  'tis  that  mourns  and  weeps 

Somewhere  within  the  garden  walls. 

How  is  it  she  is  so  concealed 

That  I  can  never  find  the  place  ? 
Pitu  Salla.  My  Sumac,  now  I  '11  tell  thee  all — - 

Only  concerning  what  you  hear, 

And  still  more  surely  what  you  see, 

You  must  be  dumb  as  any  stone ; 

And  you  too  must  be  well  prepared 

For  a  most  sad  heart-rending  sight — 

'Twill  make  thee  weep  for  many  days. 
Yma  Sumac.  I  will  not  tell  a  living  soul 

What  you  divulge.    But  tell  me  all, 

I  '11  shut  it  closely  in  my  heart. 


oo  2 


388    THE  DUNGEON  IN  THE  GARDEN 


ACT  III 


SCENE  5 

A  secluded  part  of  the  gardens  of  the  Virgins,  (L.)  flowers, 
(E.)  a  thicket  of  mulli l  and  chilca,2  concealing  a  stone  door. 

(PiTU  SALLA  and  YMA  SUMAC.) 
Pitu  Salla.  In  this  garden  is  a  door  of  stone, 
But  wait  until  the  Mothers  sleep, 
The  night  comes  on.    Wait  here  for  me. 

[Exit. 

(Yma  Sumac  reclines  on  a  bank  and  sleeps. 
Night  comes  on,  Yma  Sumac  awakes.) 

Yma  Sumac.  A  thousand  strange  presentiments 
Crowd  on  me  now,  I  scarce  know  what — 
Perhaps  I  shall  see  that  mournful  one 
Whose  fate  already  breaks  my  heart. 

(Pitu  Salla  returns  with  a  cup  of  water,  a 
small  covered  vase  containing  food,  and  a 
torch  which  she  gives  to  Yma  Sumac.  She 
leads  Yma  Sumac  through  bushes  to  the 
stone  door,  fixes  the  torch,  presses  something, 
and  the  door  swings  round.) 

(Cusi  COYLLUR  is  discovered  senseless,  extended 
on  the  ground,  a  snake  twining  itself  round 
her  waist.) 

Pitu  Salla.  Behold  the  princess  for  whom  you  seek. 
Well !  is  thy  heart  now  satisfied  ? 

1  Schinus  Nolle,  a  tree  with  pinnate  leaves,  and  panicles  of 
red  berries,  well  known  in  the  Mediterranean  countries,  into  which 
it  was  introduced  from  Peru.     Called  by  the  English  '  pepper  tree.' 

2  Several  bushes  are  called  chilca  in  Peru.     Eupatorium  chilca 
(R.P.),  baccJiaris  scandens,  and  molina  lati folia.   Stereoxylon  pendulum 
is  called  puma  chilca. 


SCENE  V 


DISCOVERY  OF  CUSI  COYLLUR          389 


Yma  Sumac.  Oh,  my  friend,  what  do  I  behold  ? 
Is  it  a  corpse  that  I  must  see  ? 
Oh,  horror !    A  dungeon  for  the  dead ! 
(She  faints.) 

Pitu  Salla.  What  misfortune  has  now  arrived  ? 
0  my  Sumac,  my  dearest  love, 
0  come  to  thyself  without  delay ! 
Arouse  thee.    Arise,  my  lovely  flower. 

(Yma  Sumac  revives.) 
Fear  not,  my  dove,  my  lovely  friend, 
'Tig.  not  a  corpse.    The  princess  lives, 
Unhappy,  forlorn,  she  lingers  here. 

Yma  Sumac.  Is  she,  then,  still  a  living  being  ? 

Pitu  Salla.  Approach  nearer,  and  you  can  help. 
She  lives  indeed.    Look.    Watch  her  now. 
Give  me  the  water  and  the  food. 

(To  Cusi  Coyllur,  while  helping  lier  to  sit  up.) 
0  fair  princess,  I  bring  thee  food 
And  cooling  water  to  refresh. 
Try  to  sit  up.     I  come  with  help. ' 

Yma  Sumac.  Who  art  thou,  my  sweetest  dove  ? 
Why  art  thou  shut  in  such  a  place  ? 

Pitu  Salla.  Take  a  little  food,  we  pray. 
Perchance  without  it  you  may  die. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  How  happy  am  I  now  to  see, 
After  these  long  and  dismal  years, 
The  new  and  lovely  face  of  one 
Who  comes  with  thee  and  gives  me  joy. 

Yma  Sumac.  0  my  princess,  my  sister  dear, 
Sweet  bird,  with  bosom  of  pure  gold, 
What  crime  can  they  accuse  thee  of, 
That  they  can  make  thee  suffer  thus  ? 
What  cruel  fate  has  placed  thee  here 
With  death  on  watch  in  serpent's  form  ? 


390         SUMAC  DISCOVERS  HER  MOTHER 

Cusi  Coyllur.  0  charming  child,  the  seed  of  love, 
Sweet  flower  for  my  broken  heart, 
I  have  been  thrust  in  this  abyss. 
I  once  was  joined  to  a  man 
As  pupil  is  part  of  the  eye ; 
But  alas  !  has  he  forgotten  me  ? 
The  King  knew  not  that  we  were  joined 
By  such  indissoluble  bonds, 
And  when  he  came  to  ask  my  hand, 
That  King  dismissed  him  in  a  rage, 
And  cruelly  confined  me  here. 
Many  years  have  passed  since  then, 
Yet,  as  you  see,  I  'm  still  alive  ; 
No  single  soul  have  I  beheld 
For  all  those  sad  and  dismal  years, 
Nor  have  I  found  relief  nor  hope. 
But  who  art  thou,  my  dear,  my  love, 
So  young,  so  fresh,  so  pitiful  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  I  too,  like  thee,  am  full  of  grief, 
For  long  I  Ve  wished  to  see  and  love, 
My  poor  forlorn  and  sad  princess. 
No  father,  no  mother  are  mine, 
And  there  are  none  to  care  for  me. 
t.   Cusi  Coyllur.  What  age  art  thou  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  I  ought  to  number  many  years, 
For  I  detest  this  dreadful  house, 
And  as  it  is  a  dreary  place, 
The  tune  in  it  seems  very  long. 

Pitu  Salla.  She  ought  to  number  just  ten  years 
According  to  the  account  I  Ve  kept. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  And  what  is  thy  name  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  They  call  me  Yma  Sumac  now, 
But  to  give  it  me  is  a  mistake. 

Cusi  Coyllur.  0  my  daughter  !  0  my  lost  love, 


ACT  in 


SCENE  vi  TUPAC  YUPANQUI  AND  UILLAC  UMA  391 

Come  to  thy  mother's  yearning  heart. 
(Embraces  Yma  Sumac.) 

Thou  art  all  my  happiness, 
My  daughter,  come,  0  come  to  me ; 
This  joy  quite  inundates  my  soul, 
It  is  the  name  I  gave  to  thee. 

Yma  Sumac.  0  my  mother,  to  find  thee  thus ! 
We  must  be  parted  never  more. 
Do  not  abandon  me  in  grief. 
To  whom  can  I  turn  to  free  thee, 
To  whom  can  I  appeal  for  right  ? 

'TPitu  Salla.  Make  no  noise,  my  dearest  friend ; 
To  find  us  thus  would  ruin  me. 
Let  us  go.    I  fear  the  Mothers. 

Yma  Sumac  (to  Cusi  Coyllur).   Suffer  a  short  time  longer 

here, 

Until  I  come  to  take  thee  hence, 
Patience  for  a  few  more  days. 
Alas  !  my  mother  dear  !    I  go, 
But  full  of  love,  to  seek  for  help, 

[Exeunt  closing  the  stone  door,  all  but  Cusi 
Coyllur.     They  extinguish  the  torch. 


SCENE  6 
Great  hall  in  the  palace  of  Tupac  Yupanqui. 

(The  INCA  discovered  seated  on  the  tiana.     To 
him  enter  the  UILLAC  UMA,  in  full  dress.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  I  greet  thee,  great  and  noble  Priest ! 
Hast  thou  no  news  of  Eumi-naui. 

Uillac  Uma.  Last  night,  with  guards,  I  wandered  out 
On  heights  towards  Uilcanuta. 


392  NEWS  OF  FALL  OF  OLLANTAY-TAMPU  ACT  m 

Far  off  I  saw  a  crowd  in  chains, 
No  doubt  the  Anti  prisoners, 
For  they  are  all  defeated  quite. 
The  cacti  1  on  the  mountains  smoke, 
E'en  now  the  fortress  is  in  flames. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  And  Ollantay,  is  he  taken  ? 
Perhaps — I  hope  his  life  is  saved. 

Uillac  Uma.  Ollantay  was  among  the  flames, 
'Tis  said  that  no  one  has  escaped. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  The  Sun,  my  Father,  is  my  shield, 
I  am  my  father's  chosen  child. 
We  must  subdue  the  rebel  host, 
For  that  I  am  appointed  here. 

(Enter  a  CHASQUI  toith  a  quipu  in  his  hand.) 

The  Chasqui.  This  morning  at  the  dawn  of  day, 
Rumi-naui  despatched  this  quipu. 

Tupac  Yupanqui  (to  the  Uillac  Uma).   See  what  it  says. 

Uillac  Uma.  This  knot,  coloured  burnt  ahuarancu, 
Tells  us  that  Tampu  too  is  burnt ; 
This  triple  knot  to  which  is  hung 
Another  which  is  quintuple, 
In  all  of  quintuples  are  three, 
Denotes  that  Anti-suyu  's  thine, 
Its  ruler  prisoner  of  war. 

Tupac  Yupanqui  (to  the  Chasqui).    And  thou.   Where 
wert  thou  ? 

The  Chasqui.  Sole  King  and  Lord  !  Child  of  the  Sun  ! 
I  am  the  first  to  bring  the  news, 
That  thou  mayst  trample  on  the  foe, 
And  in  thine  anger  drink  their  blood. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Did  I  not  reiterate  commands 

1  A  kind  of  cactus,  of  which  they  make  needles,  grows  abun- 
dantly on  the  mountains  round  Ollantay-tampu.  It  is  called 
ahuarancu.  They  set  fire  to  the  cacti  as  a  war  signal.  Zegarra 
calls  it  a  thistle.  The  word  in  the  Justiniani  text  is  ahuarancu. 


SCENE  vi      CAPTURE  OF  OLLANTAY-TAMPU         393 

To  spare  and  not  to  shed  their  blood — 
Not  anger  but  pity  is  my  rule. 

The  Chasqwi.  0  Lord,  we  have  not  shed  their  blood ; 
They  were  all  captured  in  the  night, 
Unable  to  resist  our  force. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Recount  to  me  in  full  detail 
The  circumstances  of  the  war. 
The  Chasqui.  For  a  signal  thy  warriors  wait, 
The  nights  passed  at  Tinquiqueru,1 
Concealed  in  the  cavern  below, 
Yanahuara  2  men  joining  us  late. 

We  waited  within  the  large  cave, 
Thy  men  always  ready  to  fight, 
Behind  foliage  well  out  of  sight, 
Thy  warriors  patient  and  brave. 

But  for  three  long  days  and  dark  nights, 
No  food  for  the  zealous  and  bold  ; 
Feeling  hungry,  thirsty,  and  cold, 
We  waited  and  watched  for  the  lights.3 

Rumi-naui  sent  orders  at  length, 
When  the  Eaymi  *  they  carelessly  keep, 
And  all  of  them  drunk  or  asleep, 
We  were  then  to  rush  on  with  our  strength. 

Word  came  to  surprise  our  foes, 
Rumi-naui  had  opened  the  gate, 
As  cautious  and  silent  as  fate — 
We  were  masters  with  none  to  oppose. 

1  See  note,  p.  371. 

2  Yanahuara,  a  ravine  near  Urubamba,  where  some  of  the  troops 
of  Rumi-naui  had  been  posted. 

3  Signal  lights. 

*  Ccapac  Raymi,  the  great  festival  of  the  Sun.     December  22. 


394  THE  CHASQUI'S  TALE  Aorrn 

Those  rebels  fell  into  the  trap, 
The  arrows  came  on  them  like  rain, 
Most  died  in  their  sleep  without  pain, 
Not  knowing  their  fatal  mishap. 

Ollantay,  still  trusting,  was  ta'en, 
The  same  Urco  Huaranca  befell ; 
Hanco  Huayllu  is  captive  as  well, 
We  thy  rebels  in  fetters  detain. 

The  Antis  by  thousands  are  slain, 
A  fearful  example  is  made, 
They  are  beaten,  crushed,  and  betrayed, 
Their  women  in  sorrow  and  pain. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  As  witness  of  what  has  occurred, 
On  Vilcamayu's  storied  banks, 
No  doubt  thou  hast  told  me  the  truth. 
It  was  a  well  designed  attack. 

(Enter  BUMI-NAUI  followed  by  several  chiefs.) 

Eumi-naui.  Great  Inca,  I  kneel  at  thy  feet, 
This  time  you  will  hear  my  report, 
I  beseech  thee  to  deign  to  restore 
The  trust  that  I  forfeited  once. 
(Kneels.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Rise,  great  Chief,  receive  my  regard, 
I  accept  thy  great  service  with  joy ; 
Thou  didst  cast  o'er  the  waters  thy  net, 
And  hast  captured  a  marvellous  fish. 

Eumi-naui.  Our  enemies  perished  in  crowds, 
Their  chiefs  were  captured  and  bound, 
Overwhelmed  by  my  terrible  force, 
Like  a  rock  detached  from  the  heights. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Was  much  blood  shed  in  the  assault  ? 


SCENE  vi   TUPAC  YUPANQUI  AND  RUMI-NAUI     395 

Eumi-naui.  No,  Lord,  not  a  drop  has  been  shed, 
To  thine  orders  I  strictly  adhered. 
Those  Antis  were  strangled  in  sleep, 
But  the  fort  is  entirely  razed. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Where  are  the  rebels  ? 
Bumi-naui.  They  are  waiting  with  agonised  fear, 
For  their  fate,  to  perish  by  cords. 
The  people  are  sending  up  cries, 
Demanding  their  deaths  without  fail. 
Their  women  are  now  in  their  midst, 
The  children  raise  hideous  cries ; 
It  is  well  that  thine  order  should  pass 
To  finish  their  traitorous  lives. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  It  must  be  so  without  any  doubt, 
That  the  orphans  may  not  be  alone, 
Let  all  perish,  not  sparing  one, 
Thus  Cuzco  recovers  her  peace, 
Let  the  traitors  be  brought  before  me. 
In  my  presence  the  sentence  they  '11  hear. 

(Exit  Eumi-naui,  and  re-enter  followed  by 
guards  in  charge  of  OLLANTAY,  URCO 
HUABANCA,  and  HANCO  HAUYLLU,  bound 
and  blindfold,  followed  by  guards  with  PIQUI 
CHAQUI  bound.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Take  the  bands  off  the  eyes  of  those 

men. 

And  now,  Ollantay,  where  art  thou  ? 
And  where  art  thou,  0  Mountain  Chief  ? 
Soon  thou  wilt  roll  down  from  the  heights. 

(To  the  soldiers  who  bring  in  Piqui  Chaqui.) 
Whom  have  we  here  ? 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Many  fleas  in  the  Yuncas  abound, 
And  torment  the  people  full  sore, 
With  boiling  water  they  are  killed, 


396  REBELS  IN  PRESENCE  OF  INCA        ACTUI 

And  I,  poor  flea,1  must  also  die. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Tell  me,  Hanco  Huayllu,  tell  me, 
Why  art  thou  Ollantay's  man  ? 
Did  not  my  father  honour  thee  ? 
Did  he  not  grant  thy  requests  ? 
Did  he  ever  have  a  secret  from  thee  ? 
Speak  also,  you,  the  other  rebels, 
Ollantay  and  the  Mountain  Chief. 

Ollantay.  0  father,  we  have  nought  to  say, 
Our  crimes  are  overwhelming  us. 

Tupac    Yupanqui    (to   the   Uillac   Uma).     Pronounce 
their  sentence,  great  High  Priest. 

Uillac  Uma.  The  light  that  fills  me  from  the  Sun 
Brings  mercy  and  pardon  to  my  heart. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Now  thy  sentence,  Rumi-naui. 

Rumi-naui.  For  crimes  enormous  such  as  these 
Death  should  ever  be  the  doom ; 
It  is  the  only  way,  0  King ! 
To  warn  all  others  from  such  guilt. 
To  stout  tocarpus  ^they  should  be 
Secured  and  boundjjwith  toughest  rope, 
Then  should  the  warriors  freely  shoot 
Their  arrows  until  death  is  caused. 

Piqui  Chaqui.  Must  it  be  that  evermore 
The  Antis  must  all  perish  thus  ? 
Alas  !  then  let  the  branches  burn — 
What  pouring  out  of  blood  is  here.3 

Rumi-naui.  Silence,  rash  man,  nor  dare  to  speak, 

1  Piqui  Chaqui  is  literally  'flea  foot.'    He  is  punning  on  his 
name. 

2  Tocarpu,  a  pole  or  stake  used  at  executions.    Condemned 
prisoners  were  fastened  to  a  tocarpu  before  being  hurled  over  a 
precipice. 

3  Piqui  Chaqui  had  an  inkling  that  the  Inca  had  expressed  dislike 
at  the  shedding  of  blood.     He  ventured  to  say  these  words  in  the 
faint  hope  that  they  might  remind  the  Inca  of  this  dislike. 


SCENE  VI 


MAGNANIMITY  OF  THE  INCA  397 


(General  lamentation  outside.) 

Having  been  rolled  just  like  a  stone, 
My  heart  has  now  become  a  stone.1 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Know  that  tocarpus  are  prepared. 
Eemove  those  traitors  from  my  sight, 
Let  them  all  perish,  and  at  once. 

Eumi-naui.  Take  these  three  men  without  delay 
To  the  dreaded  execution  stakes ; 
Secure  them  with  unyielding  ropes, 
And  hurl  them  from  the  lofty  rocks. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Stop  !   Cast  off  their  bonds. 

r,  (The  guards  unbind  them.     They  all  kneel.) 

(To  Ollantay,  kneeling).     Rise  from  thy  knees ;  come  to 
my  side. 

(Rises.) 

Now  thou  hast  seen  death  very  near, 
You  that  have  shown  ingratitude, 
Learn  how  mercy  flows  from  my  heart ; 
I  will  raise  thee  higher  than  before, 
Thou  wert  Chief  of  Anti-suyu, 
Now  see  how  far  my  love  will  go  ; 
I  make  thee  Chief  in  permanence. 
Receive  this  plume  2  as  general, 
This  arrow  3  emblem  of  command.3 

1  Rumi-naui  at  it  again ;  for  ever  ringing  changes  on  his  name — • 
rumi,  a  stone. 

2  The  plume  and  the  arrow  were  the  insignia  of  a  general. 

3  Rather  a  staggerer  for  Rumi-naui  !    Perhaps,  too,  the  change 
is  too  sudden,  and  infringes  the  probabilities.     Tupac  Yupanqui 
may  have  thought  that  his  father  had  been  unjust  and  that  there 
were  excuses.     It  is  known  that  the  young  Inca  was  indignant 
at  some  other  cruelties  of  his  father.     As  a  magnanimous  warrior 
he  may  have  despised  the  treacherous  methods  of  Rumi-naui.     He 
may  have  valued  OUantay's  known  valour  and  ability,  and  have 
been  loth  to  lose  his  services.     All  these  considerations  may  have 
influenced  him  more  or  less.    The  rebels  were  the  best  men  he  had. 


398  INVESTMENT  OF  OLLANTAY 


ACT  HI 


Tupac  Yupanqui  (to  the  Uillac  Uma).     Thou  mighty 

Pontiff  of  the  Sun, 
Robe  him  in  the  regal  dress. 
Raise  up  the  others  from  their  knees, 
And  free  them  from  the  doom  of  death. 

(Urco  Huaranca,  Hanco  Huayllu,  and  Piqui 
Chaqui  rise,  the  latter  looking  much  relieved. 
The  Uillac  Uma  places  the  robe  on  Ollantay's 
shoulders.) 

Uillac  Uma.  Ollantay,  learn  to  recognise  * 

Tupac  Yupanqui's  generous  mind ; 
From  this  day  forth  be  thou  his  friend, 
And  bless  his  magnanimity. 
This  ring  contains  my  potent  charm, 
For  this  I  place  it  on  thy  hand. 

(Gives  him  a  ring,  or  bracelet.) 
This  mace  receive,  'tis  from  the  king, 

(Gives  him  a  mace  (champi).) 
It  is  his  gracious  gift  to  thee. 

Ollantay.  With  tears  I  shall  nearly  consume 
That  mace  thus  presented  to  me  ; 
I  am  tenfold  the  great  Inca's  slave, 
In  this  world  no  equal  is  found, 
My  heart's  fibres  his  latchets  shall  be ; 
From  this  moment  my  body  and  soul 
To  his  service  alone  shall  belong. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Now,  Mountain  Chief !    come  near 

to  me, 

Ollantay  is  given  the  arrow  and  plume, 
Though  to  me  he  gave  fury  and  war. 
Notwithstanding  all  that  has  passed 
He  continues  the  Andean  chief, 
And  will  lead  his  rebels  to  peace ; 
Thee  also  I  choose  for  the  plume ; 


SCENE  vi      OLLANTAY  VICEROY  AT  CUZCO  399 

From  this  day  thou  art  a  great  chief, 
And  never  forget  in  thy  thoughts, 
I  saved  thee  from  death  and  disgrace. 

Urco  Huaranca.  Great  King  and  most  merciful  Lord, 
But  now,  expecting  my  death, 
I  am  ever  thy  most  faithful  slave. 

(Uillac  Uma  gives  Mm  the  plume  and  arrow.) 

Uillac  Uma.  0  Urco,  the  Inca  has  made 
A  great  and  a  powerful  chief, 
And  grants  thee  with  marvellous  grace 
The  arrow  and  also  the  plume. 

Bumi-naui.  Illustrious  King,  I  venture  to  ask, 
Will  Anti-suyu  have  two  chiefs. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  There  will  not  be  two,  0  Rumi-naui : 
The  Mountain  Chief  will  rule  the  Antis ; 
In  Cuzco  Ollantay  will  reign — 
As  Viceroy  deputed  by  me 
His  duties  will  call  him  to  act 
As  ruler  throughout  the  whole  realm. 

Ollantay.  0  King  !   thou  dost  raise  me  too  high, 
A  man  without  service  or  claim ; 
I  am  thy  obedient  slave —  ^ 

Mayst  thou  live  for  a  thousand  years. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  The  mascapaycha  now  bring  forth, 
And  to  it  the  llautu  attach. 
Uillac  Uma,  adorn  him  with  these, 
And  proclaim  his  state  to  the  world. 
Yes,  Ollantay  shall  stand  in  my  place, 
Raised  up  like  the  star  of  the  morn, 
For  Colla  this  month  I  shall  start ; 
All  preparations  are  made. 
In  Cuzco  Ollantay  will  stay, 
My  Ranti  l  and  Viceroy  and  friend. 

l  Ranti,  a  deputy, 


400          THE  LOST  LOVE  OF  OLLANTAY          ACTIH 

Ollantay.  I  would  fain,  0  magnanimous  King, 
Follow  thee  in  the  Chayanta  war ; 
Thou  knowest  my  love  for  such  work. 
Peaceful  Cuzco  is  not  to  my  taste, 
I  prefer  to  be  thy  Canari,1 
To  march  in  the  van  of  thy  force, 
And  not  to  be  left  in  the  rear. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Thou  shouldst  find  the  wife  of  thy 

choice, 

And  with  her  reign  happily  here 
In  Cuzco;  repose  without  care; 
Rest  here  while  I'm  absent  in  war. 

Ollantay.  Great  King,  thy  sorrowful  slave 
Already  had  chosen  a  wife. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  How  is  it  I  know  not  of  this  ? 
It  should  be  reported  to  me. 
I  will  load  her  with  suitable  gifts ; 
Why  was  this  concealed  from  my  eyes  ? 

Ollantay.  In  Cuzco  itself  disappeared 
That  sweet  and  adorable  dove ; 
One  day  she  did  rest  in  my  arms, 
And  the  next  no  more  to  be  seen. 
In  grief  I  made  search  far  and  near, 
Earth  seemed  to  have  swallowed  her  up, 
To  have  buried  her  far  from  my  sight ; 
0  such,  mighty  King,  is  my  grief. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Ollantay !   afflict  not  thyself, 
For  now  thou  must  take  up  thy  place 
Without  turning  thy  eyes  from  thy  work. 

(To  Uillac  Urna.) 
High  priest,  obey  my  command. 

i  Canari,  a  warlike  tribe  of  Indians,  in  the  south  part  of  the 
kingdom  of  Quito,  They  were  first  conquered  by  Tupac  Yupanqui, 
and  they  became  devoted  to  him. 


SCENE  VI 


YMA  SUMAC  AND  THE  INCA  401 


(The  Uillac  Uma  goes  to  the  wings  (R.)  and 
addresses  the  people  outside.) 

Uillac  Uma.  0  people,  hear  what  I  say : 
The  Inca,  our  King  and  our  Lord, 
Thus  declares  his  imperial  will : 
Ollantay  shall  reign  in  his  place. 

People  outside.  Ollantay  Ranti !  Ollantay  Eanti ! 

(Shouts  and  acclamations.) 
Tupac  Yupanqui  (to  Rumi-naui  and  other  chiefs.)     You 

also  render  him  homage. 
Eumi-naui.  Prince  Ollantay  !    Incap  Ranti ! 
Thy  promotion  gives  me  joy. 
All  the  Antis  now  released, 
Return  rejoicing  to  their  homes. 

(He  and  all  the  Chiefs  bow  to  Ollantay.) 

Guards  without.  You  cannot  pass.     Go  back  !  go  back  ! 

Voice  without.  Why,  is  this  a  festive  day  ? 
Let  me  pass.    I  must  see  the  king  ; 
I  pray  you  do  not  stop  me, 
Do  not  drive  me  from  the  door ; 
If  you  stop  me  I  shall  die. 
Have  a  care.    You  will  kill  me. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  What  noise  is  that  without  ? 

Guard.  It  is  a  young  girl  who  comes  weeping 
And  insists  upon  seeing  the  king. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Let  her  come  in. 
(Enter  YMA  SUMAC.) 

Yma  Sumac.  Which  is  the  Inca,  my  lord, 
That  I  may  kneel  down  at  his  feet  ? 

Uillac  Uma.  Who  art  thou,  charming  maid  ? 
Behold  the  King. 

(Yma  Sumac  throws  herself  at  the  King's  feet.) 
Yma  Sumac.  0  my  King  !  be  thou  my  father, 

DD 


402  YMA  SUMAC  PREVAILS 


ACT  III 


Snatch  from  evil  thy  poor  servant, 
Extend  thy  royal  hand  to  me. 
0  merciful  child  of  the  Sun, 
My  mother  is  dying  at  this  hour 
In  a  foul  and  loathsome  cave  ; 
She  is  killed  in  cruel  martyrdom — 
Alas  !  she  is  bathed  in  her  own  blood. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  What  inhumanity,  poor  child  ! 
Ollantay,  take  this  case  in  hand. 

Ollantay.  Young  maiden,  take  me  quickly  there ; 
We  will  see  who  it  is  that  suffers. 

Yma  Sumac.  No,  sir.     Not  so.    It  is  the  King  himself 
Should  go  with  me. 
Perhaps  he  may  recognise  her ; 

(To  Ollantay.) 
For  you,  I  know  not  who  you  are. 

0  King,  arise,  do  not  delay, 

1  fear  my  mother  breathes  her  last, 
At  least  may  be  in  mortal  pain ; 

0  Inca  !  Father  !  grant  my  prayer. 

Uillac  Urna.  Illustrious  King,  thou  wilt  consent ; 
Let  us  all  seek  this  luckless  one — 
Thou  canst  release  from  cruel  bonds. 
Let  us  go,  0  King  ! 

Tupac  Yupanqui  (rising}.  Come  all !  Come  all ! 
In  midst  of  reconciliations 
This  young  maid  assaults  my  heart. 

[Exeunt. 


SCENE  VH    THE  INCA  COMES  TO  INVESTIGATE    403 


SCENE  7 

The  garden  in  the  palace  of  Virgins  of  the  Sun  (same 
scene  as  Act  III,  Scene  5).    Stone  door  more  visible. 

(Enter  the  INCA  TUPAC  YUPANQUI  with  YMA 
SUMAC,  OLLANTAY,  UILLAC  UMA  and  KUMI- 
NAUI;  URCO  HUARANCA,  HANCO  HUAYLLU 
and  PIQUI  CHAQUI  in  the  background.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  But  this  is  the  Aclla  Huasi ; l 
My  child,  art  thou  not  mistaken  ? 
Where  is  thy  imprisoned  mother  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  In  a  dungeon  within  these  bounds 
My  mother  has  suffered  for  years, 
Perhaps  even  now  she  is  dead. 

(She  points  to  the  stone  door.) 
Tupac  Yupanqui.  What  door  is  this  ? 

(Enter  MAMA  CCACCA  and  PITU  SALLA.    Mama 

Ccacca  kneels  and  kisses  the  Inca's  hand.) 
Mama  Ccacca.  Is  it  a  dream  or  reality, 
That  I  behold  my  sovereign  ? 
Tupac  Yupanqui.  Open  that  door. 

(Mama  Ccacca  opens  the  door.) 

(Cusi  COYLLUR  discovered  chained  and  fainting, 

with  a  puma  and  a  snake,  one  on  each  side 

of  her.) 

Yma  Sumac.  0  my  mother,  I  feared  to  find 
That  you  had  already  passed  away ; 
Pitu  Salla  !   Haste.    Bring  water. 
Perhaps  my  dove  may  still  revive. 

[Exit  Pitu  Salla. 

i  Aclla,  chosen ;   Huasi,  house :    palace  of  the  Vkgins  of  the 
Sun. 

DD  2 


404   COYLLUR  DISCOVERED  BY  THE  INCA    ACTHI 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  What  horrid  cavern  do  I  see  ? 
Who  is  this  woman  ?  what  means  it  ? 
What  cruel  wretch  thus  tortures  her  ? 
What  means  that  chain  bound  around  her  ? 
Mama  Ccacca,  come  near  to  me ; 
What  hast  thou  to  say  to  this  ? 
Is  it  the  effect  of  malice 
That  this  poor  creature  lingers  here  ? 

Mama  Ccacca.  It  was  thy  father's  dread  command ; 
A  punishment  for  lawless  love. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Begone !  begone !  harder  than  rock.1 
Turn  out  that  puma  and  the  snake,2 
Break  down  that  door  of  carved  stone. 
(To  Mama  Ccacca.)  Let  me  not  see  thy  face  again. 
A  woman  living  as  a  bat ; 
This  child  has  brought  it  all  to  light. 

(Enter   Pitu  Salla  with  water.     She  sprinkles 
it  over  Cusi  Coyllur,  who  revives.) 

Cusi  Coyllur.  Where  am  I  ?  who  are  these  people  ? 
Yma  Sumac,  my  beloved  child, 
Come  to  me,  my  most  precious  dove. 
Who  are  all  these  men  before  me  ? 

(She  begins  to  faint  again  and  is  restored  by 
water.) 

Yma  Sumac.  Fear  not,  my  mother,  'tis  the  King ; 
The  King  himself  comes  to  see  you. 

1  Ccacca  means  a  rock. 

2  My  former  translation,  and  those  of  Barranca  and  Tschudi, 
treated  puma  and  amaru  (snake)  as  epithets  applied  to  Mama 
Ccacca.    Zegarra  considers  that  the  puma  and  snake  were  intended 
to  be  actually  in  the  dungeon,  and  I  believe  he  is  right.    The  puma 
would  not  have  hurt  his  fellow-prisoner.     Unpleasant  animals  were 
occasionally  put  into  the  prisons  of  criminals.    The  Incas  kept 
pumas  aa  pets. 


SCE™  vn     TUPAC  YUPANQUI  AND  COYLLUR      405 

The  great  Yupanqui  is  now  here. 
Speak  to  him.    Awake  from  thy  trance. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  My  heart  is  torn  and  sorrowful 
At  sight  of  so  much  misery. 
Who  art  thou,  my  poor  sufferer  ? 
Child,  tell  me  now  thy  mother's  name  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  Father  !   Inca  !   Clement  Prince  ! 
Have  those  cruel  bonds  removed. 

The  Uillac  Uma.  It  is  for  me  to  remove  them, 
And  to  relieve  this  sore  distress. 

(Cuts  the  rope  fastening  Cusi  Coyllur  to  the  wall.) 

Tniantay  (to  Yma  Sumac).  What  is  thy  mother's  name  ? 

Yma  Sumac.  Her  name  was  once  Cusi  Coyllur, 
But  it  seems  a  mistake.    Her  joy 
Was  gone  when  she  was  prisoned  here. 

Ollantay.  0  renowned  King,  great  Yupanqui, 
In  her  you  see  my  long  lost  wife. 

(Prostrates  himself  before  the  Inca.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  It  all  appears  a  dream  to  me. 
The  '  Star  ' !   my  sister  ! l  and  thy  wife. 
0  sister  !  what  newly  found  joy. 
0  Cusi  Coyllur,  my  sister, 
Come  here  to  me,  and  embrace  me, 
Now  thou  art  delivered  from  woe. 

(Music.) 

Thou  hast  found  thy  loving  brother ; 
Joy  calms  the  anguish  of  my  heart. 

(Embraces  Cusi  Coyllur.) 

Cusi  Coyllur.  Alas !   my  brother,  now  you  know 
The  cruel  tortures  I  endured 

i  The  early  Incas  never  married  their  sisters  or  relations.  Pacha- 
cuti's  mother  was  daughter  of  the  chief  of  Anta.  His  wife, 
Andhuarqui,  was  no  relation.  But  the  wife  of  Tupac  Yupanqui 
was  his  sister  Mama  Ocllo. 


406    OLLANTAY  AND  CUSI  COYLLUR 


ACT  ni 


During  those  years  of  agony  • 
Thy  compassion  now  has  saved  me. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Who  art  thou,  dove,  that  hast  suffered? 
For  what  sin  were  you  prisoned  here  ? 
Thou  mightest  have  lost  thy  reason. 
Thy  face  is  worn,  thy  beauty  gone, 
Thy  looks  as  one  risen  from  death. 

Ollantay.  Cusi  Coyllur,  I  had  lost  thee, 
Thou  wast  quite  hidden  from  my  sight, 
But  thou  art  brought  again  to  life — 
Thy  father  should  have  killed  us  both. 
My  whole  heart  is  torn  with  sorrow. 
Star  of  joy,  where  is  now  thy  joy  ? 
Where  now  thy  beauty  as  a  star  ? 
Art  thou  under  thy  father's  curse  ? 

Cusi  Coyllur.  Ollantay,  for  ten  dreary  years 
That  dungeon  has  kept  us  apart ; 
But  now,  united  for  new  life, 
Some  happiness  may  yet  be  ours. 
Yupanqui  makes  joy  succeed  grief, 
He  may  well  count l  for  many  years. 

Uillac  Uma.  Bring  new  robes  to  dress  the  princess. 

(They  put  on  Tier  royal  robes.     The  High  Priest 
kisses  her  hand.) 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Ollantay,  behold  thy  royal  wife, 
Honour  and  cherish  her  henceforth. 
And  thou,  Yma  Sumac,  come  to  me, 
I  enlace  you  in  the  thread  of  love  ; 
Thou  art  the  pure  essence  of  Coyllur. 
(Embraces  her.) 

l  A  play  upon  the  word  yupanqui,  which  means  literally,  '  you 
will  count.'  The  word  was  a  title  of  the  Incas,  meaning,  '  you  will 
count  as  virtuous,  brave,'  &c. 


SCENE  vn  THE  AUSPICIOUS  END  407 

Ollantay.  Thou  art  our  protector,  great  King, 
Thy  noble  hands  disperse  our  grief ; 
Thou  art  our  faith  and  only  hope — 
Thou  workest  by  virtue's  force. 

Tupac  Yupanqui.  Thy  wife  is  now  in  thy  arms  ; 
All  sorrow  now  should  disappear, 
Joy,  new  born,  shall  take  its  place. 

(Acclamations  from  the  Chiefs,  and  Piqui 
Chaqui.  Music  :  huancars  (drums'),  pincul- 
lus  (flutes),  and  pututus  (clarions).) 


APPENDIX   E 


INCA  FOLKLORE 

THE  following  little  fairy  tale  is  the  only  one  of  its  kind 
which  has  been  preserved,  and  which  certainly  belongs 
to  the  time  of  the  Incas.  It  was  told  to  Fray  Martin  de 
Morua,  who  was  a  Quichua  scholar,  in  about  1585,  by 
old  Amautas  well  versed  in  Inca  folklore,  who  gave  it 
the  following  title : 

FICTION  OR  STORY  OP  A  FAMOUS  SHEPHERD  NAMED 
ACOYA-NAPA,1  AND  THE  BEAUTIFUL  AND  DlSCREET 
PRINCESS,  CnuQui-LLANTu,3  DAUGHTER  OF  THE  SUN. 

In  the  snow-clad  Cordillera  above  the  valley  of  Yucay, 
called  Pitu-siray,3  a  shepherd  watched  the  flock  of  white 
llamas  intended  for  the  Inca  to  sacrifice  to  the  Sun. 
He  was  a  native  of  Laris,4  named  Acoya-napa,  a  very 
well  disposed  and  gentle  youth.  He  strolled  behind 

1  In  the  manuscript  copy  the  word  is  Acoytrapa,  but  the  word 
trapa  is  not  Quichua.     I  think  the  t  is  a  clerical  error  for  a,  and 
the  r  for  n.    This  makes  Acoya-napa.     Acoya  is   provision,   in 
this  case  pasture,  and  napa  is  the  sacred  sacrificial  llama,  or  its 
image  in  gold  or  silver. 

2  Chuqui  means  a  lance,  and  ttantu  a  shade  or  shadow  ;  Chuqui- 
ttantu, '  the  shadow  of  the  lance,'  in  allusion  perhaps  to  the  princess's 
sylph-like  form. 

3  Pitu-siray  means  a  couple.    The  range  is  so  called  from  two 
twin  peaks. 

4  For  some  account  of  Laris  see  pp.  144  and  145. 

408 


SHEPHERD  BOY  AND  PRINCESS          409 

his  flock,  and  presently  began  to  play  upon  his  flute 
very  softly  and  sweetly,  neither  feeling  anything  of  the 
amorous  desires  of  youth,  nor  knowing  anything  of 
them. 

He  was  carelessly  playing  his  flute  one  day  when 
two  daughters  of  the  Sun  came  to  him.  They  could 
wander  in  all  directions  over  the  green  meadows,  and 
never  failed  to  find  one  of  their  houses  at  night,  where 
the  guards  and  porters  looked  out  that  nothing  came 
that  could  do  them  harm.  Well !  the  two  girls  came 
to  the  place  where  the  shepherd  rested  quite  at  his  ease, 
and  they  asked  him  after  his  llamas. 

The  shepherd,  who  had  not  seen  them  until  they 
spoke,  was  surprised,  and  fell  on  his  knees,  thinking 
that  they  were  the  embodiments  of  two  out  of  the  four 
crystalline  fountains  which  were  very  famous  in  those 
parts.  So  he  did  not  dare  to  answer  them.  They 
repeated  their  question  about  the  flock,  and  told  him 
not  to  be  afraid,  for  they  were  children  of  the  Sun,  who 
was  lord  of  all  the  land,  and  to  give  him  confidence 
they  took  him  by  the  arm.  Then  the  shepherd  stood 
up  and  kissed  their  hands.  After  talking  together  for 
some  time  the  shepherd  said  that  it  was  time  for  him 
to  collect  his  flock,  and  asked  their  permission.  The 
elder  princess,  named  Chuqui-llantu,  had  been  struck 
by  the  grace  and  good  disposition  of  the  shepherd. 
She  asked  him  his  name  and  of  what  place  he  was  a 
native.  He  replied  that  his  home  was  at  Laris  and  that 
his  name  was  Acoya-napa.  While  he  was  speaking 
Chuqui-llantu  cast  her  eyes  upon  a  plate  of  silver  which 
the  shepherd  wore  over  his  forehead,  and  which  shone 
and  glittered  very  prettily.  Looking  closer  she  saw 
on  it  two  figures,  very  subtilely  contrived,  who  were 
eating  a  heart.  Chuqui-llantu  asked  the  shepherd 
the  name  of  that  silver  ornament,  and  he  said  it  was 


410  THE  FOUR  FOUNTAINS 

called  utusi.  The  princess  returned  it  to  the  shepherd, 
and  took  leave  of  him,  carrying  well  in  her  memory 
the  name  of  the  ornament  and  the  figures,  thinking  with 
what  delicacy  they  were  drawn,  almost  seeming  to  her 
to  be  alive.  She  talked  about  it  with  her  sister  until 
they  came  to  their  palace.  On  entering,  the  Puncu- 
camayoc1  looked  to  see  if  they  brought  with  them  anything 
that  would  do  harm,  because  it  was  often  found  that 
women  had  brought  with  them,  hidden  hi  their  clothes,  such 
things  as  fillets  and  necklaces.  After  having  looked  well,  the 
porters  let  them  pass,  and  they  found  the  women  of  the 
Sun  cooking  and  preparing  food.  Chuqui-llantu  said  that 
she  was  very  tired  with  her  walk,  and  that  she  did  not 
want  any  supper.  All  the  rest  supped  with  her  sister, 
who  thought  that  Acoya-napa  was  not  one  who  could 
cause  inquietude.  But  Chuqui-llantu  was  unable  to  rest 
owing  to  the  great  love  she  felt  for  the  shepherd  Acoya- 
napa,  and  she  regretted  that  she  had  not  shown  him  what 
was  in  her  breast.  But  at  last  she  went  to  sleep. 

In  the  palace  there  were  many  richly  furnished  apart- 
ments in  which  the  women  of  the  Sun  dwelt.  These 
virgins  were  brought  from  all  the  four  provinces  which 
were  subject  to  the  Inca,  namely  Chincha-suyu,  Cunti-suyu, 
Anti-suyu  and  Colla-suyu.  Within  there  were  four 
fountains  which  flowed  towards  the  four  provinces,  and 
in  which  the  women  bathed,  each  in  the  fountain  of  the 
province  where  she  was  born.  They  named  the  fountains 
in  this  way.  That  of  Chincha-suyu  was  called  Chuclla-2 
puquio,  that  of  Cunti-suyu  was  known  as  Ocoruro3~puquio, 
Sicllat-puquio  was  the  fountain  of  Anti-suyu,  and 
LluluchaP-puqulo  of  Colla-suyu.  The  most  beautiful  child 

1  Puncu,  door ;  camayoc,  official. 

2  Chuclla,  a  cob  of  maize  ;  'puquio,  a  fountain. 

3  Ocoruro,  damp  fruit. 

*  Sidl-a,  a  blue  flower.  &  Llulucha,  spawn. 


SONG  OF  THE  FOUNTAINS  411 

of  the  Sun,  Chuqui-llantu,  was  wrapped  in  profound  sleep. 
She  had  a  dream.    She  thought  she  saw  a  bird  flying 
from  one  tree  to  another,  and  singing  very  softly  and 
sweetly.    After  having  sung  for  some  time,  the  bird 
came  down  and  regarded  the  princess,  saying  that  she 
should  feel  no  sorrow,  for  all  would  be  well.    The  princess 
said  that  she  mourned  for  something  for  which  there 
could  be  no  remedy.    The  singing  bird  replied  that  it 
would  find  a  remedy,  and  asked  the  princess  to  tell  her 
the  cause  of  her  sorrow.    At  last  Chuqui-llantu  told  the 
bird  of  the  great  love  she  felt  for  the  shepherd  boy  named 
Acoya-napa,  who  guarded  the  white  flock.    Her  death 
seemed  inevitable.    She  could  have  no  cure  but  to  go 
to  him  whom  she  so  dearly  loved,  and  if  she  did  her 
father  the  Sun  would  order  her  to  be  killed.    The  answer 
of  the  singing  bird,  by  name  Checollo,1  was  that  she  should 
arise  and  sit  between  the  four  fountains.     There  she 
was  to  sing  what  she  had  most  in  her  memory.     If  the 
fountains  repeated  her  words,   she  might  then   safely 
do  what  she  wanted.    Saying  this  the  bird  flew  away, 
and  the  princess  awoke.    She  was  terrified.    But  she 
dressed  very  quickly  and  put  herself  between  the  four 
fountains.    She  began  to  repeat  what  she  remembered 
to  have  seen  of  the  two  figures  on  the  silver  plate,  singing  : 

'  Micuc  isutu  cuyuc  utusi  cucim.' 2 

Presently  all  the  fountains  began  to  sing  the  same  verse. 
[The  Indians  who  told  the  story  drew  a  picture  of  the 
princess  between  the  fountains.] 

Seeing  that  all  the  fountains  were  very  favourable, 
the  princess  went  to  repose  for  a  little  while,  for  all  night 
she  had  been  conversing  with  the  checollo  in  her  dream. 

1  A  small  bird  like  a  nightingale. 

2  Micuc,  eating  ;  iautu,  Isuti  (Arador) ;  cuyuc,  moving  ;  utusi, 
the  Utusi  (heart) ;  cucim  (?) 


412    SPELLS  OP  THE  SHEPHERD'S  MOTHER 

When  the  shepherd  boy  went  to  his  home  he  called 
to  mind  the  great  beauty  of  Chuqui-llantu.  She  had 
aroused  his  love,  but  he  was  saddened  by  the  thought 
that  it  must  be  love  without  hope.  He  took  up  his  flute 
and  played  such  heart-breaking  music  that  it  made 
him  shed  many  tears,  and  he  lamented,  saying :  '  Ay  ! 
ay !  ay !  for  the  unlucky  and  sorrowful  shepherd, 
abandoned  and  without  hope,  now  approaching  the  day 
of  your  death,  for  there  can  be  no  remedy  and  no  hope.' 
Saying  this,  he  also  went  to  sleep. 

The  shepherd's  mother  lived  hi  Laris,  and  she  knew, 
by  her  power  of  divination,  the  cause  of  the  extreme 
grief  into  which  her  son  was  plunged,  and  that  he  must 
die  unless  she  took  order  for  providing  a  remedy.  So 
she  set  out  for  the  mountains,  and  arrived  at  the  shepherd's 
hut  at  sunrise.  She  looked  in  and  saw  her  son  almost 
moribund,  with  his  face  covered  with  tears.  She  went 
in  and  awoke  him.  When  he  saw  who  it  was  he  began 
to  tell  her  the  cause  of  his  grief,  and  she  did  what  she  could 
to  console  him.  She  told  him  not  to  be  downhearted, 
because  she  would  find  a  remedy  within  a  few  days. 
Saying  this  she  departed  and,  going  among  the  rocks, 
she  gathered  certain  herbs  which  are  believed  to  be 
cures  for  grief.  Having  collected  a  great  quantity  she 
began  to  cook  them,  and  the  cooking  was  not  finished 
before  the  two  princesses  appeared  at  the  entrance  of 
the  hut.  For  Chuqui-llantu,  when  she  was  rested, 
had  set  out  with  her  sister  for  a  walk  on  the  green  slopes 
of  the  mountains,  taking  the  direction  of  the  hut.  Her 
tender  heart  prevented  her  from  going  in  any  other 
direction.  When  they  arrived  they  were  tired,  and  sat 
down  by  the  entrance.  Seeing  an  old  dame  inside  they 
saluted  her,  and  asked  her  if  she  could  give  them  any- 
thing to  eat.  The  mother  went  down  on  her  knees  and 
said  she  had  nothing  but  a  dish  of  herbs.  She  brought 


THE  MAGIC  CLOAK  413 

it  to  them,  and  they  began  to  eat  with  excellent  appetites. 
Chuqui-llantu  then  walked  round  the  hut  without  finding 
what  she  sought,  for  the  shepherd's  mother  had  made 
Acoya-napa  lie  down  inside  the  hut,  under  a  cloak. 
So  the  princess  thought  that  he  had  gone  after  his  flock. 
Then  she  saw  the  cloak  and  told  the  mother  that  it  was 
a  very  pretty  cloak,  asking  where  it  came  from.  The 
old  woman  told  her  that  it  was  a  cloak  which,  in  ancient 
times,  belonged  to  a  woman  beloved  by  Pachacamac,  a 
deity  very  celebrated  in  the  valleys  on  the  coast.  She 
said  it  had  come  to  her  by  inheritance  ;  but  the  princess, 
with  many  endearments,  begged  for  it  until  at  last 
the  mother  consented.  When  Chuqui-llantu  took  it 
into  her  hands  she  liked  it  better  than  before  and,  after 
staying  a  short  time  longer  in  the  hut,  she  took  leave 
of  the  old  woman,  and  walked  along  the  meadows  looking 
about  in  hopes  of  seeing  him  whom  she  longed  for. 

We  do  not  treat  further  of  the  sister,  as  she  now 
drops  out  of  the  story,  but  only  of  Chuqui-llantu.  She 
was  very  sad  and  pensive  when  she  could  see  no  signs 
of  her  beloved  shepherd  on  her  way  back  to  the  palace. 
She  was  in  great  sorrow  at  not  having  seen  him,  and 
when,  as  was  usual,  the  guards  looked  at  what  she  brought, 
they  saw  nothing  but  the  cloak.  A  splendid  supper 
was  provided,  and  when  every  one  went  to  bed  the  princess 
took  the  cloak  and  placed  it  at  her  bedside.  As  soon 
as  she  was  alone  she  began  to  weep,  thinking  of  the 
shepherd.  She  fell  asleep  at  last,  but  it  was  not  long 
before  the  cloak  was  changed  into  the  being  it  had  been 
before.  It  began  to  call  Chuqui-llantu  by  her  own 
name.  She  was  terribly  frightened,  got  out  of  bed,  and 
beheld  the  shepherd  on  his  knees  before  her,  shedding 
many  tears.  She  was  satisfied  on  seeing  him,  and  inquired 
how  he  had  got  inside  the  palace.  He  replied  that  the 
cloak  which  she  carried  had  arranged  about  that.  Then 


414  STATUES  OF  THE  LOVERS 

Chuqui-llantu  embraced  him,  and  put  her  finely  worked 
lipi  mantles  on  him,  and  they  slept  together.  When 
they  wanted  to  get  up  in  the  morning,  the  shepherd  again 
became  the  cloak.  As  soon  as  the  sun  rose,  the  princess 
left  the  palace  of  her  father  with  the  cloak,  and  when 
she  reached  a  ravine  in  the  mountains,  she  found  herself 
again  with  her  beloved  shepherd,  who  had  been  changed 
into  himself.  But  one  of  the  guards  had  followed  them, 
and  when  he  saw  what  had  happened  he  gave  the  alarm 
with  loud  shouts.  The  lovers  fled  into  the  mountains 
which  are  near  the  town  of  Calca.  Being  tired  after  a 
long  journey,  they  climbed  to  the  top  of  a  rock  and 
went  to  sleep.  They  heard  a  great  noise  in  their  sleep, 
so  they  arose.  The  princess  took  one  shoe  in  her  hand 
and  kept  the  other  on  her  foot.  Then  looking  towards 
the  town  of  Calca  both  were  turned  into  stone.  To 
this  day  the  two  statues  may  be  seen  between  Calca 
and  Huayllapampa.  [I  have  seen  them  many  times.1 
Those  mountains  were  called  Pitu-siray,  and  that  is 
their  name  to  this  day.] 

i  Here  Morua  is  speaking  of  his  own  experience.  I  too  have 
ridden  between  Calca  and  Huayllapampa  several  times,  but  I 
did  not  know  the  story,  so  failed  to  look  out  for  the  statues. 


ABANCAY.     See  Apancay 

Abisca,  196 ;  settlements  in  the 
montana,  197  ;  estate  of  Gar- 
cilasso  de  la  Vega,  272 

Acari,  239 

Acca,  native  name  for  chicha,  127 

AchOtuc,  diviners,  107 

Achihua,  Royal  parasol,  292 

Adla-cuna,  chosen  virgins,  106 ; 
at  the  Intip  Raymi,  120,  382 

Aconcagua  peak,  21 

Acosta,  Joseph :  his  '  Natural 
History  of  the  Indies,'  edited 
by  the  Author,  xi  n. ;  notice 
of,  and  his  work,  8 ;  much 
quoted,  9 ;  on  Tiahuanacu, 
29 ;  alludes  to  a  change  on 
the  accession  of  Rocca,  64 ; 
names  of  stars,  117 ;  his 
names  of  months,  118;  on 
absence  of  rain  on  the  coast, 
201 ;  with  Toledo  on  his 
journey  of  inspection,  289 

Acoyapuncu,  now  Angostura,  near 
Cuzco,  126 

Ahua-tuna,  near  Paucartampu, 
195 

Ahuayra-cancha,  abode  of  the 
Ayamarca  chief,  71 

Alarcon,  Alonso  de,  made  prisoner 

by  Titu  Atauchi,  253 
Alcamari,  a  falcon,  79 
Alcavisas,  original  inhabitants  of 

Cuzco,  54 
Alcobasa,  Diego  de,  guardian  of 

Inca  Garcilasso,  264 
Alcobasa,  Diego  de  (junior),  school- 
fellow of  Inca  Garcilasso,  265 
Alcobasa,    Francisco   de,    school- 
fellow of  Inca  Garcilasso,  265  ; 


Garcilasso's  quotations  from, 
279  ;  his  account  of  Tiahua- 
nacu, 278,  279 

Algardba  tree  (Prosopis  horrida), 
204 

Attcacanquis,  intercalary  days, 
117,  120 

Almagro :  expedition  to  Chile, 
255 ;  convention  with  Alva- 
rado,  262;  buried  in  La 
Merced  church  at  Cuzco,  263 

Almagro,  the  lad :  beheaded  by 
Vaca  de  Castrc,  257  ;  buried 
with  his  father,  263 

Alpaca,  domestication,  30 

Altamirano,  Antonio  de,  father  of 
the  schoolboys  :  rich  from  the 
spoils  of  the  palace  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  266  ;  hanged  by  Car- 
bajal,  269 

Altamirano,  Francisco,  school- 
fellow of  Inca  Garcilasso,  265  ; 
horse-races,  266,  267 

Altamirano,  brother  of  Francisco, 
265 

Althaus,  Sefiora  Grimanesa,  vi, 
119.  See  Cotes 

Alvarado,  Alonzo,  261,  262 

Alvarado,  Pedro,  261,  262 

Amaru-cancha,  palace  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  269 

Amaru  Tupac,  eldest  son  of  Inca 
Pachacuti,  92 

Amaru,  on  the  site  of  Paucar- 
tampu, 195 

Amaryllis  aurea,  80 

Amautas,  learned  men,  41,  106  ; 
a  dynasty  of,  43,  44,  45  ;  his- 
torical information  from,  140; 
schools  for,  142;  composed 
415 


416 


INDEX 


dramas,  147 ;  surgical  skill, 
knowledge  of  herbs,  156,  157 ; 
accounts  of  times  before  the 
Incas,  159 ;  record  the  flight 
of  the  Chancas,  178 ;  in  Chile 
with  the  Inca's  nephews,  190  ; 
list  of  ancient  kings  obtained 
from,  304 

Amazons'  river :  Author's  volume 
on  early  expeditions,  x  n. ; 
source,  193;  tributaries  from 
the  Andes,  193 

Amazonian  forests,  173  ;  flight  of 
Chancas  into,  178 ;  Collas 
and  Lupacas  sent  to  colonise, 
191 ;  approaches  from  the 
Andes,  193.  See  Montana 

Ambato,  defeat  of  Huascar's 
army  at,  246 

Amotape,  on  the  coast,  cruelties 
of  Pizarro  at,  224 

Ampuero,  Francisco  :  married  a 
daughter  of  Pizarro,  297 

Ampuero,  Martin :  befriended 
Inca  children,  297 

Anahuarqui,  wife  of  Pachacuti,  92 

Afiaya,  Atilano  de,  envoy  to 
Vilcapampa,  292 

Anca,  an  eagle,  79 

Ancalluasu,  girl's  dress,  136 

Anco  ayllu,  image  carried  in  front 
of  the  Chanca  army,  84 

Anco-ayllu,  chief  of  the  Chanca 
contingent  of  the  Inca  army : 
flight  into  the  Huallaga  valley, 
178 

Ancon,  excavations  of  Reiss  and 
Stiibel,  229 

Ancovilca,  joint  founder  of  the 
Chanca  nation,  83 

Ancoyacu,  Huascar's  army  rallied 
at,  248 

Andahuaylas,  chief  seat  of  the 
Chancas,  83,  92,  176 

Andean  people,  30,  31.  See 
Indians 

Andes  :  unfrequented  pass  from 
Yea,  viii ;  Cordilleras  unite 
at  Vilcanota,  21 ;  and  at 
Cerro  Pasco,  182 ;  age,  rise, 
37,  38,  230;  above  the  vale 
of  Vilcamayu,  52  ;  mountains 


of  Cuntur-cunca,  179  ;  Andea 
penetrated  by  five  rivers,  192 ; 
descent  from,  to  the  montana, 
194,  195.  See  Cordillera 

Angamos,  175 

Anta,  Prince  Cusi  Hualpa  rescued 
by  people  of,  73 ;  chief  of, 
rewarded  by  the  Inca,  74 ; 
daughter  of  the  chief  married 
to  Uira-cocha  Inca,  77.  See 
Chimpu  Urma  and  Runtu-caya 

Antamarca,  Huascar  murdered  at, 
251 

Antarctic  lands  once  joined  to 
South  America,  37 

Antarctic  Indian,  Garcilasso  called 
himself,  31 

Ant-eaters,  fossils  in  Tarapaca,  38 

Anti  Indians,  196 

Anti-suyu,  eastern  division  of  the 
empire,  173,  192-9.  See  Ama- 
zonian forests  and  Montana 

Apancay,  or  Abancay,  33,  174  ; 
beauty  of  the  valley,  175 ; 
battle  at,  262 

Apocynea,  tree  in  the  northern 
coast  valleys,  205 

April- May,  Ayrihua,  119 

Apu-ccuri-machi,  conquest  of  Mar- 
capata  by,  196  ;  crossed  the 
Inambari,  reached  Paytiti,  197 

Apu  May  ta,  nephew  of  Inca  Rocca : 
great  general,  66 ;  conquests 
of,  75,  77  ;  against  the  succes- 
sion of  Urco,  83 ;  supported 
Prince  Cusi,  85 ;  in  battle 
with  the  Chancas,  86 ;  death,  88 

Apu-panaca,  officer  who  selected 
Virgins  of  the  Sun,  163 

Apu  Paucar  Usnu,  conqueror  of 
Colla-suyu,  son  of  Inca  Pacha- 
cuti, 189 

Apurimac  river,  45,  48,  77  ;  west- 
ern frontier  of  the  land  of  the 
Incas,  78,  80,  81;  Chanca 
boundary,  83,  89,  91,  126,  137, 
159,  173,  174;  tributary  of 
the  Ucayali,  193 ;  Huanca 
Auqui  stationed  to  defend  the 
bridge,  248  ;  meeting  of  Manoo 
Inca  and  Pizarro  at  the  bridge, 
254 


INDEX 


417 


Arapa,  stronghold  of  the  Collas, 
189 

Arasa  river,  193 

Arayraca  tribe,  followers  of  the 
Avars,  50 ;  belonging  to 
Hanan  Cuzco,  65 

Arbieto,  Martin  Hernando  de  :  in 
command  of  the  force  to 
invade  Vilcapampa,  293 ;  re- 
turned to  Cuzco  when  sated 
with  slaughter,  294 

Architecture,  megalithic,  22-39 ; 
of  Ollantay-tampu,  150,  151 ; 
of  the  Chimu,  210, 216, 218-19 ; 
of  Colcampata,  286,  287  ;  Inca, 
318 

Arequipa,  ix,  173  ;  conquered  by 
the  Collas,  187,  239 

Ariea,  239 

Arpay,  sacrifice,  108 

Arriaga,  report  on  the  extirpation 
of  idolatry,  10,  235 

Asia,  coast  valley,  227 

Asillo,  stronghold  cf  the  Collas,  189 

Astete,  Miguel :  at  Pachacamac 
with  Hernando  Pizarro,  234  ; 
name  of  chiefs  on  the  coast 
given  by,  239  n. ;  presented 
thellautuof  Atahualpa  to  Sayri 
Tupac,  274 ;  notice  of,  288  n. 

Astete,  Colonel  Pablo  of  Cuzco, 
288  n. 

Astete,  Senora :  authority  on  folk- 
lore at  Cuzco,  viii ;  informa- 
tion from,  respecting  the  secret 
of  the  hidden  treasure,  288  n. 

Asto  Huaraca,  chief  of  the  Chan- 
cas,  83 ;  in  the  battle  with 
Prince  Cusi,  86 ;  death  in 
battle,  89 

Atacama:  language,  220;  people, 
239 

Atahualpa  :  daughter  married  to 
Betanzos,  5 ;  went  to  Quito 
with  Huayna  Ccapac,  241  ; 
not  born  at  Quito  nor  was  his 
mother  a  native  of  Quito, 
241  n. ;  military  service  unsatis- 
factory, 242  ;  excused  himself 
from  coming  to  Cuzco,  243 ; 
sent  an  embassy  to  Huascar, 
244;  his  victory,  247,  249; 


imprisoned  by  Spaniards,  249  ; 
ransom,  250,  251 ;  his  name 
used  in  mockery  by  school- 
boys at  Cuzco,  265 

Atauchi,  name,  44 

Atequipa,  coast  valley,  239 

Atico,  coast  valley,  239 

Atoc,  in  command  of  Huascar's 
army,  defeated  at  Ambato,  246 

August-September,  Ccapac  Situa, 
118,  125 

Augustine  Friars.  See  Calancha, 
Vivero,  Ortiz 

Auqui,  name,  44 

Auqui  Tupac  Yupanqui,  put  to 
death  by  Huascar,  243 

Authorities.  See  Acosta,  Arriaga, 
Avila,  Ayala,  Balboa,  Bertonio, 
Betanzos,  Calancha,  Cieza  de 
Leon,  Fernandez,  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega  (Inca),  Gomara, 
Herrera,  Holguin,  Lizarraga, 
Matienza,  Molina,  Montesinos, 
Morua,  Mossi  Oliva,  Pizarro 
(Pedro),  Polo  de  Ondegardo, 
Ramos  Gavilan,  Relaciones 
Geograficas,  Salcamayhua,  San- 
tillan,  San  Tomas,  Sarmiento, 
Solorzano,  Torres  Rubio,Valera, 
Valverde,  Velasco,  Zarate 

Avendano,  Hernando  :  work  lost, 
10 

Avila,  10,  230.     See  Huarochiri 

Ayacucho,  author's  headquarters 
at,  viii ;  battle,  179  and  note 

Ayala.     See  Huaman 

Ayamarca,  month,  Nov. -Dec., 
118,  128 

Ayamarca,  chief,  named  Tocay 
Ccapac,  engaged  to  be  married 
to  Micay,  wife  of  the  Inca 
Rocca ;  war  with  her  tribe, 
the  Huayllacans,  68 ;  kid- 
napped Prince  Cusi  Hualpa, 
71,  72;  finally  subdued,  76, 
80,  91  n. ;  meaning  of  the 
name,  128  n. 

Ayar,  name,  43 ;  title  of  the 
mythical  founders  of  the  em- 
pire, 49 ;  their  resolution^and 
march  to  Cuzco,  49,  50 ;  tribes 
forming  their  army,  49,  50 


418 


INDEX 


Ayar  Auca,  49  ;   death,  54 
Ayar  Cachi,  49;  plot  against,  51 ; 
murder,  52 

Ayar  Manco,  49 ;  the  leader  :  his 
Huauqui,  50 ;  plan  to  get  rid 
of  his  brothers,  51 ;  hurled 
his  golden  staff,  53  ;  his  date, 
55 ;  established  at  Cuzco,  54, 
55 ;  four  wives  of  the  Ayars, 
49— Occlo,  Huaco,  Ipacura, 
Rava 

Ayar  Uchu,  49 ;  turned  into  the 
Huanacauri  idol,  52,  128 

Ayar  march  to  Cuzco.  For  stop- 
ping stations  see  Huanacancha, 
Tampuquiru,  Pallata,  Hais 
Quisru,  Quirirmanta,  Matahua, 
Huanay-pata 

Ayar  ayttus  or  tribes,  49,  50,  55, 
65,  125 

Ayllus  or  lineages :  tribes  of  the 
Ayars,  49,  50 ;  each  had  its 
founder  or  ancestor,  104,  113  ; 
as  runners  at  the  Situa  festival, 
126 ;  records  of  events  kept 
by,  140  ;  akin  to  village  com- 
munities, 159 ;  system,  160, 
161 ;  mountaineers,  175  ;  on 
the  coast,  235,  236;  of  the 
Incas,  290 

Aymara  colonists,  164  ;  a  branch 
of  the  Quichuas,  175,  192; 
settled  at  Juli,  192 ;  Spanish 
priests  gave  the  name  to  the 
language  of  the  Collas,  192; 
never  used  for  the  language 
until  long  after  the  conquest, 
313;  error  explained,  314; 
never  used  for  the  people  of 
the  Collas  by  any  early  writer, 
315 

Aymuray,  May-June,  119,  135 

Ayrihua,  April-May,  119,  135 ; 
dance,  168 


Baccharis  Incarum  or  Tola,  22 
Baccharis  Molina — Chilca,  80 
Baccharis  Eupatorium — Chilca,  80 
Bachicao,  Hernando  :    hanged  by 

Carbajal,  269 
Balboa :  translated  and  indexed  by 


the  author,  xi  n. ;  his  work, 
9,  10 ;  his  names  of  stars, 
117;  Paccari-tampu  myth  told 
by,  140 ;  account  of  the 
Inca  voyage  to  the  Galapagos 
Islands,  184  ;  tradition  of  the 
arrival  of  strangers  at  Lam- 
bayeque,  221 ;  on  the  Inca 
invasion  of  the  coast,  223 

Barco,  Pedro  del :  three  sons, 
schoolfellows  of  the  Inca  Gar- 
cilasso,  265  ;  hanged  by  Car- 
bajal, 269  ;  kindness  of  Garci- 
lasso  de  la  Vega  to  his  sons,  273 

Beatriz,  Nusta,  Inca  Princess,  260 : 
asked  to  negotiate  with  Sayri 
Tupac,  273  ;  her  son  received 
by  the  Inca,  273  ;  Sayri  Tupac 
her  guest  at  Cuzco,  274.  See 
Leguisamo 

Beatriz,  Nusta,  Inca  Princess. 
See  Mustincia  and  Hernandez 

Belaunde,  Victor  Andres :  his 
review  of  writings  of  sociolo- 
gists on  the  ayllv  system  of 
Peru,  170,  171 

Beni  river,  193,  198 

Bertonio,  Ludovico  :  his  Aymara 
dictionary,  192,  315 

Betanzos  :  his  '  Suma  y  Narra- 
cion'  translated  by  the  author, 
xi  n. ;  Gregorio  de  Garcia  hi 
possession  of  his  manuscript, 
4 ;  edited  by  Jimenez  de  la 
Espada,  5 ;  work  copied  for 
Prescott,  4  ;  a  Quicb.ua  scholar 
and  interpreter,  5 ;  married 
to  a  daughter  of  Atahualpa, 
5,  260 ;  on  the  origin  of 
the  people,  32  ;  occurrence 
of  the  word  Con  in  connec- 
tion with  the  deity,  103  n.  ; 
his  names  for  the  months,  118 
n.  ;  Paccari-tampu  myth  told 
by,  140  ;  sent  to  negotiate  with 
Sayri  Tupac,  273  ;  unsuccess- 
ful embassy  to  Titu  Cusi 
Yupanqui,  285 

Blasco  Nunez  de  Vela,  viceroy  : 
correspondence  with  the  Inca 
Manco,  258 ;  driven  out  by 
Gonzalo  Pizarro,  269 


INDEX 


419 


Bombon,  Huascar's  army  defeated 

at,  246 
Borja,  Juan  Henriquez  de.     See 

Loyola 
Braganza,  Duchess  of  :    first  part 

of     the    royal    commentaries 

dedicated  to,  279 
Breastplates    of    gold,    with    the 

calendar,  119;  description,  120 
Bridges,  320 
Brinton,  Dr. :  opinion  on  the  origin 

of  Peruvian  civilisation,  31 
Buddleia  coriacea,  Ccolli  tree,  22  n. 
BvMleia    Incana,    Quisuar    tree, 

22  n. 
Buenaventura,    Garcilasso    de    la 

Vega    sent    to    conquer    land 

round,  262 


CA^ALLA,  Pedro  Lopez  de,  275 

Cacha,  temple,  36,  319  ;  described 
by  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  and 
by  Squier,  319 

Cahua  Ticlla,  princess  in  charge 
of  Curi  Coyllur,  242,  245,  246 

Calancha,  Prior  of  the  Augustine 
monks  in  Peru,  his  '  Coronica 
Moralizada,'  11  ;  value  of  his 
work,  11  ;  his  names  of  stars, 
117  ;  correct  names  of  months, 
118;  religion  of  the  Chimu, 
216 ;  on  the  coast  language 
called  Sec,  220;  gives  the 
will  of  Leguisamo,  299 

Calca,  Huascar  receives  Atahu- 
alpa's  envoys  at,  245 

Calceolarias,  80 

Calendar:  solar  observations,  115; 
on  golden  breastplates,  119, 
120.  See  names  of  months 
and  intercalary  days 

Calis  Puquio,  133 

Calisaya,  157 

Callao,  v,  vi,  229 

Camana,  coast  valley,  239 

Campas  Indians,  196 

Camay,  month,  Jan.-Feb.,  118, 134 

Canahuisas,  diviners,   108 

Canas,  tribe,  186 

Cafiari,  executioner  of  the  Inca 
Tupac  Amaru,  294 


Canaris,  conquest  of,  93,  182 

Canchaguayo.     See  Ucayali 

Canchis  tribe,  80 

Canchu,  a  diviner,  108 

Candia,  Pedro  de :  his  son  a 
schoolfellow  of  Inca  Garcilasso, 
265 

Canete  (or  Huarcu),  peopled  by 
Yauyos,  180,  227;  irrigation, 
237,  275;  Marquis  of,  273. 
See  Mendoza 

Cantaray,  month  when  Chicha  is 
brewed,  Nov. -Dec.,  118 

Cantut,  a  flower  (phlox),  80 

Caparo  Muniz :  museum  at  Cuzco, 
320 

Capparis  crotonoides,  tree  in  the 
northern  coast  valleys,  called 
Vichaya,  205 

Caquia  Saquis-ahuana,  fortified 
palace  overlooking  Pissac,  to 
which  Inca  Uira-cocha  fled, 
84,  89,  90 

Carangues  Bay,  Alvarado  landed 
in,  262 

Caravaya,  visit  of  the  author  to 
the  montana  of,  ix ;  Chinchona 
flowers  used  for  fevers,  157  ; 
source  of  wealth  to  the  Incas, 
197 

Caravayllo,  coast  valley,  227 

Carbajal,  lieutenant  of  Gonzalo 
Pizarro  :  cruelties  of,  269 

Carlisle,  Lord :  introduction  to 
Mr.  Prescott  from,  vii 

Carlos  Inca,  son  of  Paullu  living 
at  the  Colcampata,  256,  261, 
286 ;  schoolfellow  of  Inca 
Garcilasso,  265 ;  married  to 
Maria  de  Esquivel,  287  ;  knew 
the  secret  of  the  hidden 
treasure,  288  ;  baptism  of  his 
son  Melchior  Carlos,  290 ; 
lawlessly  driven  out  of  the 
Colcampata,  294 ;  banishment 
and  death,  297 

Carrera,  Fernando  de,  cura  of 
Reque :  his  grammar  of  the 
Chimu  language  called  by  him 
yunca,  219 ;  extreme  rarity 
of  his  work,  220 ;  edition  by 
Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  220.  See 
BE  2 


420 


INDEX 


Humboldt,  Ternaux  Compans, 

Villar,  Middendorf 
Carrillo,  saved  Loyola's  life,  293. 

See  Soto 

Casma,  coast  valley,  208 
Cassana,  palace,  at  Cuzco,  269 
Castilla,  Maria  de.     See  Loaysa 
Castro,  Lope  Garcia  de,  276 
Catacaos,  peculiar  language  at,  220 
Catalina,  Maria  Usica.     See  Paullu 
Catari,     Oliva's     informant     re- 
specting an  underground  Tia- 

huanacu,  24  ;  his  ancient  name 

of  Tiahuanacu,  29  n. 
Catu,  or  market,  263 
Cauca  valley  :   service  of  Cieza  de 

Leon  in,  2 
Cauqui,    dialect   of   the   Yauyos, 

180,  311 
Cavillaca,  goddess  in  Huarochiri, 

230-4 

Cavifias,  80 
Caxamarca     conquered     by     the 

Incas,92,  93,  173,  182;  Pizarro 

at,    225 ;     Huascar's    general 

defeated  at,  246;   murder    of 

Atahualpa,    251;     retribution 

at,  253 
Cayara,    a    Quichua    stronghold, 

174 
Cayto  Marca,  submits  to  the  Inca, 

65 

Ccamantira,  singing-bird,  82 
Ccapac,  meaning  of  the  word,  43 
Ccapac  Apu,  viceroy,  163 
Ccapac    Cocha,    human    sacrifice, 

108 
Ccapac  Raymi,  month,  Dec.-Jan., 

118,  125 
Ccapac  Situa,  month,  Aug. -Sept., 

118,  125 
Ccapac-tocco,  window  at  Paccari- 

tampu,  49,  51,  52 
Ccapac  Yupanqui,  56 
Ccenti,  humming-bird,  82 
Ccolli  (Buddleia  coriacea),  a  tree, 

22,  80 
Cconi    Rayac,    attribute    of    the 

deity  in  the  Huarochiri  myths, 

231 
Ccoya    or    Queen:     portraits    by 

Huaman  Poma,  17.     See  Ana- 


huarqui,  92;  Chuqui  Urpay, 
244;  Cusi  Huarcay,  274; 
Mama  Cusimiray,  241  ;  Micay, 
68  ;  Mama  Ocllo,  94 ;  Mama 
Rahua,  241  ;  Mama  Runtu, 
241  ;  Tocta  Cuca,  241 

Ccoya  Raymi,  Sept.-Oct.,  118 

Ccuri-cancha.     See  Inti-cancha 

Ccuri-chulpa,  concubine  of  Uira- 
cocha  Inca,  77,  83 

Ccuri  Vincha,  golden  garlands  of 
Virgins,  107 

Centeno,  Diego  :  arrival  at  Cuzco, 
267  ;  defeated  at  Huarina,  268 

Centeno,  Caspar,  schoolfellow  of 
the  Inca  Garcilasso,  265 

Centeno,  Senora :  museum  once 
at  Cuzco,  now  at  Berlin,  320 

Cervantes,  Bartolome :  gave 
Catari's  statement  to  Oliva, 
24 

Ceterni,  wife  of  Naymlap  (whom 
see) 

Chachapoyas,  33,  93,  198  ;  Jesuit 
mission  at,  date  of  '  anonymous 
Jesuit '  (Valera)  fixed  by  date 
of  abandonment  of,  304 

Chahuar  Quiz,  month,  July- 
August,  118,  124 

Chalco  Yupanqui,  led  a  column  to 
invade  the  montana  from 
Pilcopata,  196,  197 

Chalcuchima,  a  Quito  general, 
second  in  command  of  Ata- 
hualpa's  army,  247,  250  ;  met 
his  deserts,  251,  266 

Champi  or  battle-axe,  122 

Chanan-ccuri-coca,  a  valiant  lady 
who  defended  Cuzco  against 
the  Chancas,  85 

Chancas  Confederacy,  83,  161 ; 
founders,  chiefs,  resolution  to 
subdue  the  Incas,  83  ;  flight 
of  Inca  Uira-cocha,  84  ;  defeat 
of  the  invaders,  86,  87  ;  final 
overthrow,  88,  89 ;  formed  a 
contingent  of  the  Inca  army, 
92  ;  their  country,  174  ;  in  the 
army  of  Pachacuti:  their 
flight,  178,  198 

Chancay,  coast  valley,  206 

Chanquiri,  a  crow,  86 


INDEX 


421 


Charasanis,  native  doctors,  157 
Charcas,  31,  173,  187,  189, 198, 262 
Chasca,  Morning  Star,  worship  of, 

104 

Chasqui,  messengers,  163,  165 
Chaupi  rucu,  class   of    old   men, 

161 

Chaves,  Francisco  de  :  his  work 
lost,  7;  friendship  for  Prince 
Titu  Atauchi,  253  ;  his  writ- 
ings, murder,  253  ra.  ;  in- 
fluence, 255 
Chavin,  a  tribe  of  the  Ayars, 

50,65 

Chavin  ruins,  33,  320 
Chavin  stone,  34,  35 
Chayantas,  187 
Ch&yna,  singing-bird,  82 
Ghecollo,      singing-bird      like      a 

nightingale,  82,  411 
Chestan  Xecfuin,  maid  of  honour 
to   the    Ccoya :     love   of   the 
chief  of  Lambayeque  for,  224 
Chibcha  language,  220 
Chicama,  valley  and  river,  208 
Chichas,  187,  189 
Chiclayo,  coast  valley,  219 
Chihua,  a  thrush,  70,  80 
Chilca,  coast  valley,  peopled  by 

Huarochiris,  181,  227 
Chilca,  a  bush,  80 
Chile    subdued    by    Tupac    Inca, 
173  ;    story  of  the  conquest, 
190 ;     Chilians    in    the    Inca 
army,    191,    249 ;     Almagro's 
expedition,  255 
Chima   Chaui   Pata,  adherent   of 

Prince  Cusi,  85 
Chimpa  Ocllo.     See  Isabel. 
Chimpu  Urma  of  Anta  :  arranged 
the     rescue    of     Prince    Cusi 
Hualpa,  73,  79 

Chimu :  southern  boundary  of 
his  territory,  181 ;  conquest  by 
the  Incas,  182,  223  ;  extensive 
ruins,  208,  209-12;  treasure, 
210;  the  mounds,  210;  palace, 
211 ;  central  position,  212 ; 
factories,  212,  213;  cotton 
fabrics,  213 ;  pottery,  214 ; 
gold  and  silver  work,  215 ; 
religion,  215;  temple,  216,  217 ; 


physicians,  217  ;  cemeteries, 
217;  language,  219-21;  origin 
and  history  unknown,  221  ; 
Lambayeque  submitted  to,  223 ; 
trade,  223 ;  annihilated  by 
the  Spaniards,  225 ;  descen- 
dants of  the  Chimu,  225  n. ; 
further  researches  recom- 
mended, 226 

Chincha  Confederacy,  237,  238 

Chincha  valley,  peopled  by  the 
Yauyos,  180,  227 ;  irrigation, 
237 

Chincha  Islands  :  guano  deposits, 
argument  for  antiquity  from, 
228 

Chinchay-cocha,  lake,  182 

Chmchay-suyu,  northern  division 
of  the  empire,  173,  177-86 ; 
language,  311.  See  Figueredo 

Chinchero  palace,  81,  286,  319  ; 
Tupac  Inca  died  at,  94.  See 
Pumacagua,  Rosas 

Chinchona  trees,  yielding  quinine  : 
author  entrusted  with  service 
of  introducing  their  cultiva- 
tion into  British  India,  ix ; 
knowledge  of,  by  the  Indians, 
157 ;  beauty,  194 

Chipana,  golden  rings,  133  ;  royal 
bracelet,  292 

Chira  river :  remains  of  aque- 
ducts, 207 ;  Spaniards  in 
valley  of,  224 

Chirihuanas,  a  troublesome  wild 
tribe,  198 

Chirimayu  ravine,  195 

Chirimoya,  fruit,  82 

Chita  highlands  :  flight  of  Inca 
Uira-cocha  from  the  Chancas, 
84,  87,  126 

Choccla-poccochi,  a  singing-bird, 
82 

Cholones,  tribe  on  the  Huallaga, 
198 

Chonos  (Guayaquil),  campaign 
against,  183,  184 

Choque-quirao  ruins,  319 

Chot  Temple,  built  by  Naymlap, 
222 

Chuchi  Ccapac,  chief  of  the  Collas, 
187 


422 


INDEX 


Chulpas,  burial-places  of  the 
Collas,  187 

Ghumpivilca  colonists,  164,  175 

Chumpillaya,  maiden  from  Yea, 
sent  to  Inca  Huascar,  242 ; 
name  changed  to  Curi  Coyllur, 
242 

Chunohos,  Indians,  197 

Chupillusca,  rock  where  Urco 
was  killed,  90 

Chupas,  battle  of :  Garoilasso  de 
la  Vega  wounded,  264 

Chuqui,  lance,  292 

Chuqui-chaca,  293 

Chuqui-llantu,  155,  408-14 

Chuqui  Urpay,  wife  of  Inca 
Huascar,  244 

Chuy,  a  quail,  79 

Cillorico,  Juan  de,  schoolfellow  of 
Inca  Garcilasso,  265 

Cintu,  on  the  coast,  Pizarro  at, 
224 

Cium,  successor  of  Naymlap  at 
Lambayeque,  222 

Clara  Beatrix,  Princess,  married  to 
Martin  Garcia  de  Loyola,  274 

Coast  valleys  :  conquest  by  the 
Incas,  93,  173,  223;  valleys 
peopled  by  mountain  tribes, 
177,  180,  181;  geography, 
200-6;  causes  of  absence  of 
rain,  201 ;  garua,  201 ;  cli- 
mate, 202;  effect  of  Hum- 
boldt  current,  202  ;  medanos, 
202,  203  ;  desert,  203  ;  scanty 
vegetation,  203  ;  lomas,  204  ; 
fertile  valleys,  204 ;  algaroba 
trees,  204 ;  other  trees  in  the 
valleys,  205 ;  number  and 
names  of  coast  valleys,  205, 
206;  ancient  languages,  219, 
220 ;  coast  people  extinct, 
225  ;  idolatries,  235,  236 

Coati  Island,  on  Lake  Titicaca  : 
palace  built  by  Tupac  Inca 
Yupanqui,  191,  319 

Cobos  :  his  '  History  of  the  New 
World,'  14,  15;  names  of  the 
months,  1 18 ;  on  medicinal 
plants,  157 

Coca  plantations,  187, 195, 197, 199 

Coca  palla,  class  of  lads,  162 


Cofanes,  a  tribe  on  the  Napo : 
expedition  against,  198 

Golan,  peculiar  language  at,  220 

Colcampata,  palace  at  Cuzco, 
granted  to  Prince  Paullu,  256, 
261 ;  Carlos  Inca  living  at, 
285 ;  description,  286,  287, 
318 ;  Tupac  Amaru  in  prison 
at,  294 

Colicodendrum  scdbridum,  Zapote 
del  perro,  205 

Collahua,  native  place  of  Salca- 
mayhua,  16 

Collahuayas,  native  doctors,  157 

Collas  occupied  the  northern 
half  of  the  Titicaca  basin, 
186,  313 ;  predominant  tribe 
of  Colla-suyu,  187 ;  a  con- 
federacy under  the  Colla  chief, 
conquests,  capital  at  Hatun- 
colla,  187 ;  burial  places, 
187  ;  defeated  by  the  Incas, 
188,  189;  conquered,  190; 
contingent  of  the  Inca  army, 
191 ;  sent  away  as  mitimaes, 
or  colonists,  164,  191,  197 ; 
language  called  Aymara  by 
the  Jesuits,  192 ;  numerals, 
316 

Collantes,  Juan  de :  married 
Francisca  Nusta,  ancestress  of 
Bishop  Piedrahita  the  his- 
torian, 260 

Collao  movement  of  mitimaes  or 
colonists,  10  ;  description  22  ; 
origin  of  tribes,  47;  subdued 
by  Inca  Pachacuti,  92  ;  con- 
federacy, 161,  187;  Inca 
viceroy,  189;  Inca  system  of 
colonisation,  191  ;  importance 
of  conquest,  191 

Colla-suyu,  southern  division  of 
the  Empire,  73,  186 

Collingwood,  H.M.S.,  v 

Colonists.     See  Mitimaes 

Commentaries  Reales,  279,  280 

Compositce,  80 

Con,  103  n.  ;   Con  Titi,  103  n. 

Concacha  stone,  33,  34 

Conchucos,  182,  235 

Condor  or  Cuntur,  Huarochiri 
tradition,  232,  233 


INDEX 


423 


Condorcanqui,  Cacique  of  Suri- 
mani,  married  to  Juana, 
daughter  of  Inca  Tupac  Amaru, 
ancestors  of  Jose  Gabriel 
Condorcanqui,  the  patriot, 
called  Tupac  Amaru,  298 

Confession,  106 

Conip  Inti,  103  n.      See  Con 

Coniraya  Uira-cocha,  103  n. 

Conopas,  household  gods,  on  the 
coast,  236 

Convolvulus,  80 

Copacabana,  10,  319 

Copiz,  on  the  coast,  Pizarro  at, 
224 

Cordilleras    unite    at    Vilcanota, 

21;     and     at     Cerro     Pasco, 

r-182.      See  Andes,  Huarochiri, 

Lucanas,    Morochucos,    Soras, 

Yauyos 

Cordova.     See  Garcilasso  Inca 

Corufia.     See  Popayan,  Bishop  of 

Cotapampa,  colonists  from,  164, 
176  ;  final  overthrow  of  Huas- 
car  in,  249 

Cotes,  Don  Manuel :  gold  orna- 
ments of  the  Incas  at  the 
house  of,  119 

Cotonera,  estate  of  Garcilasso 
de  la  Vega,  271 

Cranes,  79 

Crow.     See  Chanquiri 

Cuellar,  Juan  de,  schoolmaster  of 
Inca  Garcilasso,  264 

Cuellar,  Sancho  de :  taken  pri- 
soner and  executed  by  Prince 
Titu  Atauchi,  for  complicity 
in  the  murder  of  Atahualpa, 
253 

Cuentas,  Don  Narciso  of  Tinta, 
owner  of  the  original  MS.  of 
Ollantay,  148 

Cugma,  91  n. 

Cuis  Manco,  chief  of  the  Rimac 
valley,  238 

Culebra,  coast  valley,  208 

Cullcu,  dove,  82 

Cunow,  on  the  organisation  of  the 
Inca  empire,  170 

Cunti-suyu,  western  division  of 
the  empire,  173-7 

Cuntur-cunca  mountains,  179 


Curacas,  or  chiefs,  162 

Curamba,  fortress,  174,  175, 
319 

Curi  Coyllur:  see  Chumpillaya, 
242 ;  and  Cahua  Ticlla,  244- 
246  ;  flight  in  boy's  clothes, 
247 ;  rescued  and  married 
her  lover  under  the  name  of 
Titu,  248 ;  marriage  with 
Quilacu,  252 ;  befriended  by 
Hernando  de  Soto,  252 ; 
daughter  married  Carrillo,  a 
notary,  252.  See  Soto 

Cusi,  Prince,  youngest  son  of 
Uira-cocha  Inca,  77  ;  resolved 
to  defend  Cuzco  against  the 
Chancas,  84  ;  followers,  85  ; 
his  vision,  86  ;  victories,  86-9 ; 
becomes  Pachacuti  Inca,  87, 
89,  91.  See  Pachacuti 

Cusi  Hualpa,  son  of  Inca  Rocca, 
68 ;  visits  his  Huayllacan 
relations,  69,  70 ;  kidnapped 
by  Ayamarcas,  71 ;  his  speech, 
weeps  blood,  71,  72 ;  sent  to 
the  Puna,  73,  80 ;  rescued, 
taken  to  Anta,  73,  74.  See 
Yahuar  Huaccac 

Cusi  Hualpa,  child  name  of 
Huayna  Ccapac,  94 

Cusi  Huarcay,  wife  of  Sayri  Tupac, 
274;  body  of  Tupac  Amaru 
conveyed  to  her  house,  296 

Cusi  Titu  Yupanqui,  son  of  Manco 
Inca,  259  ;  accession,  embassy 
to,  285,  290  ;  death,  290  ;  son, 
291 

Cusimiray.     See  Mama  Cusimiray 

Cusi-pata  at  Cuzco :  house  of 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  in, 
262 

Cuycusa  tribe  :  followers  of  the 
Ayars,  50 ;  belonging  to  the 
Hurin  Cuzcos,  65 

Cuzco,  city  of  the  Incas  :  author's 
residence  at,  viii,  ix ;  Cyclopean 
buildings,  32,  33  ;  meaning  of 
the  word,  43,  54 ;  original 
inhabitants,  54 ;  goal  of  the 
Ayars,  53 ;  description  of 
the  site,  54,  55  ;  torrents,  55  ; 
Hanan  and  Hurin  Cuzco,  64, 


424 


INDEX 


138  ;  temple  to  the  Supreme 
Being,  77  ;  Santa  Ana  Church, 
portraits,  121  ;  Huacay  Pata, 
133 ;  Atahualpa's  army  at, 
249,  250 ;  siege  by  Manco, 
255,  262;  the  Colcampata 
palace,  256 ;  church  of  La 
Merced,  263, 271 ;  arrival  of  the 
first  bullocks,  266  ;  first  grapes 
and  asparagus,  267 ;  cane 
tournaments  at,  268 ;  topo- 
graphy, 268,  269  ;  great  halls 
in  the  palaces,  269 ;  archi- 
tecture, 319.  See  Cassana, 
Colcampata,  Cusi-pata,  Inti- 
cancha,  Huanay-pata,  Amaru- 
cancha,  Quilliscancha,  Bimac- 
pampa,  Sacsahuaman 

Cuzco  Chumpi,  son  of  the  chief 
of  Lambayeque,  224 ;  baptised, 
225 

Cyclopean  ruins,  23-33 


DARWIN  on  the  rise  of  land,  38  n., 
200,  227,  228 

Dawn,  worship  of,  104 

December- January,  Ccapac  Raymi, 
month,  118,  129 

Desjardins,  view  of  Inca  rule,  171 

Diviners  at  the  feast  of  Intip 
Raymi,  123.  See  Achacuc, 
Ganahuisa,  Canchu,  Hamurpa, 
Huatuc,  Hualla,  Layca,  Llay- 
chunca,  Macsa,  Pacchacuc, 
Socyac,  Yarcacaes 

D'Orbigny,  his  views  on  Inca 
rule,  171 

Doves.     See  Cullcu,  Quitu,  Urpi 

Drama.     See  Ollantay 

Ducks.     See  Nunuma,  Huachva 


EAGLB.    See  Anca 

Egrets,  79 

Emeralds,   land  of :    Manta   and 

Esmeraldas,  186 
Enock,  Mr.,  on  ruins  at  Chavin 

and  Huanuco,  320 
Equinoxes,  observations  for,  116 
Esmeraldas,  184 
Espada,  Don  Marcos  Jimenez  de 


la,  x ;  and  the  second  part 
of  Cieza  de  Leon,  4  n. ;  edited 
Betanzos,  5 ;  edited  Montesinos, 
12 ;  published  the  work  of 
the  '  anonymous  Jesuit,'  13, 
303  ;  edited  the  work  of  Cobos, 
14;  edited  Salcamayhua,  16,  99 

Esquen  Pisan,  chief  of  Lambaye- 
que, 224 

Esquivel,  Maria  de,  wife  of  Carloa 
Inca,  285 

Eten,  coast  valley,  208 ;  words 
of  Mochica  language  collected 
by  Middendorf,  at,  220 


FALCON.        See      Alcamari     and 

Huaman 

Faquisllanga  river,  222 
February-March,    Hatun    Pucuy, 

month,  119,  134 
Felipe  Inca,  son  of  Prince  Paullu, 

256,     261 ;      schoolfellow     of 

Inca  Garcilasso,  265  ;  banished 

by  Toledo,  297 
Fernandez  (El  Palentino), '  History 

of  Peru  ' :   he  makes  Urco  one 

of  the  reigning  Incas,  90  n.  ; 

his  names  of  months,  118  n.  ; 

Garcilasso's   quotations   from, 

279 
Fernandez  Martin  :    his  sore  eye 

cured  by  the  Inca  Garcilasso, 

268 
Festivals :      the     harvest     called 

Intip   Raymi,    120-8 ;     Situa, 

125-6;    Huarachicu,    129-33; 

Mosoc  Nina,  135 
Figueredo,  Juan  de,  on  the  Chin- 

chay-suyu  dialect,  313  n. 
Figueroa,  Juan  de  :   climb  to  the 

roof  of  his  house,  272 
Figueroa,    Garcia     Sanchez     de : 

cousin  of   Inca   Garcilasso   at 

Cuzco,  265 ;   his  son  a  school- 
fellow    of     Garcilasso,     265 ; 

letters     to     Garcilasso,     276 ; 

quotations  from,  279 
Flamingoes,  79,  176 
Florida.     See  Soto 
Fongasigde.     See  Naymlap 
Francisca  Susta.     See  Collantes 


INDEX 


425 


GALAPAGOS  Islands :  voyage  of 
Inca  Tupac  Yupanqui  to,  93, 
184,  185  ;  two  islands  called 
Hahua-chumpi  and  Nina- 
chumpi,  184 

Garcia,  Gregorio  de  :  in  possession 
of  the  manuscript  of  Betanzos, 
4 

Garcia  de  Melo :  sent  the  first 
asparagus  to  Cuzco,  267 

Garcilasso  de  la  Vega  (the  father) : 
married  to  an  Inca  princess, 
260 ;  his  noble  lineage,  261 ; 
birth  and  early  career,  261, 
262 ;  came  to  Peru  with 
Alvarado,  war  services,  settled 
at  Cuzco,  262  ;  position  of  his 
Chouse  at  Cuzco,  263 ;  flight 
from  Cuzco,  at  the  battle  of 
Huarina,  269;  flight  from 
Giron's  rebellion,  272 ;  return 
to  Cuzco,  273 ;  his  estates, 
273 ;  founded  a  hospital  for 
Indians,  273 ;  kindness  to 
sons  of  Pedro  del  Barco, 
273;  illness  and  death,  274, 
275 

Garcilasso  Inca  de  la  Vega : 
author's  translation  of  the 
first  part  of  his  Royal  Com- 
mentaries, x  n. ;  quotes  Acosta, 
9  ;  on  Tiahuanacu,  29  ; 
calls  himself  an  Antarctic 
Indian,  31 ;  account  of  Inca 
buildings  in  the  fortress  of 
Cuzco,  32  ;  meaning  of  names 
of  Ayars,  51,  53  ;  sayings  of 
Incas  acknowledging  a  Supreme 
Being,  103 ;  denied  human 
sacrifices,  109  ;  version  of  the 
Paccari-tampu  myth,  140  ;  ex- 
perience of  native  medicines, 
158,  268 ;  on  Inca  invasions 
of  the  coast,  223,  238  ;  birth 
and  early  recollections,  263 ; 
his  relations  at  Cuzco,  264 ; 
school  life,  264-8  ;  an  excellent 
topographer,  268 ;  in  cane 
tournaments,  268 ;  house  at- 
tacked, 269 ;  goes  out  to 
meet  his  father,  270  ;  kindness 
of  Gonzalo  Pizarro  to,  270 ; 


learning  Inca  lore  from  his 
mother's  relations,  and  the 
way  to  count  the  quipus,  271 ; 
adventures  on  the  breaking 
out  of  Giron's  rebellion,  272 ; 
his  father's  agent  and  secre- 
tary, 273 ;  interview  with 
Sayri  Tupac,  274  ;  takes  leave 
of  Polo  de  Ondegardo,  who 
shows  him  Inca  mummies, 
275 ;  goes  to  Spain,  275 ; 
coldly  received,  restitution  re- 
fused, 276 ;  captain  in  the 
Morisco  war,  276 ;  literary 
work,  277  ;  MS.  on  the  Vargas 
family,  settled  at  Cordova, 
277  ;  account  of  his  '  Com- 
mentaries Reales,'  278 ;  ob- 
tained the  MSS.  of  Valera, 
279 ;  quotations  from  other 
authors,  279 ;  value  of  the 
Commentaries,  280 ;  visit  of 
an  old  schoolfellow,  280,  281 ; 
agent  to  his  mother's  rela- 
tions, 281;  his  will,  282; 
legacies  to  his  servants,  283  ; 
purchase  of  a  mortuary  chapel 
in  Cordova  Cathedral,  283 ; 
death,  283  ;  buried  at  Cordova, 
in  his  ohapel,  283 ;  epitaph, 
284 ;  used  the  word  Aymara 
for  the  language  once,  315 

Garlands.     See  Ccuri  Vincha 

Garua.     See  Coast 

Gasca,  Pedro  de  la,  272,  275 

Gayangos,  Don  Pascual  de,  x 

Geography  of  Peru  :  Royal  Geo- 
graphical Society's  map,  xii ; 
publication  of  the  '  Relaciones 
Geograficas  de  Indias,'  8  ;  relief 
maps  used  by  the  Incas,  112  ; 
the  coast  region  of  Peru,  200- 
206;  topography  of  Cuzco,  268, 
269 

Giron,  Francisco  Hernandez  de  : 
rebellion,  272 ;  defeated  at 
Pucara,  273 

Gold,  principal  sources  of,  191, 
197.  See  Breastplate 

Gomara,  15 ;  account  of  a  god 
he  calls  Con,  103  n.  ;  Garci- 
lasso's  quotations  from,  279 


426 


INDEX 


Gonzalez  de  la  Rosa,  Dr.,  x: 
printed  the  second  part  of 
Cieza  de  Leon,  4  n.  ;  his 
researches  respecting  the  works 
of  Valera,  13  ;  researches  re- 
specting Tiahuanacu,  25 ;  on 
the  list  of  kings  in  Montesinos, 
40 ;  his  edition  of  Carrera's 
Mochica  grammar,  220  ;  ques- 
tion of  Garcilasso's  integrity, 
280 ;  proved  the  identity  of 
the  anonymous  Jesuit  with 
Valera,  303 

Goose.     See  Huallata 

Gottingen  University,  manuscript 
of  Sarmiento  in  library  of,  6. 
See  Pietschmann 

Gronovius  library,  manuscript  of 
Sarmiento  in,  5 

Guamanga,  266,  274.  See  Hua- 
manca 

Guanape,  coast  valley,  208 

Guanape  island,  ancient  cemetery, 
218 

Guano  deposits :  antiquity  of  relics 
calculated  from  time  supposed 
to  be  taken  in  making  the 
deposits,  218  n.  ;  doubts  of 
Mr.  Squier,  228  n. 

Guayaquil.     See  Chonos 

Gull,  Andean.     See  Quellua 


HAHUA-CHUMPI.      See  Galapagos 

Hais  Quisru,  third  station  of  the 
Ayars,  51 

Hamurpa,  a  class  of  diviners, 
107 

Hanan  Cuzco.     See  Cuzco 

Haro,  Hernando  de  :  made  pri- 
soner by  Titu  Atauchi,  and 
well  treated,  253 

Harvest  festival,  120-3,  135; 
picture  of  huaman  Poma, 
135.  See  Intip  Baymi 

Hatun-colla,  Inti-huatana  at,  116  ; 
taken  by  Inca  Pachacuti,  189  ; 
chief  seat  of  the  Collas,  187, 
319 

Hatun  Pucuy,  month,  February- 
March,  119,  134 

Hatun    Tupac,    son    of    Yahuar 


Huaccac,  76 ;    took  the  name 

of  Uira-cocha 

Hatun-rincriyoc.     See  Orejones 
Haylli,  song,  132 
Head-dress  of  the  Inca,  122,  292  ; 

of  the  High  Priest,   105;    of 

youths  at  the  Huarachicu,  132 
Helps,  Sir  Arthur :    Spanish  con- 
quest of  Peru,  251 
Heredia,    Pedro    de :     service    of 

Cieza  de  Leon  under,  2 
Hernandez,    Diego,     married    to 

Beatriz  frusta,  260 
Herons,  79 
Herrera,  15 ;    makes  Urco  one  of 

the  reigning  Incas,  90 
Hervay,    Inca    fortress    on    the 

coast,  ruins,  180,  238,  320 
High  Priest.     See  Uillac  Uma 
Holguin,  Quichua  grammar,  vi,  313 
Huacas,    in    the    valley    of    the 

Bimac,    vi,     229 ;      Huaman 

Poma  on,  17  ;   ancestral  gods, 

104,  114 

Huacap  Villa,  priest  of  &Huaca,  106 
Huacap    Rimachi,    announcer    of 

oracles,  106 

Huacay  Pata,  at  Cuzco,  133 
Huacay  Taqui  tribe,  followers  of 

the  Ayars,  50,  65 
Huachua,  wild  duck,  79 
Huaco,  wife  of  one  of  the  Ayars, 

49,  51 
Hudhuas  for  sacrifice  (lambs,  not 

children),  109 
Hualla,  diviners,  107 
Huallaga  river  :   flight  of  Chancas 

to,    178,    193;     rapid    called 

Salto  de  Aguirre,  193  ;    tribes 

on,  198 

Huallata,  wild  goose,  79 
Huallcanca,  shield,  292 
Hualpa,    a    chief    who    attacked 

Loyola,  293 
Hualpa   Rimachi,    tutor   of   Inca 

Uira-cocha,  36 

Hualpa  Tupac,  brother  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  grandfather  of  Inca 
Garcilasso,  260 

Hualpa  Tupac  Yupanqui,  uncle  of 
the  Inca  Garcilasso,  264 ; 
letters  from,  276 


INDEX 


427 


Huamac,  novice  after  three  years, 
107 

Huaman,  a  falcon,  79 

Huaman,  son  of  Huayna  Ccapac, 
179 

Huaman,  son  of  Inca  Bocca,  68 

Huamanca,  conquest  of,  93,  173  ; 
name,  179.  See  Ore 

Huaman  Cancha,  132 

Huamanpalpa,  estate  of  Garci- 
lasso  do  la  Vega,  273 

Huaman  Poina  de  Ayala :  account 
of  his  MS.,  16,  17 ;  corrobora- 
tion  of  the  kidnapping  story, 
75 ;  portraits  of  the  Incas,  121 ; 
sketches  of  agricultural  imple- 
ments, 134  n.,  135  ;  use  of  the 
'"  word  Aymara  for  the  language, 
315 

Huampar  Chucu,  head-dress  of  the 
High  Priest,  105 

Huanacauri,  the  name,  44  ;  idol, 
52  ;  a  most  sacred  huaca,  128  ; 
youths  sacrificed  to  it  at  the 
Huarachicu,  128,  129 ;  prayer 
of  the  people  to,  at  the  murder 
of  Tupac  Amaru,  295.  See 
Ayar  Uchu 

Huanaco,  swiftness,  29,  30 

Huanay-pata,  sixth  station  of 
the  Ayars,  53 

Huancas,  conquest  of,  180 

Huanca  Auqui,  Huascar's  general : 
defeats,  246-8  ;  retreat,  248 

Huancara,  conquest  of,  91  n. 

Huancarama,  175 

Huantuy,  the  Inca's  litter,  292 

Huanuco,  conquest  of,  93,  173, 
178;  palace,  182,  320.  See 
Yarrovilca 

Huara,  coast  valley,  227 

Huarac-tampu,  178 

Huaraca  or  sling,  134 

Huarachicu  festival :  time  it  was 
held  by  the  people  of  Uma, 
127 ;  of  Ayamarca,  128 ; 
youths'  or  aspirants'  dress, 
129,  132,  133;  attendant 
maidens,  130 ;  Huanacauri 
sacrifice,  131  ;  floggings  to  try 
endurance,  130;  foot-race,  131 ; 
distribution  of  rewards,  132  ; 


dances  in  the  Huacay  Pata, 
133  ;  baths  at  Calis  Puquio, 
133  ;  sham  fight,  134  ;  reaping 
in  the  field  called  Sausiru,  135, 
256 

Huaranca,  a  division  of  the 
people,  thousand,  162 

Huaras,  Callejon  de,  182 

Huarcu.     See  Caiiete 

Huari,  34 

Huari  Titu,  a  son  of  Huascar, 
who  escaped  to  Caxamarca, 
251 

Huarina,  battle  of,  17,  270,  276 

Huarmay,  coast  valley,  208 

Huarochiri :  Avila  on  idolatry 
and  myths  of,  translated  by 
the  author,  xi  n.  ;  myths,  103 
n.,  230-4;  peopled  coast  val- 
leys, 161  ;  people,  180,  181 

Huascar  Inca,  name,  43,  241  n.  ; 
cable,  133,  241  n.  ;  succession, 
224,  241 ;  cruelty,  243  ;  mar- 
riage, 244 ;  armies  defeated, 
246,  248,  249  ;  taken  prisoner, 
249  ;  death,  250.  See  Chum- 
pillaya 

Huascaran  peak,  21 

Huata,  the  year,  meaning  of  word, 
117 

Huata,  conquest  of,  91  n. 

Huatanay  torrent  at  Cuzco,  55 ; 
confined  to  its  bed,  66,  79 

Huatuc,  a  soothsayer,  187 

Huauqui,  familiar  spirits  of  the 
Incas,  110,  243;  of  Manco 
Ccapac,  50 

Huayllacan  tribe :  daughter  of 
the  chief  married  to  Inca 
Rocca  :  war  with  Ayamarca, 
68 ;  visit  of  Prince  Cusi 
Hualpa  to,  69  ;  treachery  of 
the  chief,  69,  70  ;  their  harvest 
song,  70 ;  murder  of  Pahuac 
Hualpa,  76 

Huayna,  the  name,  46 

Huayna  Ccapac,  accession,  95 ; 
alleged  human  sacrifices  at 
accession,  108,  179  n.  ;  ex- 
pedition against  the  Cofanes, 
198  ;  visited  the  Chimu,  223  ; 
left  Cuzco  for  the  northern 


428 


INDEX 


campaign,  241  ;  death  at 
Quito,  242  ;  body  and  hvauqui 
brought  to  Cuzco,  243 ;  wives 
and  sons,  241,  256,  257; 
treasure  found  in  his  palace, 
267 

Human  sacrifices,  108  ;  law  pro- 
hibiting, 109.  See  Sacrifices 

Humboldt  current,  202 

Humboldt,  Wm.,  possessed  a  copy 
of  Carrera's  Yunca  grammar, 
220 

Humming-bird  or  Ccenti.  See 
Ccenti 

Hunu,  a  division  of  the  people, 
162 

Huquiz,  name,  44 

Hurin  Cuzco.     See  Cuzco 


IBIS,  79 

Ichu,  22,  81.     See  Ychu 

Ichuri,  a  confession,  106 

Idolatries,  Jesuits  employed  to 
extirpate,  10,  235,  236 ;  on 
the  coast,  235,  236 

Ilia  Tici  Uira-cocha,  names  of  the 
deity,  41,  97 ;  invoked  by 
Siuyacu,  58,  62.  See  Uira- 
cocha 

Illampu  peak,  21,  191 

Illapa,  thunder  and  lightning 
worship,  104,  117 

lllay  Tanta,  sacred  bread,  124 

Illimani  peak,  21,  191 

Incas  :  study  of  authorities,  x  ; 
author's  translation  of  Molina 
on  rites  and  ceremonies,  x 
n.  ;  witnesses  for  Sarmiento's 
history,  6 ;  portraits  by 
Huaman  Poma,  17,  141,  145, 
146 ;  portraits  at  Santa  Ana 
(Cuzco),  121,  122;  marri- 
ages, 56,  94  ;  Rocca,  the  first 
Inca,  62-7 ;  submission  of 
tribes  to,  65 ;  the  land  of  the, 
78-82  ;  Inca  Yahuar  Huaccac, 
75,  77  ;  Inca  Uira-cocha,  77, 
90;  Inca  Pachacuti,  90,  93; 
Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui,  94 ; 
Huayna  Ccapac,  95  ;  the  fami- 
liar spirits,  110;  interments, 


111  ;  physique,  appearance, 
dress,  121,  141  ;  system  of 
government,  166,  167,  170; 
wisdom  and  statesmanship, 
172 ;  policy  with  regard  to 
the  montana,  198 ;  conquest 
of  the  coast,  223 ;  war  of 
succession,  240 ;  princesses 
married  to  Spaniards,  260 ; 
pedigree  and  petition  sent  to 
Spain,  281  ;  assembled  at 
baptism  of  Melchior  Carlos 
Inca,  290  ;  will  of  Leguisamo 
testifying  to  the  excellence 
of  their  rule,  300,  301  ;  roads 
and  bridges,  pottery,  318-20 

Insignia.  See  Achihua  (para- 
sol), Champi  (battle-axe), 
Chipana  (bracelet),  Chuqui 
(lance),  Huallcanca  (shield), 
Huantuy  (liiter),Llautu  (fringe), 
Mascapaycha  (head  -  dress), 
Toeapu  (belt),  Tumi  (dagger), 
Tupac  Yauri  (sceptre),  Usuta 
(shoes),  Yacolla  (mantle),  Napa 
(sacred  image  of  llama),  Suirtur 
Paucar  (head-dress) 

Indians  of  Peru  :  their  character, 
ix  ;  appointment  of  protector 
desired  by  Huaman  Poma,  19  ; 
religious  beliefs,  112,  113 ; 
doctors,  157  ;  organisation  in 
ayllus,  160  ;  under  the  Incas, 
161-3 ;  division  into  classes, 
161,  162 ;  taken  for  various 
kinds  of  service,  162,  163; 
condition  under  the  Incas,  167 
See  Ayllus,  Mitimaes ;  also 
Leguisamo's  will 

Indians  of  the  Montana,  178,  195, 
196,  197.  See  Antis,  Campas, 
Chirihuanas,  Cholones,  Cofanes, 
Chunchos,  Marians,  Opataris, 
Pilcosones,  Yana-simis,  Mayo- 
runas,  Lamistas 

Inez  Susta,  had  two  children  by 
Pizarro,  260 

Insignia.     See  Incas 

Intercalary  days,  117 

Interments,  111,  112;  Chimu, 
217 

Inti,  the  sun  as  a  deity,  116 


INDEX 


429 


Inticaca  or  Titicaca,  21,  103  n. 

Inti-cancha  or  Ccuri-cancha, 
temple  of  the  sun  at  Cuzco, 
55  ;  divided  into  four  quarters 
called  Quinti-cancha,  Chumpi- 
cancha,  Sayri-cancha,  and 
Yarumpuy-cancha,  56 ;  rulers 
at  first  lived  in,  58 ;  royal 
residence  removed  from,  64 

Intip  Chinan,  name  for  chosen 
virgins,  106 

Intip  Pampa,  in  front  of  the 
temple :  runners  assemble  at 
the  Situa  festival,  125 ;  Inti- 
huatana  in,  116 

Intip  Saymi,  June-July,  1 18 ; 
great  harvest  festival,  120-3 

Ipacura,  one  of  the  Ayar  wives,  49 

Iquichano.s,   179 

Irrigation  at  Nasca,  177,  237 ; 
Chira  valley,  207 ;  Chimu, 
209;  Nepena,  218;  former 
density  of  population  proved 
by,  229 ;  in  southern  coast 
valleys,  237 

Isabel  Yupanqui  Niusta,  mother 
of  the  Inca  Garcilasso,  260  ;  her 
portrait,  262 ;  called  Chimpa 
Ocllo  before  baptism,  262 

Iscuchaca,  81,  86 

Itenez  river,  193 


118 


,  month  called  Camay, 


Jauja  :     conquest    of,    93,    173  ; 

working   of    the   Inca  system 

in  valley  of,  166  ;    river,  178  ; 

Huascar's  army  at,  246  ;   Her- 

nando  de  Soto  at,  252 
Jayanca,  coast  valley,  chiefs  of, 

223  ;    chief  of,  sent  to  Cuzco, 

224 
Juana  Tupac  Amaru,  received  in 

thehouse  of  ArchbishopLoaysa, 

married  to  Condorcanqui,  Cur- 

aca  of  Surimani,  298 
Juli,   on  the  west  side  of   Lake 

Titicaca  :     Jesuit    station    at, 

192,  313 
July-August,        month        called 

Chahuar  Quiz,   118 


June-July,    month    called    Intip 

Ray  mi,  118 
Justiniani,  Dr.,  descendant  of  the 

Incas,  Cura  of  Laris  :  author's 

visit  to,  viii,  145  ;  his  copy  of 

Ollantay,  146 


LAFONE  QUEVEDO,  Don  Samuel 
A.  :  his  work  on  the  cult  of 
Tonapa,  99 

Lambayeque,  tradition  of  arrival 
of  strangers,  208  ;  chiefs  of, 
224,  225.  See  Naymlap 

La  Merced,  church  at  Cuzco,  263, 
271 

Lamistas,  tribe  of  the  Huallaga, 
178,  198 

Lampa,  contents  of  a  native 
doctor's  wallet  at,  157 

La  Raya,  188 

Laris,  viii,  144, 145.    See  Justiniani 

Larrabure  y  Unanue,  Don  E.,  x  ; 
on-  use  of  pillars  in  Lunahuana 
ruins,  320 ;  on  Paramunca, 
Sillustani,  319,  320 

Lasiandra,   bushes,   94 

Lauricocha,  lake,  source  of  the 
Amazon,  193 

Laycas,  diviners,  108 

Leche,  coast  valley,  208,  224 

Leguisamo,  Mancio  Serra  de : 
story  of  his  gambling  away 
the  golden  image  of  the  sun. 
15,  301  n.  ;  married  Beatrix 
Susta,  260 ;  a  captain  in  the 
force  invading  Vilcapampa, 
293 ;  witness  of  the  Indians 
reverencing  the  head  of  Tupac 
Amaru,  296,  297;  his  will, 
testimony  to  the  excellence  of 
the  rule  of  the  Incas,  300,  301 

Leguisamo,  Juan  Serra  de  (the 
younger),  schoolfellow  of  Inca 
Garcilasso,  265 ;  received  at 
Vilcapampa,  273 

Leon,  Pedro  de  Cieza  de  :  author's 
translation,  x  n. ;  early  life,  2 ; 
services,  3  ;  desire  to  record 
events,  2,  3  :  his  chronicle,  3, 
4,  96  ;  on  Tiahuanacu,  90  n. ; 
gives  Tuapaca  as' the  name  of 


430 


INDEX 


the  servant  of  Uira-cocha,  103 
n. ;  put  Urco  in  the  succession 
of  Incas,  90  n.  ;  on  human 
sacrifices,  109  ;  his  version  of 
the  Paccari-tampu  myth,  140  ; 
witness  to  the  automatic  work- 
ing of  the  Inca  system,  166  ; 
absence  of  rain  on  the  coast, 
201  ;  Inca  roads  on  the  coast, 
225,  320  ;  Garcilasso's  quota- 
tions from,  279 ;  on  Vilcas- 
huaman  ruins,  320 ;  on  Inca 
roads,  320 

Letourneau,  his  views  respecting 
Inca  rule,  171 

Lightning,  Liviac,  117 

Lima,  view  from  the  sea,  vi ; 
excursions,  viii ;  library, 
'  Papeles  varies,'  ix ;  in  the 
valley  of  the  Riinac,  229 ; 
Arriaga's  work  published  at, 
235  ;  founded  by  Pizarro,  255  ; 
Incas  banished  to,  297.  Arch- 
bishop of,  see  Loaysa 

Limatambo,  palace  at,  286,  319 

Litter.     See  Insignia,  Lucanas 

Lizarraga,  Reginaldo  de :  his 
work,  15 ;  boundary  wall 
between  Incas  and  Collas,  188 

Llacta-catnayoc,  village  officer,  161, 
162 

Llactapata,  93,  287.  Same  as 
Colcampata 

Llattahua,  stronghold  of  the  Collas, 
189 

Llama  Mama,  household  god,  112, 
113 

Llamas,  22  ;  domestication,  30  ; 
for  sacrifice,  108,  109.  See 
Napa 

Llampcdlec,  idol  at  Lambayeque, 
222 

Llapchilulli,  descendants  made 
chiefs  of  Jayanca.  See  Naym- 
lap,  222 

Llautu,  royal  fringe,  121,  274,  292 

Llaychunca,  diviners,  107 

Llecco-llecco,  plover,  79 

Lloque  Yupanqui  Inca,  56 

Loarte,  Gabriel  de  :  accomplice 
in  the  murder  of  Tupac 
Amaru,  298 


Loaysa,  Dr.,  first  archbishop  of 
Lima :  had  a  census  taken 
in  the  Piura  valley,  225  ; 
befriended  the  daughters  of 
Tupac  Amaru,  298 

Loaysa,  Don  Alonso  :  nephew 
of  the  archbishop :  wedding 
supper  interrupted,  272 

Lomas,  203 

Lopez,  Dr.  Don  Vicente,  on  ancient 
dynasties,  43 

Lorente  :  review  of  his  conception 
of  Inca  rule,  171 

Loyola,  Martin  Garcia  :  married 
the  Princess  Clara  Beatrix, 
daughter  of  Sayri  Tupac,  274  ; 
captain  in  the  Vilcapampa 
invading  force,  narrow  escape. 
293 ;  captured  Inca  Tupac 
Amaru,  295 

Loyola,  Lorenza,  daughter  of 
the  above :  married  Juan 
Henriquez  de  Borgia,  created 
Marquesa  de  Oropesa  with 
remainder  to  the  heirs-general 
of  her  uncle  Tupac  Amaru,  274 

Lucanas,  Huaman  Poma  chief  of, 
17  ;  subdued,  92  ;  their  coun- 
try, 174,  176,  177  ;  carried  the 
Inca's  litter,  177  ;  peopled  the 
Nasca  valley,  177 

Lucuma,  a  fruit  tree,  82 

Lunahuana,  ruins,  320 

Lunarejo,  Dr.  :  Quichua  drama 
arranged  by,  155 

Lupacas,  on  the  west  shore  of  Lake 
Titicaca,  186 ;  many  sent 
away  as  colonists,  164;  at  Juli, 
313 

Lupi,  the  sun  as  giver  of  light, 
116 

Lupins,  80 

Lurin  valley,  peopled  by  Huaro- 
chiris,  181,  227 ;  drainage 
230;  irrigation,  237 


MACABI  island  :   cemetery  on,  218 
Machay,  caves  for  interments,  1 1 
Macsa,  curer  by  enchantment,  108 
Macta  puric,  class  of  little  boys, 
162 


INDEX 


431 


Magdalena  Tupac  Amaru,  received 
in   the    house   of    Archbishop 
Loaysa,  298 
Mainique,  Puncu  de.    See  Vilca- 

mayu 

Maize,    antiquity    of   cultivation, 
30  ;    limit  of  cultivation,  38  ; 
crops  in  the  Vilcamayu  valley, 
82  ;   height,  246  n. 
Majes,  coast  valley,  239 
Mala,   peopled    by   Yauyos,    180, 

227  ;  irrigation,  237 
Maldonado,  Juan  Arias  :    school- 
fellow of  Inca  Garcilasso,  265  ; 
visit  to  Garcilasso  at  Cordova, 
281 

Maldonado,  Juan  Alvarez  :    cap- 
tain in  the  Vilcapampa  invad- 
r*vn%  force,  293 

Malqui,    a   mummy.     See   Inter- 
ments 

Mama,  name  preceding  names  of 
Ccoyas,  and  of  some  household 
gods,  236 
Mama  Cuna,   matrons  of  chosen 

virgins,  106 

Mama  Cusimiray,  241 ;  death,  243 
Mama  Ocllo,  wife  of  Tupac,  94 
Mama  Bahua  Ocllo,  241 ;   mother 
of  Huascar  returned  to  Cuzco 
with    the    body    of    Huayna 
Ccapac,    243 ;     indignant    at 
Huascar's  cruelty,  244  ;  retired 
to  Siquillapampa,  244  ;   forced 
to     acknowledge     Atahualpa, 
249.     See  Quilacu 
Mama  Runtu,  241 
Mamore  river,  193 
Marians,  friendly  Indians,  169,  257 

293 

Manco,  the  name,  43 
Manco  Ccapac,  54-7.  See  Ayar 

Manco 

Manco  Inca,  241  :  successor  to 
Huascar,  250,  254 ;  met  Pizarro 
at  the  Apurimac  bridge,  254  ; 
acknowledged  by  Pizarro,  254 ; 
escaped;  his  siege  of  Cuzco, 
255,  262;  his  defence  of 
Ollantay-tampu,  256  ;  retreat 
into  Vilcapampa,  256  ;  refused 
to  treat  with  Pizarro,  257  ; 


Pizarro's  murder  of  his 
wife,  257 ;  receives  Almagro 
fugitives,  257  ;  correspondence 
with  the  viceroy,  258 ;  mur- 
dered by  Gomez  Perez,  258  ; 
his  character,  258,  259 ;  his 
sons,  259 
Manseriche,  Puncu  de,  Maranon 

rapid,  193 
Mansiche  river,  209 
Manta,  conquest  of,  93,  183,  184 
Maps  (relief)  used  in  administra- 
tion, 142 

Maranon,  valley  of,  33,  34,  182; 
river,  source,  193  ;   rapid,  193 
Maras,   45 ;    window  in   Paccari- 
tampu,  49 ;  tribe,  49 ;  followers 
of  the  Ayars,  53  ;     settled  at 
Maras,    55 ;     tribe    to   Hurin 
Cuzco,  65.     See  Ortiz  de  Orue 
Marca,  division  of  land,  161 
Marca  Huasi,   near  Cuzco,   vine- 
yards, 275 

Marcapata,  invasion  of,  196,  197 
Marca     Yutu,     son     of     Yahuar 

Huaccac,  76 
March-April,  month  called  Pacha 

Pucuy,  119 

Maria  Tupac   Usca,   daughter  of 
Manco    Inca,   wife    of   Pedro 
Ortiz  de  Orue,  145,  259 
Market.     See  Catu 
Marriages,  Inca,  56 
Martin  Tupac  Amaru  :    banished, 
but  befriended   by  Ampuero, 
297 
Masca    tribe :     followers    of    the 

Ayars,  50,  65 
Mascapaycha,    royal    head-dress, 

121,  292 

Mastodon :  found  at  Ulloma,  37 
Matahua,     fifth    station    of    the 

Ayars,  53,  130 

Matedlu,  plant,  cures  sore  eyes,  268 
Matienza,  Juan  de  :    his  work  on 
Peru,    7,    169 ;    journey    with 
Viceroy  Toledo,  289 
Maudslay,  Mr.  :  on  Maya  civilisa- 
tion, 31 
Maule  river :  southern  limit  of  the 

Inca  empire,  94,  190 
Maya,  31 


432 


INDEX 


May- June,  month  called  Aymuray, 

119,  135 

Mayoruna  Indians,  198 
Mayta,  name,  46 
Mayta  Ccapac,  Inca,  56 
Mayta      Yupanqui :       reinforced 

Huascar's     army     at     Jauja, 

246-8 

Medanos  on  the  coast,  202,  203 
Medicinal  herbs,  157,  158,  268 
Megalithic  age,  31,  36,  46 
Melastomacese,  194 
Melchior    Carlos   Inca:    baptism, 

290  ;    agent  in  Spain  for  the 

Incas,  281 
Melo,  Garcia  de:    sent   the   first 

asparagus  to  Cuzco,  267 
Mendez,  Diego  :   took  refuge  with 

Inca  Manco,  257 

Mendoza,  Don  Antonio  de,  vice- 
roy, 5 
Mendoza,  Don  Andres  Hurtado  de, 

Marquis   of   Cafiete,    viceroy : 

induced  Sayri  Tupac  to  leave 

Vilcapampa,  273 
Mesa,  Don  Alonso  de :     agent  in 

Spain    for    the    Inca    family, 

281 
Mestizos  or  half-castes  at  Cuzco, 

with  Spanish  fathers  and  Inca 

mothers,  264  ;  their  education, 

264  ;  schoolfellows  of  the  Inca 

Qarcilasso,  265 ;    banished  by 

Toledo,    298;     authors     (see 

Bias  Valera  and  Garcilasso) 
Micay,    Queen    (Ccoya)   of    Inca 

Rocca,  68,  71 
Micucancha  or  Paullu :  chief  place 

of  the  Huayllacans,  69 
Middendorf,  Dr.  :   vocabularies  of 

the  Mochica  language,  220 
Miller,  General :   help  and  advice 

given  to  the  author,  ix 
Milman,  Dr.,  Dean  of  St.  Paul's : 

introduction    to  Mr.   Prescott 

from,  vii 
Mircay- mafia:     tutor    to    Prince 

Cusi,  85 
'  Miscelanea  Austral,'  by  G.  Balboa 

(whom  see) 
Mitimaes    or   colonists :    system, 

164,  239;    in  the  Collas,   10, 


191;  results  of  the  system, 
165,  191.  See  Collas,  Lupacas, 
Aymaras 

Mochica  language:  on  the  coast, 
219,  220,  221,  311.  See  Car- 
rera,  Yunca 

Molina,  Cristoval  de  :  his  work  on 
the  fables  and  rites  of  the 
Incas,  x  n.,  9  ;  on  the  origin 
of  the  people,  32,  96  ;  temple 
of  the  Supreme  Being,  97 ; 
prayers  in  Quichua,  98 ;  on 
human  sacrifices,  109  ;  names 
of  months,  117  n.,  280  ;  at  the 
murder  of  Tupac  Amaru,  274 

Molle  tree  (Schinus  Molle),  80,  86, 
244 

Mollepata,  81 

Monedero,  Bartolome :  school- 
fellow of  Inca  Garcilasso,  265 

M ontana :  campaign  of  Tupac 
Yupanqui,  94,  195,  199; 
scenery  and  vegetation,  194  ; 
products  of,  195  ;  wild  Indians, 
196,  197  ;  voyage  of  Ore j  ones 
in,  198.  See  Abisca,  Caravaya, 
Indians,  Paucartampu,  Hual- 


Montesinos :  translated  by  the 
author,  xi  n.  ;  account  of,  11 ; 
his  work  on  the  origin  of  the 
people,  32  ;  his  list  of  kings, 
40,  306-9  ;  tradition  of  Rocca, 
64  ;  Paccari-tampu  myth,  140 ; 
voyage  of  Orejones  in  the 
Montana,  198  ;  Inca  invasion 
of  the  coast,  223 ;  his  use 
of  Valera's  work,  304 ;  his 
methods,  305 

Months,  118,  119,  120-35;  names 
given  by  different  authorities, 
118  and  note 

Moon :  worship  of,  104  ;  names  of, 
117 

Moquegua,  164,  172,  239 

Moro  Urco:  house  where  the 
rope  for  dancers  was  kept, 
133 

Morua  or  Murua,  Fray  Martin  de, 
xi  n.  ;  change  of  dynasty  by 
Rocca,  64 ;  kidnapping  of 
Cusi  Hualpa  75  n.  ;  prayer 


INDEX 


433 


of  the  Inca,  98 ;  names  of 
stars  given  by,  117 ;  names 
of  months,  118  ;  version  of  the 
Paocari-tampu  myth,  140 ; 
love  story,  155,  408  ;  deriva- 
tion of  name  Guamanga,  179, 
280 ;  used  the  word  Aymara 
for  the  language  twice,  315 

Mosoc  caparic,  class  of  babies, 
162 

Mosoc  Nina,  festival,  135 

Mossi,  Dr.,  Quichua  scholar : 
translated  the  hymns  given  by 
Salcamayhua,  99  ;  his  deriva- 
tion of  the  word  Quichua, 
174 

Motilones  on  the  Huallaga,  178, 
198 

Motupe :  coast  valley,  208 ;  Pizarro 
at,  224 

Muchanaca,  ceremony  of  treading 
on  captives  and  spoils,  89 

Muchi,  river  on  the  coast,  208 ; 
temple  of  the  Moon  on,  216, 
221 

Mummies.  See  Interments,  On- 
degardo 

Murua.     See  Morua 

Museums.  See  Centeno  and  Cap- 
aro  Muniz 

Mustincia,  Martin  de :  married 
Beatriz  frusta,  260 

Muyna,  submits  to  the  Inca,  65, 
80,  142 

Myring,  Mr.  :  discovery  of  Chimu 
pottery,  218 


Nacac,    cutter    up    of    sacrificial 

beasts,  108 
Napa,  sacred  image  of  a  llama, 

51 ;  at  the  Huarachicu  festival, 

130 

Napo  river,  198 
Nasoa,  viii :  irrigation  works,  177, 

237 ;       coast      valley,      227  ; 

ancient     pottery,     230.      See 

Lucanas 
Navamuel,   secretary :     with   the 

Viceroy    Toledo    during    the 

journeys  of  inspection,  289 
Naymlap,    a    chief :     arrival    at 


Lambayeque  by  sea,  with  a 
fleet  of  strangers,  222 ;  his 
temple  and  idol,  death,  222. 
His  servants  (see  Fongasigde, 
Llapchilulli,  Ninacotta,  Nin- 
gentue,  Ochocalo,  Ollopcopoc, 
Pitazofi,  Xam).  His  wife  (see 
Ceterni) ;  temple  (Chot) ;  idol, 
(Llampallcc) 

Nepefia,  coast  valley,  208  ;  irriga- 
tion, 218 

Nestler,  Professor,  of  Prague : 
making  researches  at  Tia- 
huanacu,  25 

Nightingale.     See  Checollo 

Nina-chumpi.  See  Galapagos 
Islands 

Ninacolla,  222.     See  Naymlap 

Ninan  Cuyuchi,  eldest  son  of 
Huayna  Ccapao,  241 ;  death, 
242 

Ningentue,  222.     See  Naymlap 

November -December,  month 
called  Ayamarca,  118,  128 

Novices,  106 

Nufluma,  wild  duck,  79 

Nusta-calli-sapa,  maidens  who 
attended  the  youths  at  the 
Huarachicu,  130,  131 


OBSERVATIONS  of  the  sun  for 
time  of  solstices  and  equinoxes, 
115,  117 

Oca  (Oxalis  tuberosa),  23 

Ocampo,  Baltasar  de  :  eye- witness 
of  the  murder  of  Tupac  Amaru, 
296  n. 

Ocolo,  49 

Ochoa,  Dr.  Julian :  authority 
on  folklore  at  Cuzco,  viii, 
144 

Ochocalo,  222.     See  Naymlap 

Ocofia,  coast  valley,  239 

October-November,  month  called 
Urna  Raymi,  118 

O'Higgins,  La  Senora,  vi 

Oliva,  Anello :  work  on  dis- 
tinguished Jesuits  in  Peru,  14 
n. ;  on  Tiahuanacu,  24,  29  n. ; 
evidence  of  Valera's  authorship 
from  Oliva,  303 


434 


INDEX 


Oliva,  Diego  de :  received  the 
manuscript  of  Francisco  de 
Cliavos,  253  n. 

Ollantay,  an  Inca  drama :  trans- 
lated by  the  author,  xi  n.,  143, 
144 ;  reduced  to  writing  by 
Dr.  Valdez,  145,  325  ;  the  Jus- 
tiniani  text,  148  ;  Dominican 
text,  148 ;  argument  of  the 
drama,  149,  152-4,  330-4; 
Zegarra's  text,  328 ;  name, 
335 

Ollantay-  tampu  :  megalithio  part, 
32  ;  beauty,  82  ;  conquest  of, 
91  n. ;  Inti-huatana  at,  116  ; 
description,  150-1,  319;  de- 
fence of,  by  Manco  Inca, 
256 

Ollopcopoc,  222.     See  Naymlap 

Ondegardo,  Polo  de  :  translation 
of  his  report  by  the  author, 
xi  n.,  7  ;  on  human  sacrifices, 
108  ;  search  for  Inca  mummies, 
110,  111,  275;  his  names  of 
the  months,  118;  on  Inca 
administration,  169 ;  with  the 
Viceroy  Toledo  on  his  journey 
of  inspection,  289 

Opatari  Indians,  196 

Or6,  Bishop  Luis  Geronimo :  on 
the  Mochica  language,  219 ; 
his  '  Rituale,'  313  ;  a  native 
of  Guamanga,  313 

Ore/ones  or  Hatun-rincriyoc,  67 ; 
chief  of  Anta  :  raised  to  rank 
of,  76  ;  flight  with  Inca  Uira- 
cocha,  84  ;  defeat  of  Chancas 
by,  89  ;  return  to  Cuzco,  90  ; 
dress,  123 ;  youths  equipped 
as,  134 ;  in  battle  with  the 
Collas,  189  ;  many  received  in 
Colla-suyu,  191 ;  voyage  in 
the  montana,  198 ;  resumed 
offices  on  departure  of  Ata- 
hualpa's  army,  250  ;  acknow- 
ledge Manco  as  Inca,  254 ; 
besiege  Cuzco,  led  by  Manco, 
255 

Orgonez,  Lieutenant  of  Almagro, 
256 

Ortiz  de  Orue,  Pedro.  See  Maria 
Usca 


Ortiz,  Friar  Diego,  Augustine : 
sent  to  convert  Cusi  Titu 
Yupanqui,  290  ;  put  to  death 
for  not  curing  the  Inca,  291, 
292 

Oviedo,  Friar  Gabriel :  his  account 
of  the  murder  of  Tupac 
Amaru,  296  n. 

Oxalis  tuberosa  or  Oca,  23 


FACAJES,  tribe  on  the  southern 
side  of  Lake  Titicaca,  186, 
313 

Pacasas,  tribe  on  the  eastern  side 
of  Lake  Titicaca,  186 

Pacasmayu,  coast  valley,  208 

Paccari-tampu,  myth,  48-57 ; 
date,  55  ;  authorities  on,  140. 
See  Ayars 

Paccarisca,  ancestor  worship,  109, 
114 

Paccay,  a  fruit  tree,  82,  380 

Pacchacuc,  diviners,  107 

Pachaca,  division  of  the  people : 
a  hundred  families,  161 

Pachacamac,  a  fish  god  on  the 
coast:  temple,  181,  233,  234, 
320 ;  great  oracle,  232 ;  idol 
destroyed  by  Hernando  Pizarro 
234 ;  erroneous  idea  respect- 
ing, 235,  320 

Pachachaca  river,  174,  175;  Ay- 
maras  at  the  head-waters  of, 
191 

Paohacuti,  a  royal  title  :  meaning, 
41,  42  ;  the  eighth  Pachacuti, 
46 ;  Prince  Cusi  received  the 
title,  87,  89 ;  march  against 
Urco,  90  ;  achievements,  91  ; 
conquests,  92  ;  palace,  120  ; 
his  heir,  92  ;  death-scene,  93  ; 
mummy,  112  ;  in  the  drama  of 
Ollantay,  148,  330;  sent  an 
army  to  conquer  Chinchay- 
suyu,  178 ;  conquest  of  Colla- 
suyu,  188,  189;  built  the 
Colcampata,  287.  See  Cusi 

Pacha  Mama,  spirit  of  the  earth, 
112 

Pacha  Pucuy,  month,  March- 
April,  119,  134 


INDEX 


435 


Pacific  naval  station,  v ; 
youngsters  taught  languages, 
vi 

Pacsa  Mama,  the  moon  as  a 
deity,  117 

Pahuac  Hualpa  Mayta,  eldest 
son  of  Inca  Yahuar  Huaccac  : 
murdered  by  the  Huayllacans, 
76 

Pallata,  second  station  of  the 
Ayars,  51 

Paltas,  82 

Pampa  Maroni :  at  Ouzco,  319 

Pampas  river,  92,  158,  174 ; 
gorge  of,  176,  178 

Pancurcu,  torches  at  the  Situa 
festival,  126 

Pando,    mestizo    servant :    inter- 
"  preter  to  the  mhsion  at  Vilca- 
pampa,   291 ;    put  to  death, 
291,  292 

Paramunca,  coast  valley,  208 ; 
southern  boundary  of  Chimu 
territory,  227 ;  Inca  fortress, 
238,  320 

Parihuana-cocha,  176 

Papoquets,  82 

Partridge.     See  Tutu 

Paruro,  45  n. 

Pasto,   191 

Pata-llada.     See  Llactapata 

Pativilca,  southern  boundary  of 
Chimu  territory,  181 

Paucar,  son  of  Inca  Bocca,  68 

Paucar,  son  of  Uira-cocha  Inca. 
See  Tupac 

Paucartampu,  author  at,  ix ; 
valley  of,  194  ;  montana,  194  ; 
base  of  the  Inca's  operations 
in  the  montana,  195 

Paullu,  son  of  Huayna  Ccapac, 
241 ;  went  to  Chile  with 
Almagro,  255 ;  threw  in  his 
lot  with  the  Spaniards,  260 ; 
joined  Vaca  de  Castro,  bap- 
tised, 256 ;  granted  the  Col- 
campata  palace,  256 ;  his 
sons,  256 ;  his  wife,  261  ;  his 
death,  261  ;  extinction  of  the 
male  line  of  his  family,  282. 
See  Carlos,  Felipe,  Melchior, 
Sahuaraura 


Paytiti,  197 

Peel,  Sir  William,  v 

Penacbis,  savage  tribe  on  the  skirts 

of  the  coast  mountains,  224 
Pepperell,  visit  to  Mr.   Prescott 

at,  vii,  viii 
Peru :      discovery     (see     Xeres), 

hospitality,   ix ;    antiquity  of 

civilisation,     29-31 ;      origin, 

31,  32 ;    list  of  kings,  40,  46, 

306 

Peruvians.     See  Indians 
Pictures  used  for  recording  events, 

141 

Piedrahita.     See  Collantes 
Pietschmann,  Dr.,  librarian  of  the 

university  of  Gottingen,  editor 

of  the  work  of  Sarmiento,  6 ; 

discovered  the  work  of  Hua- 

man  Poma,  16 
Pilco  Cassa,  head-dress  of  aspirants 

at  the  Huarachicu,  132 
Pilcopata,  196 

Pilcosones,  hostile  Indians,  197 
Pinahua,  submits  to  the  Inca,  65, 

80 

Pincos,  175 
Piquillacta  ruins,  319 
Pirua,  41,  230 
Pirua,  dynasty,  42,  48 
Pirua  Paccari  Manco,  first  king  of 

Peru,  42 
Pisco,   peopled   by  Yauyos,   180, 

227 ;   irrigation,  237 
Pissac,  82,  184,  125,  116,  319 
Pitazofi,  222.     See  Naymlap 
Pizarro,  Francisco  :   on  the  coast, 

224 ;     arrival   at   Caxamarca, 

225;    founded  Truxillo,  225; 

murder    of    Atahualpa,    250, 

251 ;      acknowledged     Manco 

Inca,     254 ;      founded    Lima, 

255  ;   murder  of  Manco's  wife, 

257  ;   two  children  by  an  Inca 

princess,  260 
Pizarro,  Francisco  (the  younger), 

265,  271 
Pizarro,  Gonzalo,  258 ;    rebellion, 

269  ;  victory  at  Huarina,  270 ; 

arrival  at  Cuzco,  kindness  to 

Inca  Garcilasso,  271 ;    death, 

271,  276 

FP2 


436 


INDEX 


Pizarro,  Hernando  :  at  Pachaca- 
mac,  234,  238 

Pizarro,  Pedro  :  his  '  relaciones,'  6 

Planets,  names  given  by  Valera, 
117 

Plover.     See  Lleco-lleco 

Pocheoe,  on  the  coast,  Pizarro  at, 
224 

Pocras,  Andean  tribe,  179 

Polo  de  Ondegardo.  See  Onde- 
gardo 

Polylepia  racemosa.     See  Quenuar 

Pomares,  Felipe  de :  on  Inca 
treasure,  288  n. 

Pongos,  fishermen  on  the  coast, 
239 

Popayan,  Bishop  of :  with  the 
Viceroy  Toledo  on  his  journey, 
289 ;  protests  against  the 
murder  of  Tupac  Amaru,  295 

Potatoes,  23 ;  antiquity  of  culti- 
vation, 30 

Pottery,  at  Nasoa,  177,  230; 
Chimu,  213,  214;  Yea,  229, 
230 ;  Inca,  320 

Prayers  of  the  Incas,  98,  100, 
101,  102,  143 

Prescott,  Mr. :  '  Conquest  of  Peru,' 
v,  vi  ;  visit  of  author  to,  vii ; 
conversations  with,  vii,  viii ; 
manuscript  of  Betanzos  copied 
for,  4 ;  mistake  about  the 
second  part  of  Cieza  de  Leon, 
4  n.  ;  his  copy  of  Pedro 
Pizarro's  '  Relaciones,'  6  ;  and 
of  Polo  de  Ondegardo,  7 ; 
quotes  Acosta,  9 ;  Cieza  de 
Leon,  4  n.  ;  story  of  Spanish 
invasion,  251 ;  story  of  siege 
of  Cuzco,  255 ;  use  of  Garci- 
lasso  de  la  Vega,  280.  See 
Belaunde 

Priego,  Marquis  of,  276 

Priests,  106, 108.     See  Uittac  Umu 

Prosopis  horrida.     See  Algaroba 

Pucara,  battle  at,  45,  190,  273; 
stronghold  of  the  Collas,  189 

Pudlac  huamra,  class  of  boys,  162 

Pumacagua,  insurrection,  144 ; 
had  seen  the  Inca  treasure, 
251  n.,  288  n. 

Puna  island,  184 


Punchau,  name  of  the  sun,  116 

prayer  to,  98 

Punchau  Chinan.     See  Adla 
Puncu  or  Pongo.     See  Rapids 
Punuc    rucu,   class    of   very   old 

men,  161 

Puquina,  dialect.     See  Urus 
Puric,  the  unit,  head  of  a  family, 

160 ;   his  responsibility,  161 
Purun-pacha,  remote  times,  230 


QUAIL.    See  Chuy 

Qudlua,  Andean  gull,  79 

Quenuar  (Polylepia  racemosa),  22, 
80 

Quichua  tribe :  study  of  the 
language,  vi ;  songs  collected, 
ix,  156 ;  dictionaries  by  the 
author,  xi  n. ;  their  country, 
92;  dramas,  147,  148-56; 
name  given  by  grammarians 
to  the  Runa-simi  or  general 
language  of  Peru,  137,  138, 
174,  312  ;  their  fortresses,  174, 
175 ;  derivation  of  the  word 
by  Mossi,  174.  See  Holguin, 
Justiniani,  Mossi,  Santo  Tomas, 
Torres  Rubio 

Quicuchica,  ceremony  for  girls, 
136,  168 

Quilacu  :  love  episode,  10  ;  sent 
on  an  embassy  to  Huascar : 
treatment,  244  ;  reception  by 
the  Ccoya,  245 ;  in  love  with 
Curi  Coyllur,  244;  betrothed 
246 ;  in  command  of  reserve 
of  Atahualpa's  army,  247 ; 
wounded :  rescued  by  Curi 
Coyllur,  247;  marriage,  282 

Quilla,  the  moon,  117  ;  month,  117 

Quillaguas,  a  tribe  of  Colla-suyu, 
186 

Quilh'scancha,  suburb  of  Cuzco,  85, 
86 

Quina-quina,  157 

Quinine.     See  Chinchona 

Quinua,  22 

Quinones,  Antonio,  brother-in-law 
of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega : 
flight  with  him,  273 

Quinti'Cancha.    See  Inti-cancha 


INDEX 


437 


Quipaypa,  near  Cuzco :  Atahn- 
alpa's  army  at,  249  ;  school- 
boys go  out  hawking  there,  266 

Quipu  records :  list  of  ancient 
kings  derived  from,  41 ;  re- 
ferred to  by  Siuyacu,  59  ;  de- 
scription, 139  ;  uses,  139,  140, 
141,  271 ;  learnt  by  Inca 
Garcilasso,  271  ;  used  as  au- 
thorities by  Valera,  305 

Quipucamayocs,  recorders,  41,  106, 
139,  142 

Quiquisana,  126 

Quirau,  or  cradle,  135 

Quirirmanta,  fourth  station  of 
the  Ayars,  52 

Quispicancha,  95,  270 

Quispi  Titu,  son  of  Cusi  Titu 
Yupanqui :  befriended  by 
Martin  Ampuero,  297 

Quisuar  (Buddleia  Incana),  22,  80 

Quito  conquest,  93,  95,  164,  173, 
182,  198;  death  of  Huayna 
Ccapac  at,  95,  242;  Balboa 
wrote  at,  221  n. ;  Atahualpa 
not  born  at,  241  n. 

Qiiitu,  a  dove,  82 

Quizquiz,  a  Quito  general,  242 ; 
in  command  of  Atahualpa's 
army,  247 ;  repulsed :  took 
Huascar  prisoner,  249,  250 ; 
met  his  deserts,  251 

RAMOS  GALIVAN  :  his  work  on  the 
church  of  Copacabana,  10  ;  ac- 
count of  mitimaes  at  Juli,  314 

Ransom,  for  Atahualpa,  250,  251 

Ranti,  name,  46 

Rapids  on  Amazonian  rivers, 
called  puncu,  193.  See  Man- 
seriche,  Salto  de  Aguirre, 
Canchaguayo,  Mainique 

Raua  or  Rava,  49 

Raymi,  name,  44.  See  Festivals, 
Months 

Reiss.Dr. :  researches  at  Ancon,  227 

Roads,  320 

Rimac-pampa,  95 

Rocca,  46,  56,  58 

Rodadero,  rock  near  the  fortress 
of  Cuzco  :  place  for  toboggan- 
ing, 266 


Rodriguez,  de  Figueroa,  Diego  : 
embassy  to  Cusi  Titu  Yupanqui 
285,  291 ;  wrote  an  account 
of  the  mission,  291 

Rosa,  Dr.  Gonzalez  de  la  :  printed 
the  second  part  of  the  chronicle 
of  Cieza  de  Leon,  4  ».;  his 
researches  respecting  the  work 
of  Valera,  13 ;  information 
from,  respecting  Tiahuanacu, 
25 ;  on  the  list  of  kings  in 
Montesinos,  40 ;  his  edition 
of  Carrera's  grammar,  220 ; 
questions  Garcilasso 's  integrity, 
280 ;  proved  that  the  anony- 
mous Jesuit  was  Valera,  303 

Rosas,  Dr.,  Cura  of  Chinchero : 
had  a  copy  of  Ottantay,  148 

Rumihuasi  pass,  ix 

Rumi-naui,  a  Quito  general,  242, 
266 

Runa-huana,  ravine,  180 

Runa-simi,  the  general  language, 
137,  138.  See  Quichua 

Runtu-caya,  of  Anta,  wife  of 
Uira-cocha  Inca,  77 

Rutuchicu,  ceremony  of  naming 
boys,  135,  167 


SAAVEDRA,  Don  Bautista  :    views 

on  the  ayttu  communities,  171 
Saavedra,  Dr.  Maldonado :    gave 

the  Valera  manuscripts  to  Inca 

Garcilasso,  278 
Sacrifices,  180 ;   human,  109 
Sacsahuaman  hill :  fortress  on,  32, 

33 ;  Chingana  cave  on,  60.   See 

Rocca 

Sacsahuana.     See  Saquis-ahuana 
Sahuaraura,  Dr.  Justo :    claimed 

descent   from   Prince   Paullu, 

282  n. 
St.  Paul's,  Dean  of.     See  Milman, 

Dr. 
Salcamayhua  :  antiquities  of  Peru, 

translated  by  the  author,  x  n.  ; 

account    of    his     work,     16 ; 

makes  Urco  a  reigning  Inca, 

90  n. ;    temple  to  Uira-cocha, 

97,  98  ;  Tarapaca  and  Tonapa, 

names  of  Uira-cocha's  servants, 


438 


INDEX 


105  n. ;  version  of  the  Paccari- 
tampu  myth,  140,  280 

Salinlllas,  name  of  the  horse  of 
Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  270,  271 

Salto  de  Aguirre.     See  Huallaga 

Sana,  coast  valley,  208 

Sanchez,  schoolmaster  to  Mestizos 
at  Cuzco,  264 

San  Cristoval,  church  at  Cuzco, 
256,  286 

Sancu,  pudding  at  Situa  festival, 
126 

San  Damian,  in  Huarochiri,  230 

San  Domingo,  convent  at  Cuzco : 
copy  of  Ollantay  at,  148 

San  Lorenzo,  island,  v,  227 

Sanoc  tribe :  followers  of  the 
Ayars,  50,  65 

Santa,  coast  valley,  208 

Santa  Ana,  church  at  Cuzco : 
portraits  of  Incas,  121 

Santillan  :  '  Relacion,'  xi  n.,  7,  169 

Santo  Tomas,  Domingo  de :  his 
grammar  of  the  general  lan- 
guage gave  it  the  name  of 
Quichua,  312 

Saquis-ahuana,  84,  89,  90  ;  mean- 
ing of  the  words,  90  ». ;  cor- 
rupted to  Xaquix  AJiuana 
and  Sacs  Ahuana,  90.  :See 
Caquia 

Sara  Mama,  1 12 

Sarmiento,  Pedro  de :  voyages 
translated  by  the  author,  xi  7?. ; 
history  of  the  Incas,  xi  n. ; 
manuscript  at  Gottingen, 
edited  by  Dr.  Pietschmann,  5  ; 
account  of,  special  value,  6, 280 ; 
version  of  the  Paccari-tampu 
myth,  49-57  ;  his  dates,  55  ; 
gives  Tahuapaca  as  the  name 
of  Uira-cocha's  servant,  101 ; 
on  human  sacrifices,  109 ; 
method  of  recording  events, 
140  ;  condition  of  Peru  before 
the  Incas,  159  ;  Inca's  voyage 
to  the  Galapagos  islands,  184, 
185 ;  Inca  invasion  of  the 
coast,  223  ;  survivals  of  Incas, 
254  ;  with  the  Viceroy  Toledo 
on  his  journey  of  inspection,  289 

Sausiru,  farm,  135 


8aya  huamrac,  class  of  children, 
162 

Sayri-cancha,  56 

Sayri    Tupac,    son    and    heir    of 
Manco  Inca,  259  ;   tournament 
at  his  baptism,  268  ;    induced 
to   come  to   Lima,   273,   274 
return  to  Cuzco,  death,  274 
his  wife  Cusi  Huarcay,   274 
marriage   of   his   daughter   to 
Loyola,     274 ;      received    the 
ttautu     of      Atahualpa     from 
Miguel  Astete,  274 

Schinus  molle,  berry  used  to 
flavour  chicha,  127.  See  Molle 

Schools.     See  Yacha-huasi 

Sec,  peculiar  language  on  the 
coast,  220 

Sechura,  on  the  coast,  220 

Sicuani,  113 ;  Dr.  Valdez,  Cura 
of,  148 

Sillustani,  chulpas  or  Colla  burial 
towera,  187,  319 

Silva,  Diego  de,  godfather  of 
Inca  Garcilasso,  264 

Simaponte,  Tupac  Amaru  cap- 
tured at,  293 

Sinchi,  chief,  159 

Sinchi  Rocca,  56 

Siquillapampa,  the  Ccoya  Mama 
Rahua's  residence  at,  244,  245, 
247 

Situa,  festival,  125-7 

Siuyacu,  mother  of  Rocca  :  revo- 
lution arranged  by,  58,  59; 
urges  reforms,  66 

Socialism  under  the  Incas,  169 

Socso  or  Sucso,  bastard  of  Inca 
Uira-cocha,  77,  84 

Socyac,  diviners,  107 

Solar  observations,  115,  116 

Solorzano,  Juan  de  :  his  '  Politica 
Indiana,'  8 

Solstices,  115 

Solstitial  pillars,  115 

Sondor-huasi,  319 

Songs :  harvest  song,  70  ;  Huari, 
131;  Haylli,  132;  Yarahui, 
135 ;  mythical  song,  143 ;  love 
songs,  156 

Soothsayers.     See  Diviners 

Sora,  an  intoxicating  spirit,  128 


INDEX 


439 


Sora  :  tribe  subdued,  92,  176 

Soto,  Hernando  de :  befriended 
Quilacu  and  Curi  Coyllur,  252 ; 
history  of  his  Florida  expedi- 
tion, 277 

Soto,  Juan  de,  officer  of  the  court : 
at  the  execution  of  Tupac 
Amaru,  295 

Soto,  Leonor  de,  daughter  of  Curi 
Coyllur  and  Hernando  de  Soto  : 
married  to  a  notary  named 
Carrillo,  252 

Spaniards  :   arrival   on  the  coast, 

224  ;    reach  Caxamarca,  225  ; 
destruction  of  the  coast  people, 

225  ;    at  Caxamarca,  249  ;    on 
the    march    to    Cuzco,    251  ; 
Manco  made  reprisals  on,  257  ; 
invasion  of  Vilcapampa,  293, 
294 ;      disastrous     results     of 
their  rule,  299,  300-10 

Spencer's  '  Sociology  '  :  his  view 
respecting  Inca  rule  based  on 
inaccurate  information,  171 

Spruce,  Mr. :  on  ancient  aqueducts 
in  the  Chira  valley,  207;  de- 
scribes Chimu  plates  covered 
with  figures,  213 ;  collected 
words  of  a  coast  language,  220 

Squier :  opinion  as  to  origin  of 
Peruvian  civilisation,  31  ;  de- 
scribed the  Chimu  ruins,  209  ; 
and  irrigation  works,  218 ; 
best  authority  on  Inca  archi- 
tecture, 319,  320 

Stars :  number  of  names  given  by 
different  authorities,  117.  See 
Chasca 

Stereoxylon  patens.     See  Tasta 

Stipa  Ychu,  grass,  22,  81 

Stubel,  Dr.  :  researches  at  Ancon, 
227 

Sucanca,  solstitial  pillars,  115 

Sucso.     See  Socso 

Sun  worship  :  names,  116  ;  ances- 
tral worship,  46,  49,  63,  104, 
110,  168.  See  Temple 

Suntur  Paucar,  insignia  of  the 
Inca,  131,  132 

Supreme  Being.     See  Uira-cocha 

Surimani,  the  chief  of.  See  Con- 
dorcanqui 


Suriti  plain,  81,  83,  243,  248 
Susur   Puquio,    vision   of    Prince 

Cusi  at,  86 
Sutic,    window   of    the    Paccari 

tampu  cave,  49 


TACNA,  164,  173  :  peopled  by  the 

Collas,  187,  239 
Tahuapaca,  servant  of  Uira-cocha 

according  to  Sarmiento,   101, 

103  n. 

Tambopata  river,  193 
Tampu    tribe:    came  out  of   the 

Sutic  window  at  Paccari-tampu, 

49,  55,  65 
Tampus  or  tambos,  list  of,  on  the 

roads,  given  by  Huaman  Poma, 

18 
Tampu-chacay,  murderer  of  Ayar 

Cachi,  52 
Tampu- quiru  and  Pallata,  second 

station  of  the  Avars,  51 
Tampu-tocco :  dynasty,  45,  46,  47, 

48  ;   three  windows  in  the  bill, 

49,  80 
Tangarara,  on   the    Chira :     first 

Spanish  settlement,  224 
Tapacri,  near  Cochapampa,  estate 

of  Garcilasso  de  la  Vega,  273 
Tarapaca,  fossil  ant-eaters,  38 
Tarapaca,  one  name  of  the  servant 

of  Uira-cocha,  101,  103  n.    See 

Tahuapaca,  Tuapaca,  Tonapa 
Tarpuntay  tribe,  followers  of  the 

Ayars,  50,  65 
Tarpuntay,  sacrificing  priest,  108, 

109 

Tasta,  a  shrub,  80 
Tauri-chumbi,   chief  of  Pachaca- 

mac,  235 
Tempellec,  last  of    the    Naymlap 

dynasty  at  Lambayeque,  222 
Temple  ot  the  Sun,  56,  62,   104, 

322 ;'  to  Uira-cocha,  97,  121  ; 

to   the   Moon,    216,   221 ;     at 

Lambayeque,  called  Chot,  222 
Ternaux  Compans :    his  copy  of 

Can-era's     grammar     in     the 

British  Museum,  220  ;   edition 

of  Montesinos,  12  ;  translation 

of  Balboa,  221  n. 


440 


INDEX 


Teruel,  Pedro  de  :  work  lost,  10 
Theresa,     H.R.H.     Princess     of 
Bavaria,  113 

Thrush.     See  Chihua 

Thunder  and  lightning,  worship 
of,  104,  117 

Tiahuanacu :  described,  23,  24 ; 
account  in  the  work  of  Oliva, 
24  ;  monolithic  doorway,  25  ; 
central  figure,  25,  26  ;  kneeling 
figures,  27  ;  mystery  surround- 
ing origin,  28  ;  myth,  28,  29  ; 
name,  29  ;  evidence  of  Acosta 
and  Cieza  de  Leon,  29 ; 
Tiahuanacu  and  Chavin  work 
compared,  35,  36 ;  carving, 
42 ;  Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui  at, 
191 

Tici  or  Tecce,  attribute  of  the 
deity,  41 

Tin:  principal  source,  191 

Titicaca  lake :  basin  of,  ix ; 
region  around,  21,  38,  92 ; 
Titi,  a  clerical  error,  probably 
Inticaca,  103  n. ;  myth,  28,  48, 
103  n. ;  basin  of,  186,  187  ; 
palace  on  Coati  island,  191 

Titu.     See  Curi  Coyllur 

Titu  Atauchi,  son  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  241 ;  attacked  Spanish 
rear  at  Tocto  and  made  some 
prisoners,  263  ;  friendship  with 
Francisco  de  Chaves,  253 

Tocapu,  brocade  invented  by  Inca 
Uira-cocha,  90,  122 

Tocay  Ccapac,  chief  of  Ayamarca, 
68,  71,  72,  73 

Tocco,  windows,  49.  See  Tampu- 
tocco 

Toota  Cuca,  mother  of  Atahualpa, 
241 

Tocto,  defeat  of  Spaniards  at,  253 

Toguaru,  conquest  of,  91  n. 

Tola  (Baccharis  Incarum),  22 

Toledo,  Don  Francisco  de,  viceroy 
of  Peru  :  his  journey  of  inspec- 
tion, 7,  289;  his  prolific  legisla- 
tion, 8,  15,  298 ;  examination 
of  Indians  respecting  Inca 
history,  289  ;  arrival  at  Cuzco, 
290;  godfather  to  Melchior 
Carlos  Inca,  290;  ordered  the 


invasion  of  Vilcapampa,  292  ; 

*•     the  Inca  brought  before  him, 

;  294 ;  entreated  to  spare  the 
Inca,  295 ;  his  banishment  of 
the  Inca  family,  297  ;  perse- 
cution of  mestizos,  298 ;  his 
disgrace  doubtful,  299 

Tomay  Huaraca,  chief  of  the 
Chancas,  83,  86,  89 

Tono  river,  193,  196 

Tonapa,  Lafone  on  the  cult  of, 
99».,  101 

Topography.     See  Geography 

Topu,  measure  of  land.   161 

Torres  Rubio,  Quichua  dictionary, 
vi,  313  ;  Aymara  dictionary, 
192,  315,  316 

Treasure,  of  the  Incas,  251  and  note, 
288  ;  in  the  palace  of  Huayna 
Ccapac,  267 ;  of  the  Chimu, 
210,  211 

Tropoeolum,  80 

Truxillo,  Chimu  ruins  near,  208  ; 
founded  by  Pizarro,  225 

Ttdhuantin-suyu,  the  official  name 
*of  the  empire  of  the  Incas,  173 

Ttanta  raquizic:  class  of  boys,  162 

Ttantana  Marca,  caves  for  inter- 
ment on  the,  112 

Tuapaca.     See  Tarapaca 

Tucuman,  31,  32,  36,  173;  con- 
quest, 190 

Tucuyricocs,  or  overseers,  162 

Tulumayu,  torrent  at  Cuzco,  65, 
66,  79 

Tumbez :  acquired  by  Tupac  Inca 
Yupanqui,  184,  185,  208; 
Spaniards  start  from,  224 

Tumi,  dagger,  knife,  292 

Tumipampa,  palace,  182 ;  body 
of  Huayna  Ccapac  taken  to, 
242;  thence  to  Cuzco,  243; 
Huascar's  army  defeated  at,  246 

Tupac  Amaru  Inca,  son  of  Manco, 
259 :  accession,  great  cere- 
mony, 290,  292;  innocent  of 
the  deaths  of  Ortiz,  Pando, 
and  Afiaya,  292  ;  captured  by 
Loyola,  293  ;  brought  before 
Toledo,  294 ;  scene  at  his 
execution,  294 ;  last  words, 
295,  296  n.  ;  worship  of  his 


INDEX 


441 


head  by  the  people,  296,  297  ; 

fate  of  his  children,  298 
Tupac  Ayar  Manco,  son  of  Inca 

Pachacuti,    conqueror    of    the 

Collas,  189 
Tupac  Cusi,  51 
Tupac  Paucar,  son  of  Uira-cocha 

Inca :      joined     his     younger 

brother  Cusi,  against  the  Chan- 

cas,  85 
Tupac  Inca  Yupanqui :  chosen  as 

heir  by  Inca  Pachacuti,   92 ; 

conquests,  93  ;    his  reign,  94  ; 

built  the  palace  at  Huanuco, 

182;     generalship,    183,    185; 

voyage     to     the      Galapagos 

Islands,    184,    185 ;    conquest 

of  Colla-suyu,  189  ;    system  of 
•"  colonising,     191  ;      built    the 

palace  at  Coati,  191 ;  campaign 

in  Anti-suyu,  195,  196  ;  in  the 

drama  of  Ollantay,  148,   332; 

his  daughter  married  the  father 

of  Huaman  Poma,  17 
Tupac  Yauri,  golden  sceptre,  121 
Tuya,  singing-bird,  82 
Tuyara,  a  Quichua  stronghold,  174 


UCAYALI,  river,   193 ;   rapid,  193 

Uhle,   Dr.   Max :    on  llamitas  as 

offerings   to  the   earth  spirit, 

113  ;  inquiry  about  the  golden 

breastplate,      119 ;       Choque- 

quirao,    319 ;   investigation  of 

rums,  Pachacamac,  320 

Uilca  Chucu,  head-dress  of  the  high 

priest,  105 
Uiicas,  priests,  106 
Uilca,  ancient  name  of  the  sun,  116 
Uilca  Camayoc,  recorder  of  sacri- 
fices,  108 

Uilcanota.     See  Vilcanota 
Uittac    Uma,   high  priest  of   the 
Sun  :    his  position,  life,  dress, 
105 ;      went    to     Chile     with 
Almagro,  255 

Uinapu,  an  intoxicating  spirit,  128 

Uira-cocha,  name  of  the  Deity,  41, 

97  ;      conception     of,      41-2 ; 

temple^to,  97  ;  prayers  to,  100, 

102  ;  names  of  servants,  101  n. 


Uira-cocha  Inca,  name  taken  by 
Hatun  Tupac,  76,  77;  his 
sons,  77 ;  intrigues  for  Urco 
to  succeed,  83 ;  flight  from 
Cuzco,  84 ;  spoils  of  Chanca 
victory  sent  to,  87,  89 ;  death, 
90  ;  invented  tocapu,  90 

Uiscacha,  Andean  rodent,  23,  79 

Ulloma.     See  Mastodon 

Uma  Raymi,  month,  Oct.-Nov., 
118,  127 

Umasayus,  175 

Urco,  bastard  of  Uira-cocha  Inca, 
77,  83 ;  intrigues  about  his 
succession,  84 ;  fled  with  his 
father,  84,  87  ;  rebellion  and 
death,  90 ;  made  to  succeed 
as  a  reigning  Inca  by  Cieza 
de  Leon,  Fernandez  Herrera, 
and  Salcamayhua,  90  n. 

Urco  Huaranca,  chief  of  Quillis- 
cacha,  a  suburb  of  Cuzco : 
faithful  to  Prince  Cusi,  85,  86  ; 
sent  with  spoils  of  the  Chanca 
victory  to  Uira-cocha  Inca,  87 

Urcos,  76 

Urpi,  a  dove,  82 

Urpi  Huachac,  wife  of  Pachaca- 
mac, 233 

Uru  tribe,  followers  of  the  Ayars, 
50  ;  settled  at  Urupampa,  55  ; 
Hurin  Cuzcos,  65 

Urus  tribe,  on  lake  Titicaca,  speak- 
ing Puquina,  187 

Usca  Paucar,  Quichua  drama,  156 

Uscovilca,  joint  founder  of  the 
Chanca  nation,  83 ;  image 
carried  before  the  Chanca 
army,  83,  86 

Usutas,  sandals,  122,  292  ;  for  the 
youths  at  the  Huarachicu, 
129 

Uturuncu  Achachi,  in  command 
of  a  column  invading  the 
montana,  195,  196 ;  to  com- 
plete the  conquests,  197 


VACA  DE  CASTRO,  Cristoval,  256, 

257,  264 
Vadillo,  service  of  Cieza  de  Leon 

under,  2 


442 


INDEX 


Valdez,  Dr.  Antonio,  Cura  of 
Sicuani :  reduced  the  drama 
of  Ollantay  to  writing,  145, 
325 

Valera,  Bias,  same  as  the  '  anony- 
mous Jesuit '  :  translated  by 
the  author,  xi  n.,  account  of, 
12,  13  ;  his  works,  13,  14,  303  ; 
compiler  of  the  list  of  kings,  40  ; 
denies  human  sacrifices,  108  ; 
names  of  planets  given  by, 
117  ;  refers  to  Qtdpu  records, 
139,  305  ;  mythical  song  given 
by,  143 ;  Garoilasso  received 
his  manuscripts,  278  ;  Garci- 
lasso's  quotations  from,  279  ; 
credibility  of  the  list  of  kings 
dependent  on  his  evidence, 
303  ;  proofs  of  authorship,  304 

Valera,  Luis  de :  executor  to 
Francisco  de  Chaves,  253  ». 

Valerian,  80 

Valverde,  Friar  Vicente :  his 
'  Carta  Relacion,'  "8 

Vargas,  family,  260,  261,  277 

Vargas,  Alonzo :  uncle  of  Inca 
Garcilasso,  whom  he  adopted 
as  his  heir,  277,  283 

3,  Juan :  uncle  of  Inca 
Garcilasso,  264  ;  slain  at  Hua- 
rina,  270 

Velasco,  '  History  of  Quito ' : 
names  of  months,  118n. ;  on 
Inca  roads,  320 

Vicaquirau,   son   of   Inca   Rocca, 

general,  66  ;  conquests,  75,  77  ; 

against  the  succession  of  Urco, 

83 ;     supported    Prince    Cusi, 

«  85,  86  ;    death,  88 

Vicchu  Tupac,  second  son  of 
Yahuar  Huaccac,  76 

Vichaya,  tree,  in  coast  valley,  205 

Vicuna,  22,  30 

Vilcamayu,  valley  of  the,  author's 
residence  in,  viii ;  65,  77,  81, 
82,  126,  137,  144,  193 

Vilcafiota,  wall  across,  15,  188 ; 
knot  of,  21,  79  ;  name,  44,  78, 
263 

Vilcapampa,  79,  82,  199 ;  retreat 
of  the  Inca  to,  256 ;  descrip- 
tion, 257 ;  Incas  maintain 


independence  in,  259 ;  Sayri 
Tupac  leaves,  273,  274 ;  mis- 
sion to,  290,  291  ;  invasion  by 

^'/Spaniards,  292,  293,  294 

Vilcas-huaman  ruins,  176,  178, 
320  ;  flight  of  Huascar's  army 
to,  248 

Village  communities,  views  of 
Cunow,  171.  See  Aylliis 

Villalobos,  Juan  Rodriguez  de : 
brought  the  first  bullocks  to 
Cuzco,  266 

Villar,  Sefior :  his  copy  of  Car- 
rera's  grammar,  220 

Viracocha.     See   Uira-cocha 

Virgins  of  the  Sun,  106,  107.  See 
Aclla 

Viru,  coast  valley,  208 

Viscacha.     See   Uiscacha 

Vivero,  Friar  Juan  de,  Prior  of 
Augustines :  baptised  Sayri 
Tupac,  290  ;  embassy  to  Cusi 
Titu  Yupanqui,  290 

'  Vocabulario  Historico  del  Peru,' 
by  Valera :  consulted  by 
Oliva,  303 


WIENER  :  review  of  his  conception 
of  Inca  rule,  by  Belaunde,  171  ; 
described  Chimu  ruins,  209 ; 
and  Vilcas-huaman,  320 


Xam.     See  Naymlap 
Xaquixaguana,  a  corrupt  form  of 

Saquis-ahuana,  90  n. 
Xauxa.     See  Jauja 
Xecfuin  Pisan,  chief  of    Lamba- 

yeque,  224,  225 
Xeres  and  Astete  :   reports  on  the 

discovery   of   Peru :     author's 

translation,  x 


Yachachic,  attribute  of  the  deity, 

42 

Yacha-huasi,  schools,  66,  142,  319 
Yacolla,  Royal  mantle,  292 
Yahuar  Huaccac  Inca,  succession, 

75 ;    his   sons,   76.     See   Cusi 

Hualpa 


INDEX 


443 


Yamqui  Pachacuti  Salcamayhua. 

See  Salcamayhua 
Yana-cuna,  servants,  163,  164 
Yanamarca,    battle    at    between 

armies  of  Huascar  and  Atahu- 

alpa,  247 

Yana-simi.     See  Manaris 
Yapaquis,    month,    July-August, 

125 

Yarampuy-cancha,  56 
Yarcacaes,  diviners,  108 
Yarrovilca,     lord     of     Huanuco, 

ancestor  of  Huaman  Poma,  17 
Yauri,  sceptre,  131 
Yauyos,    account    of,    180,    237. 

See  Cauqui 

Yea,    viii ;     coast    valley,    227 ; 
^    pottery,  230  ;  beautiful  maiden 

of,  named   Chumpillaya,   sent 

to  Huascar,  242 

Ychu  (Stipa  Ychu),  grass,  22,  81 
Ychupampa,    Chancas    encamped 

on,  83,  88  ;   same  as  Suriti 
Year  called  huata,  117 
Yma     huayna,    class     of     young 


men,  162  ;   taken  as  colonists, 

164 

Yscuchaca,  81.     See  Iscuchaca 
Yucay,  Inca  palace  at,  82,  286, 

319 
Yunca,   language   of  the   Chimu, 

219 ;     Carrera's   grammar   of, 

220 ;     name    given    to    coast 

valleys,  230 
Yupanqui,  a  royal  title  :  meaning, 

42,  43 

Yutu,  a  partridge,  23,  79,  76  n. 
Yuyac,  adults  for  sacrifice  :  llamas, 

not  men,  109 


Zapote  del  Perro,  a  tree  in  coast 

valleys,  205 
Zaran,     in     the     Piura     valley : 

Pizarro  at,  224 
Zarate,    his    work    on    Peru,    7 ; 

Garcilasso's    quotations   from, 

279  ;  on  Inca  roads,  320 
Zodiac  signs,  117 
Zolzdoni,  wife  of  Cium,  222 


THE    END 


PBINTED  BY 

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LONDON  AND  ETON 


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